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Journal articles on the topic 'Irish Republican Army'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 29 July 2024

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1

Ilardi, Gaetano Joe. "Irish Republican Army Counterintelligence." International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence 23, no. 1 (December 2009): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08850600903347152.

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2

Frost, Jason. "The IRA, The Irish Republican Army." National Identities 20, no. 5 (August 16, 2017): 539–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14608944.2017.1355955.

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3

Finn, Daniel. "Republicanism and the Irish Left." Historical Materialism 24, no. 1 (April 28, 2016): 181–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-12341457.

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The Irish national revolution of 1916–23 left behind a partitioned island, with a northern segment that remained part of the United Kingdom and a southern ‘Free State’ – later to become a Republic – that was dominated by conservative forces. Most of those who had been involved in the struggle for national independence peeled off to form new parties in the 1920s, leaving behind a rump of militant Irish republicans. Sinn Féin and its military wing, the Irish Republican Army, would pose the greatest threat to political stability in the two Irish states. Although the Irish left has historically been among the weakest in Western Europe, repeated attempts have been made to fuse republicanism with socialism, from the Republican Congress in the 1930s to the Official Republican Movement of the 1970s and ’80s. At present, Sinn Féin poses the main electoral challenge to the conservative parties in the southern state, while holding office in a devolved administration north of the border. Eoin Ó Broin’s Sinn Féin and the Politics of Left Republicanism offers an assessment of these efforts from a leading Sinn Féin activist who maintains a certain critical distance from his own party’s approach, while The Lost Revolution by Brian Hanley and Scott Millar and INLA: Deadly Divisions give comprehensive accounts of two earlier left-republican projects.

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4

Hoey, Paddy. "Dissident and dissenting republicanism: From the Good Friday/Belfast Agreement to Brexit." Capital & Class 43, no. 1 (January 7, 2019): 73–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0309816818818088.

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The 1998 Good Friday/Belfast Peace Agreement was almost universally supported by nationalists in Northern Ireland, and Sinn Féin’s high-profile role in the discussions was the foundation upon which it would transform itself from the political wing of the Provisional Irish Republican Army to second biggest party at Stormont. However, dissidents pointed out that the compromises made by Sinn Féin during the Peace Process were a sell-out of the political and ideological aspirations held by republicans for at least a century. New dissident groups emerged in opposition to the course taken by Sinn Féin, and the period since 1998 has been one of the most dynamic in republican history since the Irish Civil War. New political parties and organisations like the 32 County Sovereignty Movement, éirígí, Republican Network for Unity and Saoradh emerged reflecting this state of flux and the existential fears felt by those for whom the Good Friday Agreement fell far short of delivering the republican aspiration of a united Ireland. Although Brexit provided a curious and fortunate opportunity for momentary public attention, these groups have remained peripheral actors in the Irish and British political public spheres.

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5

Gill, Paul. "Tactical Innovation and the Provisional Irish Republican Army." Studies in Conflict & Terrorism 40, no. 7 (September 16, 2016): 573–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1057610x.2016.1237221.

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6

White, Robert W. "The Irish republican army: An assessment of sectarianism." Terrorism and Political Violence 9, no. 1 (March 1997): 20–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09546559708427385.

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7

Horgan, John, and Max Taylor. "Proceedings of the Irish republican army general army convention, December 1969." Terrorism and Political Violence 9, no. 4 (December 1997): 151–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09546559708427434.

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8

McKinley, Michael. "'Irish Mist': Eight Clouded Views of the Provisional Irish Republican Army." Australian Quarterly 57, no. 3 (1985): 203. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20635327.

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9

English, Richard. "Socialism and republican schism in Ireland: the emergence of the Republican Congress in 1934." Irish Historical Studies 27, no. 105 (May 1990): 48–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400010300.

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In the words of one veteran communist, the Irish republican movement has experienced throughout its existence ‘a constant searching’ on social issues. In 1934 the Irish Republican Army (I.R.A.) was fractured when a group of members who believed in socialism seceded to establish the Republican Congress movement. This article will examine a programme for government published early in 1934 by the I.R.A., consider the schism that occurred in March 1934, giving rise to the Republican Congress, and describe the aims, character and early activities of the new movement. It will be argued that there existed among republicans in 1934 two significant interpretations of the relationship between social radicalism and republican philosophy. The first involved a multi-class, Gaelic communalism. Public and private ownership were to be blended in post-revolutionary Ireland and emphasis was placed on class harmony rather than class struggle. Advocates of this approach employed radical rhetoric but tended to avoid any tangible involvement in immediate social struggle. Socio-economic radicalism was effectively obscured by nationalism. The second interpretation was socialist. This held that class conflict and the national struggle were necessarily complementary. Any attempt to restrain the social advance until independence had been achieved was ill-advised, since the republic could only be won through a struggle that was deeply imbued with class struggle.

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10

Bell, J. Bowyer. "The Irish republican army enters an endgame: An overview." Studies in Conflict & Terrorism 18, no. 3 (January 1995): 153–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10576109508435977.

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11

Horgan, John, and Max Taylor. "The provisional Irish republican army: Command and functional structure." Terrorism and Political Violence 9, no. 3 (September 1997): 1–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09546559708427413.

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12

Malešević, Siniša, and Niall Ó Dochartaigh. "Why combatants fight: the Irish Republican Army and the Bosnian Serb Army compared." Theory and Society 47, no. 3 (April 17, 2018): 293–326. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11186-018-9315-9.

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13

Starostin, Vitaly Viktorovich. "Reconstruction of the conflict: IRA foundation in the British military assessments." Samara Journal of Science 9, no. 1 (February 28, 2020): 216–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/snv202091217.

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The paper examines the views of the British military on the process of becoming one of the first paramilitary organizations in the history - the Irish Republican Army (IRA). Special attention is paid to how the British military was one of the first to try to explain this new phenomenon. The paper analyzes the reasons for the British militarys rejection of such concepts as guerrilla warfare, Irish rebels, etc. The main reasons that formed the views of the British military on the IRA as a criminal group and a gang of murderers are investigated (the need for counter-propaganda against the Irish and some British media of the time; the fundamental atypy of both the Anglo-Irish conflict and the Irish Republican army; the weakness of the British military intelligence in Ireland, whose employees were later able to approach the answer to the question of the IRA origin). The methodological basis of the paper, which helps to understand the British militarys misunderstanding of the IRA phenomenon, is the theory of the Irish historian P. Hart, who argues that the insurgency as a whole always has three ways of development: passive waiting, defense and attack. It is the choice of one of the three paths that determines what form the conflict will take and how power relations in paramilitary groups will be redefined.

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14

Ackerman, Gary. "The Provisional Irish Republican Army and the Development of Mortars." Journal of Strategic Security 9, no. 1 (March 2016): 12–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.5038/1944-0472.9.1.1501.

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15

Bloom, Mia, Paul Gill, and John Horgan. "Tiocfaidh ár Mná: Women in the Provisional Irish Republican Army." Behavioral Sciences of Terrorism and Political Aggression 4, no. 1 (January 2012): 60–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19434472.2011.631345.

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16

HART, PETER. "THE SOCIAL STRUCTURE OF THE IRISH REPUBLICAN ARMY, 1916–1923." Historical Journal 42, no. 1 (March 1999): 207–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x98008176.

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Based on a sample of about 5,000 members, this article offers the first comprehensive social profile of the IRA covering the entire period of the Irish revolution. The picture that emerges is of an organization composed largely of unpropertied, unmarried, young men of the middling classes, increasingly disproportionately dominated by urban, skilled, and socially mobile activists. Officers tended to be slightly older and of slightly higher social status than their men. Sinn Fein activists were older again but otherwise shared these characteristics, as did the IRA in Britain. This dependence on urban and skilled or white-collar members, the reverse of what republicans and most historians have believed, may be attributable to a combination of the greater risks and greater organizational opportunities faced by the IRA in towns. Nevertheless, the movement did attract rural and labouring members, and did to some extent transcend class and geographical boundaries. IRA units were almost never segregated along class lines, and were usually built around familial and neighbourhood networks. Also, as the revolution progressed, activists' previous social identities were superseded by a new and essentially egalitarian identity as comrades and guerrillas.

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17

White, Robert W. "The Irish Republican Army and sectarianism: Moving beyond the anecdote." Terrorism and Political Violence 9, no. 2 (June 1997): 120–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09546559708427406.

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18

Bosi, Lorenzo. "Explaining Pathways to Armed Activism in the Provisional Irish Republican Army, 1969–1972." Social Science History 36, no. 3 (2012): 347–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s014555320001186x.

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In this article three pathways into armed activism are identified among those who joined the Provisional Irish Republican Army (PIRA) in Northern Ireland between 1969 and 1972. The accounts of former volunteers generally suggest that for those who were already involved in the Republican movement before 1969, a trajectory of mobilization emerged because of the long-standing counterhegemonic consciousness present in their homes, which in turn strongly influenced them as committed Republican militants. For those who joined after 1969 and had previously been involved in other political activities, mobilization was a result of a particular transformative event that triggered the belief that armed struggle was the only approach capable of bringing change in the new sociopolitical situation of the time. For the majority, that is, those who joined after 1969 at a very young age without any previous involvement in organized networks of activism, it began as a more abruptly acquired sense of obligation to defend their own community and retaliate against the Northern Ireland establishment, the Loyalists, and the British army. Overall, the accounts of former volunteers generally suggest that Republican volunteers were fighting first and foremost to reclaim dignity, build honor, and instill a sense of pride in themselves and their community through armed activism. In these terms, the choice of joining the PIRA was justified not as a mere reproduction of an ideological alignment to the traditional Republican aim of achieving Irish reunification but as part of a recognition struggle. At an analytic level, this article illustrates the utility of a multimechanisms interpretative framework. And it contributes to broadening the empirical basis by presenting and analyzing a series of 25 semistructured interviews with former PIRA volunteers.

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19

TENCH, STEPHEN, HANNAH FRY, and PAUL GILL. "Spatio-temporal patterns of IED usage by the Provisional Irish Republican Army." European Journal of Applied Mathematics 27, no. 3 (January 20, 2016): 377–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956792515000686.

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In this paper, a unique dataset of improvised explosive device attacks during “The Troubles” in Northern Ireland (NI) is analysed via a Hawkes process model. It is found that this past dependent model is a good fit to improvised explosive device attacks yielding key insights about the nature of terrorism in NI. We also present a novel approach to quantitatively investigate some of the sociological theory surrounding the Provisional Irish Republican Army which challenges previously held assumptions concerning changes seen in the organisation. Finally, we extend our use of the Hawkes process model by considering a multidimensional version which permits both self and mutual-excitations. This allows us to test how the Provisional Irish Republican Army responded to past improvised explosive device attacks on different geographical scales from which we find evidence for the autonomy of the organisation over the six counties of NI and Belfast. By incorporating a second dataset concerning British Security Force (BSF) interventions, the multidimensional model allows us to test counter-terrorism (CT) operations in NI where we find subsequent increases in violence.

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20

Lázaro Lafuente, Luis Alberto. "Two Conflicting Irish Views of the Spanish Civil War." Oceánide 13 (February 9, 2020): 29–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.37668/oceanide.v13i.36.

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The Spanish Civil War sparked a heated debate in the recently created Irish Free State, as the Republic of Ireland was then called. A country that had also gone through an eleven-month civil war after the Anglo-Irish Treaty of 1921 was again divided between those who supported the left-wing democratic Spanish Republican government and those who favoured Franco’s “crusade” against atheists and Marxists. In fact, some Irish volunteers joined the International Brigades to confront Fascism together with the Spanish Republican forces, while other more conservative Irish Catholics were mobilised to fight with Franco’s army against those Reds that the media claimed to be responsible for killing priests and burning churches. Both sections were highly influenced by the news, accounts and interpretations of the Spanish war that emerged at that time. Following Lluís Albert Chillón’s approach to the relations between journalism and literature (1999), this article aims to analyse the war reportages of two Irish writers who describe the Spanish Civil War from the two opposite sides: Peadar O’Donnell (1893–1986), a prominent Irish socialist activist and novelist who wrote Salud! An Irishman in Spain (1937), and Eoin O’Duffy (1892–1944), a soldier, anti-communist activist and police commissioner who raised the Irish Brigade to fight with Franco’s army and wrote The Crusade in Spain (1938). Both contributed to the dissemination of information and ideas about the Spanish conflict with their eyewitness accounts, and both raise interesting questions about the relations between fact, fiction and the truth, using similar narrative strategies and rhetorical devices to portray different versions of the same war.

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21

McIntyre, Anthony. "Timothy Shanahan:The Provisional Irish Republican Army and the Morality of Terrorism." Democracy and Security 7, no. 3 (July 2011): 289–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17419166.2011.600599.

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22

DNES, ANTONY W., and GRAHAM BROWNLOW. "The formation of terrorist groups: an analysis of Irish republican organizations." Journal of Institutional Economics 13, no. 3 (January 16, 2017): 699–723. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1744137416000461.

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AbstractWe examine the history of the organization of the Irish Republican Army (IRA) and assess whether Republican terrorism reflected the possession of valuable group-specific human capital within the terrorist cell. The analysis is motivated by economic models of the formation of specialized groups. We also note the public-goods co-ordination problem facing terrorist groups, given their inability to use mainstream enforcement mechanisms. Of particular interest are four well-defined historical examples of factionalism within the IRA. The history of Irish republicanism is consistent with the prediction that increasing the opportunities for cell members outside of life in the organization, particularly through amnesty, destabilizes the organization but leaves a hardcore of remaining terrorists. The gap between terrorist characteristics and those belonging to members of wider society is more gradated than predicted.

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23

Wahidin, Azrini, and Jason Powell. "“The Irish Conflict” and the experiences of female ex-combatants in the Irish Republican Army." International Journal of Sociology and Social Policy 37, no. 9/10 (September 12, 2017): 555–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijssp-05-2016-0052.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to critically explore the importance of the experiences of female former combatants during the Irish Conflict, colloquially known as “The Troubles” and outline key moments of resistance for female political prisoners during their time at Armagh jail. The paper will situate the analysis within a Foucauldian framework drawing on theoretical tools for understanding power, resistance and subjectivity to contextualise and capture rich narratives and experiences. What makes a Foucauldian analysis of former female combatants of the Conflict so inspiring is how the animation and location of problems of knowledge as “pieces” of the larger contest between The State, institutions of power and its penal subjects (ex-female combatants as prisoners). The paper has demonstrated that the body exists through and in culture, the product of signs and meanings, of discourse and practices. Design/methodology/approach This is primarily qualitative methodology underpinned by Foucauldian theory. There were 28 women and 20 men interviewed in the course of this research came from across Ireland, some came from cities and others came from rural areas. Some had spent time in prisons in the UK and others served time in the Republic of Ireland or in the North of Ireland. Many prisoners experienced being on the run and all experienced levels of brutality at the hands of the State. Ethical approval was granted from the Queens University Research Committee. Findings This paper only examines the experiences of female ex-combatants and their narratives of imprisonment. What this paper clearly shows through the narratives of the women is the gendered nature of imprisonment and the role of power, resilience and resistance whilst in prison in Northern Ireland. The voices in this paper disturb and interrupt the silence surrounding the experiences of women political prisoners, who are a hidden population, whilst in prison. Research limitations/implications In terms of research impact, this qualitative research is on the first of its kind to explore both the experiential and discursive narratives of female ex-combatants of the Irish Conflict. The impact and reach of the research illustrates how confinement revealed rich theoretical insights, drawing from Foucauldian theory, to examine the dialectical interplay between power and the subjective mobilisation of resistance practices of ex-combatants in prison in Northern Ireland. The wider point of prison policy and practice not meeting basic human rights or enhancing the quality of life of such prisoners reveals some of the dystopian features of current prison policy and lack of gender sensitivity to female combatants. Practical implications It is by prioritising the voices of the women combatants in this paper that it not only enables their re-positioning at the centre of the struggle, but also moves away methodologically from the more typical sole emphasis on structural conditions and political processes. Instead, prioritising the voices of the women combatants places the production of subjectivities and agencies at the centre, and explores their dialectical relationship to objective conditions and practical constraints. Social implications It is clear from the voices of the female combatants and in their social engagement in the research that the prison experience was marked specifically by assaults on their femininity, to which they were the more vulnerable due to the emphasis on sexual modesty within their socialisation and within the ethno-nationalist iconography of femininity. The aggression directed against them seems, in part, to have been a form of gender-based sexual violence in direct retaliation for the threat posed to gender norms by their assumption of the (ostensibly more powerful) role as combatants. They countered this by methods which foregrounded their collective identity as soldiers and their identification with their male comrades in “the same struggle”. Originality/value This paper is one of the first to explore the importance of the experiences of female former combatants during the Northern Irish Conflict with specific reference to their experience of imprisonment. The aim of this significant paper is to situate the critical analysis grounded in Foucauldian theory drawing on theoretical tools of power, resistance and subjectivity in order to make sense of women’s experiences of conflict and imprisonment in Ireland. It is suggested that power and resistance need to be re-appropriated in order to examine such unique gendered experiences that have been hidden in mainstream criminological accounts of the Irish Conflict.

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24

Arrington, Lauren. "Socialist Republican Discourse and the 1916 Easter Rising: The Occupation of Jacob's Biscuit Factory and the South Dublin Union Explained." Journal of British Studies 53, no. 4 (October 2014): 992–1010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2014.116.

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AbstractThe events of the Easter Rising have been subjected to extensive analysis by historians who have focused on military strategy as a means of explaining the occupation of specific sites. However, Jacob's Biscuit Factory and the South Dublin Union have proven resistant to this paradigm. The political value of both places can be understood by giving close attention to the long history of antagonism between these two institutions and the Irish Transport and General Workers' Union, out of which the Irish Citizen Army that fought in the rising was formed. In his articles for the Irish Worker and Workers' Republic, James Connolly adapted traditional republican discourse of economic emancipation through political sovereignty to address a contemporary urban context. An understanding of the way that this discourse functioned facilitates an understanding of the role of Jacob's Biscuit Factory and the South Dublin Union in the Easter Rising: as sites of actual and symbolic liberation. This analysis of popular discourse in the contemporary press offers a new approach to the study of events that have been termed the Irish Revolution, and it presents a model for understanding the way that republican discourse accommodated the very different political objectives of Irish separatists.

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25

Perkoski, Evan. "Internal Politics and the Fragmentation of Armed Groups." International Studies Quarterly 63, no. 4 (September 23, 2019): 876–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isq/sqz076.

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Abstract Armed groups are prone to instability and fragmentation, but what explains variation among the new groups that emerge? I argue that the internal politics preceding organizational splits is critical. When it comes to the survival of breakaway groups, those forming around single issue areas gain an advantage by attracting more homogeneous, preference-aligned recruits. On the other hand, those forming over a variety of grievances attract a more heterogeneous population whose divergent views undermine cohesion and cooperation, necessitate hierarchy, and diminish the odds of organizational survival. I test this argument with a case study of two Republican groups from Northern Ireland—the Real Irish Republican Army and the Irish National Liberation Army. The findings confirm my argument and underscore the limited utility of studying organizational fractures from the sole perspective of contemporaneous external events like conciliation and repression. Rather, I show how internal political dynamics influence the composition, identity, and overall trajectory of breakaway groups. This has implications for designing effective counterinsurgent policies, for understanding the formation of armed groups, and for anticipating whether breakaway groups are likely to escalate, moderate, or adopt spoiling behavior.

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Lynch, Robert. "The People's Protectors? The Irish Republican Army and the “Belfast Pogrom,” 1920–1922." Journal of British Studies 47, no. 2 (April 2008): 375–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/526757.

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27

Bosi, L. "Explaining Pathways to Armed Activism in the Provisional Irish Republican Army, 1969-1972." Social Science History 36, no. 3 (August 6, 2012): 347–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01455532-1595390.

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28

Ivory, James D. "Sneak Peeks at Insurrection: Portrayals of the Irish Republican Army in Film Trailers." Atlantic Journal of Communication 15, no. 3 (August 31, 2007): 214–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15456870701316236.

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White, Robert W. "From Peaceful Protest to Guerrilla War: Micromobilization of the Provisional Irish Republican Army." American Journal of Sociology 94, no. 6 (May 1989): 1277–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/229155.

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Rekawek, Kacper Edward. "How ‘terrorism’ does not end: the case of the Official Irish Republican Army." Critical Studies on Terrorism 1, no. 3 (December 10, 2008): 359–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17539150802515038.

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31

McKinley, Michael. "‘Dangerous liaisons?’: The provisional Irish Republican Army, Marxism, and the communist governments of Europe." History of European Ideas 15, no. 1-3 (December 1992): 443–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0191-6599(92)90163-7.

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32

White, Robert W. "Don't confuse me with the facts: More on the Irish republican army and sectarianism." Terrorism and Political Violence 10, no. 4 (December 1998): 164–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09546559808427487.

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Cremin, Maura R. "Fighting on Their Own Terms: The Tactics of the Irish Republican Army 1919-1921." Small Wars & Insurgencies 26, no. 6 (November 2, 2015): 912–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09592318.2015.1095836.

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English, Richard. "The IRA and the Partition of Ireland." Review of Irish Studies in Europe 6, no. 2 (December 6, 2023): 23–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.32803/rise.v6i2.3214.

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The Irish Republican Army (IRA) has been the most aggressively hostile opponent of the border that was established in Ireland during the 1920s. This article focuses on the fact that the IRA’s own violence emerged from a substantial, evolving and complex politics. It suggests that close consideration of that politics, of associated IRA violence and of the long-term implications of both, represents a necessary part of understanding the Irish border and its associated and important histories. Three case studies are considered: Ernie O’Malley (1897–1957); Peadar O’Donnell (1893–1986); the Provisional IRA (1969–2005). The article argues that the paradoxical outcomes of these three significant IRA case studies point towards the need for greater honesty about the actual effects of non-state political violence; it also argues for an empathetic approach to understanding those with whom one instinctively disagrees, if the political history of the Irish border and its legacies is to be properly understood.

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Speer, John K. "Doherty v. U.S. Department of Justice." American Journal of International Law 85, no. 2 (April 1991): 345–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2203070.

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This case is the latest in a series of actions brought in the United States since 1984 that have resulted in court and administrative decisions on the claim of asylum by, and attempt at extradition of, the plaintiff, Joseph Patrick Doherty, a native of Northern Ireland and subject of the United Kingdom and its Colonies. He was admittedly a member of the Provisional Irish Republican Army and was convicted in absentia, in Northern Ireland, of murder of a British Army officer there in 1980. In the instant case, the plaintiff sought review by the United States Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit of two administrative decisions by successive Attorneys General of the United States (one by Edwin Meese in June 1988, and the other by Richard Thornburgh in July 1989).

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36

Moore, Melinda Williams. "Social work practitioners in post-conflict Northern Ireland: Lessons from a critical ethnography." International Social Work 61, no. 3 (June 14, 2016): 383–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020872816644664.

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This article presents candid lessons learned by an ‘outsider’ conducting qualitative research in Northern Ireland over a 15-month period. Former combatant women ( N = 14) with the Provisional Irish Republican Army (IRA) were interviewed using a critical ethnography framework. The findings include a description of difficulties in conducting such research in the areas of accessing hard-to-reach samples, building trust and credibility over time, having a main gatekeeper, maintaining an apolitical position, modeling non-judgmental attitudes, and at all costs safeguarding confidentiality. These lessons resonated with the core tenets of social work practice which enabled and facilitated the conduct of this study.

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Hughes, Brian. "‘Make the terror behind greater than the terror in front’? Internal discipline, forced participation, and the I.R.A., 1919–21." Irish Historical Studies 42, no. 161 (May 2018): 64–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ihs.2018.3.

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AbstractThis article will explore two relatively neglected features of the Irish Republican Army’s (I.R.A.) guerrilla war between 1919 and 1921: internal discipline and forced participation. The gravest disciplinary measure was the death penalty and I.R.A. orders directed that it should apply to members guilty of certain offences against the army. While British army and police officials often insisted that the I.R.A. executed its own without scruple, the death penalty was rarely carried out in practice. General Headquarters (G.H.Q.) was largely unsuccessful in applying a standard disciplinary code and there was also a general inconsistency and lack of rigour in applying other punitive measures for less serious offences. On a related theme, it was not uncommon for soldiers to be ‘conscripted’ or forced to take part in operations under duress during irregular warfare. In the Irish case, this idea has rarely been discussed. It will be argued here that, along with the death penalty and strict punitive measures, forced participation was an uncomfortable idea and often counter-productive in practice. The nature and extent of discipline and coercion was also firmly dictated by local conditions and personalities.

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Gill, Paul, Jeongyoon Lee, Karl R. Rethemeyer, John Horgan, and Victor Asal. "Lethal Connections: The Determinants of Network Connections in the Provisional Irish Republican Army, 1970–1998." International Interactions 40, no. 1 (January 2014): 52–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03050629.2013.863190.

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Stevenson, Rachel, and Nick Crossley. "Change in Covert Social Movement Networks: The ‘Inner Circle’ of the Provisional Irish Republican Army." Social Movement Studies 13, no. 1 (October 8, 2013): 70–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14742837.2013.832622.

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Günenç, Mesut. "Political violence and re-victimization in The Ferryman." Ars Aeterna 13, no. 1 (June 1, 2021): 80–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/aa-2021-0006.

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Abstract Jez Butterworth’s The Ferryman (2017) is a play about the Carney family living in 1980s Ireland during the period of insurgency of the Irish Republican Army (IRA – also known as the Provisional IRA) and its efforts to end British rule in Northern Ireland, a period known as “the Troubles”. This paper focuses on Jez Butterworth, one of the most distinctive voices of the contemporary British theatre scene and a typical representative of the 1990s cultural trend, and his tragedy The Ferryman, which portrays the struggle and conflicts between Catholic nationalists and Protestant loyalists in Northern Ireland in the last decades of the 20th century. The second major point of the study is that the power of the Irish Republican Party has a heavy impact on the play. The paper also discovers how Sean Carney and other members of his family both embody and apply the story of Eugene Simons and other members of “the Disappeared”. Like other young men, Seamus Carney became a victim during the Troubles and the campaign of political violence. The discovery of his body symbolizes how political violence created the Disappeared and shows that re-victimization and retraumatisation continue in the aftermath of the Troubles.

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O´ Dochartaigh, Niall, and Isak Svensson. "The exit option: mediation and the termination of negotiations in the Northern Ireland conflict." International Journal of Conflict Management 24, no. 1 (February 8, 2013): 40–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/10444061311296125.

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PurposeThe purpose of this study is to examine the mediation exit option, which is one of the most important tactics available to any third party mediator.Design/methodology/approachThe paper analyzes a crucial intermediary channel between the Irish Republican Army (hereafter IRA) and the British Government utilizing unique material from the private papers of the intermediary, Brendan Duddy, including diaries that cover periods of intensive communication, extensive interviews with the intermediary and with participants in this communication on both the British Government and Irish Republican sides as well as recently released official papers from the UK National Archives relating to this communication.FindingsThe study reveals how the intermediary channel was used in order to get information, how the third party and the primary parties traded in asymmetries of information, and how the intermediary utilized the information advantage to increase the credibility of his threats of termination.Research limitations/implicationsThe study outlines an avenue for further research on the termination dynamics of mediation.Practical implicationsUnderstanding the conditions for successfully using the exit‐option is vital for policy‐makers, in particular for peace diplomacy efforts in other contexts than the Northern Ireland one.Originality/valueThe paper challenges previous explanations for why threats by mediators to call off further mediation attempts are successful and argues that a mediator can use the parties' informational dependency on him in order to increase his leverage and push the parties towards settlement.

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Curtin, Nancy J. "“Varieties of Irishness”: Historical Revisionism, Irish Style." Journal of British Studies 35, no. 2 (April 1996): 195–219. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/386104.

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In an 1989 article inIrish Historical Studies, Brendan Bradshaw challenged the current practice of Irish history by arguing that an “ideology of professionalism” associated with the modern historiographical tradition established a half century ago, and now entrenched in the academy, “served to inhibit rather than to enhance the understanding of the Irish historical experience.” Inspired by the cautionary injunctions of Herbert Butterfield about teleological history, T. W. Moody, D. B. Quinn, and R. Dudley Edwards launched this revisionist enterprise in the 1930s, transforming Irish historiography which until then was subordinating historical truth to the cause of the nation. Their mission was to cleanse the historical record of its mythological clutter, to engage in what Moody called “the mental war of liberation from servitude to the myth” of Irish nationalist history, by applying scientific methods to the evidence, separating fact from destructive and divisive fictions.Events in the 1960s and 1970s reinforced this sense that the Irish people needed liberation from nationalist mythology, a mythology held responsible for the eruption of the Troubles in Northern Ireland and which offered legitimation to the Provisional Irish Republican Army, the nightmare of history from which professional historians could rouse the Irish people. Nationalist heroes and movements came under even more aggressive, critical scrutiny. But much of this was of the character of specific studies. The revisionists seemed to have succeeded in tearing down the edifice of nationalist history, but they had offered little in the way of a general, synthetic history to replace it.

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Joseph, Sarah. "Part A: Articles: Denouement of the Deaths on the Rock: the Right to Life of Terrorists." Netherlands Quarterly of Human Rights 14, no. 1 (March 1996): 5–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/092405199601400102.

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This paper analyses the controversial judgment by the European Court of Human Rights in McCann and Others vs. UK. The case concerned the infamous 1988 shootings by British counterterrorist forces of three members of the Irish Republican Army in Gibraltar. McCann was the first case in which the European Court considered allegations of violations of Article 2 of the European Convention, which guarantees the right to life. A narrow majority of the Court, in a judgment which outraged the UK Government, found the UK had breached Article 2. This paper appraises the various components of the McCann judgment, including discussion of previous relevant Article 2 jurisprudence and analysis of McCann's ramifications regarding the use of potentially lethal force by law enforcers in Europe.

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Gill, Paul, and John Horgan. "Who Were the Volunteers?1The Shifting Sociological and Operational Profile of 1240 Provisional Irish Republican Army Members." Terrorism and Political Violence 25, no. 3 (July 2013): 435–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09546553.2012.664587.

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Frampton, Martyn. "The Moral Parameters of Violence: The Case of the Provisional IRA." Journal of British Studies 61, no. 1 (October 19, 2021): 138–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2021.122.

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AbstractOver three decades, the Provisional Irish Republican Army waged a campaign of violence that claimed the lives of some two thousand people. This article explores the moral framework by which the IRA sought to legitimate its campaign—how it was derived and how it functioned. On the one hand, the IRA relied on a legalist set of political principles, grounded in a particular reading of Irish history. An interlinked, yet discrete strand of legitimation stressed the iniquities of the Northern Irish state as experienced by Catholic nationalists, especially in the period 1968–1972. These parallel threads were interwoven to build a powerful argument that justified a resort to what the IRA termed its “armed struggle.” Yet the IRA recognized that the parameters for war were set not simply by reference to ideology but also by a reading of what might be acceptable to those identified as “the people” or “the community.” Violence was subject to an undeclared process of negotiation with multiple audiences, which served to constitute the boundaries of the permissible. Often, these red lines were revealed only at the point of transgression, but they were no less important for being intangible. An examination of the moral parameters for IRA violence provides a new perspective on the group, helping to explain IRA resilience but also its ultimate weakness and decline.

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Bychkov, M. A. "THE IRISH REPUBLICAN ARMY IN THE POLITICAL HISTORY OF IRELAND IN THE FIRST HALF OF THE 20TH CENTURY." Вестник Санкт-Петербургского государственного университета технологии и дизайна. Серия 2: Искусствоведение. Филологические науки, no. 2 (2021): 100–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.46418/2079-8202_2021_2_16.

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Filardo-Llamas, Laura. "‘Committed to the ideals of 1916’. The language of paramilitary groups: the case of the Irish Republican Army." Critical Discourse Studies 10, no. 1 (February 2013): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17405904.2012.736396.

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Dudai, Ron. "Closing the gap: symbolic reparations and armed groups." International Review of the Red Cross 93, no. 883 (September 2011): 783–808. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1816383112000082.

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AbstractThe question of whether non-state armed groups could and should provide reparations to their victims has been largely overlooked. This article explores this gap, with a particular focus on symbolic reparations, such as acknowledgement of the truth and apologies. It argues that, while the question is fraught with legal, conceptual, and practical difficulties, there are some circumstances in which armed groups are capable of providing measures of reparations to their victims. The article identifies the issue of attacks on informers as one potential area for armed groups to provide such measures, and demonstrates that in a few cases armed groups have already engaged in actions that could be seen as analogous to symbolic reparations. The article's main case study is provided by recent actions by the Irish Republican Army (IRA) in relation to its past attacks against suspected informers.

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Denny, Brian S. "The Warden's Dilemma as Nested Game: Political Self-Sacrifice, Instrumental Rationality, and Third Parties." Government and Opposition 56, no. 1 (April 10, 2019): 82–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2019.9.

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AbstractInspired by the famous Prisoner's Dilemma game theory model, Karin Marie Fierke introduced the Warden's Dilemma to explain self-sacrifice and compromise in asymmetric interactions and to show that such an explanation requires a social ontology. She applied her model to Irish Republican Army hunger strikes in 1980–1981. Her model, however, closely resembles what game theorists call a ‘nested game’. This article (re)introduces the nested Warden's Dilemma, focuses on the tripartite relationship inherent to the model and examines hunger strikes as part of a strategy potentially informed by instrumental rationality and knowledge of the Warden's Dilemma dynamic. After briefly discussing the implications of approaching self-sacrificial behaviour from a rationalist perspective, a case study of strategic non-violence in Myanmar (Burma) demonstrates how third parties can both diffuse instrumental rationality regarding political self-sacrifice and facilitate patterns of resistance that appear to capitalize on the Warden's Dilemma dynamic.

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Finnegan, Patrick. "Professionalization of a Nonstate Actor: A Case Study of the Provisional IRA." Armed Forces & Society 45, no. 2 (December 4, 2017): 349–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095327x17741832.

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Can nonstate militants professionalize? That is the core question of this piece. Discussions of professionalism have spread to the state military from civilian professions such as education, medicine, and law. This piece examines whether nonstate actors exhibit the same fundamental processes found within these state-based organizations. These fundamentals are the creation of a recognized internal ethos, which acts as a collective standard for those involved. A commitment to expertise and the punishment of those who do not reach these collective expectations reinforce this ethos. To answer this question, this piece examines the development of the Provisional Irish Republican Army (PIRA) during the Troubles. It highlights consistencies and inconsistencies with traditional forces and argues that groups like the PIRA can professionalize and increase their effectiveness in doing so. This widens the field of professionalism studies and provides an additional lens through which to examine nonstate groups.

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