Relevant bibliographies by topics / Irish Republican Movement

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters

Academic literature on the topic 'Irish Republican Movement'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 8 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Irish Republican Movement"

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English, Richard. "Socialism and republican schism in Ireland: the emergence of the Republican Congress in 1934." Irish Historical Studies 27, no. 105 (1990): 48–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400010300.

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In the words of one veteran communist, the Irish republican movement has experienced throughout its existence ‘a constant searching’ on social issues. In 1934 the Irish Republican Army (I.R.A.) was fractured when a group of members who believed in socialism seceded to establish the Republican Congress movement. This article will examine a programme for government published early in 1934 by the I.R.A., consider the schism that occurred in March 1934, giving rise to the Republican Congress, and describe the aims, character and early activities of the new movement. It will be argued that there ex
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Duhart, Philippe. "Directing Disengagement." European Journal of Sociology 57, no. 1 (2016): 31–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003975616000023.

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AbstractThis article examines the relationship between the structure of politico-military movements and effective insurgent engagement in peace processes. Drawing on the experiences of Irish republicans and Basque separatists, I argue that centralized movement structures in which politicos wield influence over armed groups allow for effective coordination between movement wings in peace efforts while providing political leaders with credibility as interlocutors. In the Irish case, centralization enabled Sinn Fein leaders to ensure Provisional ira commitment to peace and to contain schism withi
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Finn, Daniel. "Republicanism and the Irish Left." Historical Materialism 24, no. 1 (2016): 181–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-12341457.

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The Irish national revolution of 1916–23 left behind a partitioned island, with a northern segment that remained part of the United Kingdom and a southern ‘Free State’ – later to become a Republic – that was dominated by conservative forces. Most of those who had been involved in the struggle for national independence peeled off to form new parties in the 1920s, leaving behind a rump of militant Irish republicans. Sinn Féin and its military wing, the Irish Republican Army, would pose the greatest threat to political stability in the two Irish states. Although the Irish left has historically be
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Borgonovo, John. "‘Exercising a close vigilance over their daughters’: Cork women, American sailors, and Catholic vigilantes, 1917–18." Irish Historical Studies 38, no. 149 (2012): 89–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002112140000064x.

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During the First World War, Irish society experienced power struggles between civil authority, military governance, the constitutional nationalist establishment, and the emerging Republican movement. In the unstable wartime environment, political and social variables sparked intense controversies that mirrored competition for control over the Irish public. Inspired by the Easter Rising and emboldened by growing public disillusionment with the war, Republicans harnessed these eruptions to help fuel their attempt to overthrow Dublin Castle.
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Hoey, Paddy. "Dissident and dissenting republicanism: From the Good Friday/Belfast Agreement to Brexit." Capital & Class 43, no. 1 (2019): 73–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0309816818818088.

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The 1998 Good Friday/Belfast Peace Agreement was almost universally supported by nationalists in Northern Ireland, and Sinn Féin’s high-profile role in the discussions was the foundation upon which it would transform itself from the political wing of the Provisional Irish Republican Army to second biggest party at Stormont. However, dissidents pointed out that the compromises made by Sinn Féin during the Peace Process were a sell-out of the political and ideological aspirations held by republicans for at least a century. New dissident groups emerged in opposition to the course taken by Sinn Fé
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CONNOR, EMMET O. "COMMUNISTS, RUSSIA, AND THE IRA, 1920–1923." Historical Journal 46, no. 1 (2003): 115–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x02002868.

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After the foundation of the Communist International in 1919, leftists within the Socialist Party of Ireland won Comintern backing for an Irish communist party. Encouraged by Moscow, the communists hoped to offset their marginality through the republican movement. The Communist Party of Ireland denounced the Anglo-Irish treaty, welcomed the Irish Civil War, and pledged total support to the IRA. As the war turned against them, some republicans favoured an alliance with the communists. In August 1922 Comintern agents and two IRA leaders signed a draft agreement providing for secret military aid t
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O’Halpin, Eunan. "Historical revisit: Dorothy Macardle, The Irish Republic (1937)." Irish Historical Studies 31, no. 123 (1999): 389–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002112140001422x.

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Dorothy Macardle’s vast The Irish Republic first appeared in 1937, the year in which her inspiration and her patron de Valera unveiled Bunreacht na hÉireann, his own monument to pragmatic republicanism. Macardle, in Joseph Lee’s phrase the ‘hagiographer royal to the Irish Republic’, is rather out of fashion as a narrator of and commentator on the emergence of independent Ireland; it appears to be largely committed republicans and those who study them who now acknowledge and draw on her ‘classic’ work. The book itself is long out of print. Yet in its construction, its breadth of treatment, its
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Brewer, John D. "Fighting for Ireland? The military strategy of the Irish republican movement." International Affairs 72, no. 3 (1996): 611–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2625630.

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White, Robert W. "Why “Dissident” Irish Republicans Haven’t Gone Away." Contention 9, no. 1 (2021): 63–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/cont.2021.090104.

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When considering “terrorists” and “terrorism,” the focus tends to be on violence—the threat of violence, its aftermath, the ideology and belief systems that lead to it, and so forth. Political violence, however, represents only a portion of the repertoire of collective action that is available to “terrorists.” Images from “dissident” Irish Republican events and photo-elicitation interviews with activists who participated in these events show that: (1) the repertoire of “violent” organizations includes nonviolent political activity; and (2) the organizational structures and affective incentives
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Linderman, A. R. B. "Out of the Ashes: An Oral History of the Provisional Irish Republican Movement." Terrorism and Political Violence 32, no. 7 (2020): 1615–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09546553.2020.1814103.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Irish Republican Movement"

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Clubb, Gordon. "Disengagement and de-radicalisation in the Irish Republican movement." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2014. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/8409/.

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The thesis explains how terrorism campaigns end, using social movement theory to analyse the Provisional IRA’s disengagement from armed violence and how this led others in the Irish Republican movement to move away from violence and remain so. The thesis argues that successful disengagement is dependent on how it is framed and the extent to which it resonates within the movement. Frame resonance is shaped by the extent it is consistent with the group’s goals, the presence of linkages in order to diffuse the frame, and the perceived credibility of those advocating it. This process ensured that
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O', Cathain Mairtin Sean. "The Fenian movement in Scotland 1858-1916." Thesis, University of Ulster, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.366707.

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Sauders, A. D. "A study of the idealogical divisions and factional splits in the Irish Republican movement, 1969-1998." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.501403.

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Morrison, John F. "'The affirmation of Behan?' : an understanding of the politicisation process of the Provisional Irish Republican Movement through an organisational analysis of splits from 1969 to 1997." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/3158.

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One of the foremost reasons for the success of the Northern Irish Peace Process has been the ability of the national leadership of the Provisional Republican Movement to bring the majority of their membership away from the armed campaign and towards the acceptance of peaceful politics. This dissertation analyses how they were able to achieve this. This is carried out by considering the processes of the four major splits in modern day Irish republicanism from 1969 to 1997. Each split was analysed so as to derive why the split took place and why one side was more successful than the other in the
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Delisle, Claire E. "Leading to Peace: Prisoner Resistance and Leadership Development in the IRA and Sinn Fein." Thèse, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/22905.

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The Irish peace process is heralded as a success among insurgencies that attempt transitions toward peaceful resolution of conflict. After thirty years of armed struggle, pitting Irish republicans against their loyalist counterparts and the British State, the North of Ireland has a reconfigured political landscape with a consociational governing body where power is shared among several parties that hold divergent political objectives. The Irish Republican Movement, whose main components are the Provisional Irish Republican Army, a covert guerilla armed organization, and Sinn Fein, the politica
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Earles, Jennifer. "Gender Trouble In Northern Ireland: An Examination Of Gender And Bodies Within The 1970s And 1980s Provisional Irish Republican Army In Northern Ireland." [Tampa, Fla] : University of South Florida, 2009. http://purl.fcla.edu/usf/dc/et/SFE0002849.

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Rekawek, K. E. "A comparative analysis of militarism and politics in the official and provisional Irish Republican movements in their respective post-ceasefire situations of 1972 and 1994." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.517041.

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Mahoney, Justin R. Spinello Michael J. "Population-centric intelligence, repression, and the cycles of contention." Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2008. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2008/Dec/08Dec%5FMahoneyR.pdf.

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Thesis (M.S. in Defense Analysis)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2008.<br>Thesis Advisor(s): Lee, Doowan. "December 2008." Description based on title screen as viewed on January 28, 2009. Includes bibliographical references (p. 131-133). Also available in print.
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Delisle, Claire. "Leadership and the prison experience : the Irish Republican Movement, 1971 to the present." Thesis, 2004. http://spectrum.library.concordia.ca/8216/1/MQ94793.pdf.

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The mass incarceration of Republicans in the North of Ireland was a policy decision that would have far-reaching consequences for the Republican Movement, the conflict and the peace process in Ireland. Addressing the Irish political prison experience serves as a contribution toward expanding discussion of prison resistance in general, and its impact on social movements and state policy. More specifically, this thesis traces the evolution in political thinking and resistance among the captives in three distinct periods of incarceration at Long Kesh, in order to show how their time in prison inf
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Books on the topic "Irish Republican Movement"

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Fighting for Ireland?: The military strategy of the Irish Republican movement. Routledge, 1995.

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A provisional dictator: James Stephens and the Fenian movement. University College Dublin Press, 2007.

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Walsh, Pat. Irish republicanism and socialism: The politics of the Republican movement, 1905 to 1994. Athol Books, 1994.

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Power, Thomas "Ta." The Ta Power's document: an essay on the history of the Irish Republican Socialist movement. Republican Socialist Publications, 1995.

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Republican Cobh & the East Cork Volunteers since 1913. Nonsuch, 2008.

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Powers, Thomas "Ta." The Ta Power document: An essay on the history of the Irish Republican Socialist Movement. Irish Republican Socialist Party, 1998.

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Marta, Ramón, ed. The birth of the Fenian movement: American diary, Brooklyn 1859. University College Dublin Press, 2009.

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Silent stones. Wolfhound Press, 1999.

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Seán O'Hegarty: Officer Commanding, First Cork Brigade, Irish Republican Army. Aubane Historical Society, 2007.

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The Irish War of Independence. McGill-Queen's University Press, 2002.

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Book chapters on the topic "Irish Republican Movement"

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Krause, Peter. "The Irish National Movement." In Rebel Power. Cornell University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501708558.003.0006.

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This chapter analyzes the Irish national movement. It discusses the most striking feature: the clockwork-like actions of republican groups that, while challengers, escalated violence, shunned elections, and denounced negotiated compromise; but after they became the leader or hegemon of the movement (or movement wing), shunned violence, participated in elections, and negotiated compromises. Despite their intense criticism of each other, this is the story of Cumann na nGaedheal (later Fine Gael), Fianna Fáil, the , Official Irish Republican Army/Official Sinn Féin, and the Provisional IRA/Sinn Féin over the course of the twentieth century. In every case in which abstentionism (the refusal to take seats in the government) was ended, what changed was not what the group ideologically said had to change but, rather, the movement structure and that the group would be guaranteed a leading role in the new order.
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Nelson, Bruce. "Epilogue: The Ordeal of the Irish Republic." In Irish Nationalists and the Making of the Irish Race. Princeton University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691153124.003.0010.

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This chapter discusses events surrounding the Irish Republican government's signing of the Anglo-Irish Treaty on December 6, 1921. The treaty granted Ireland dominion status but stopped far short of recognizing the “isolated Republic” that the members of Dáil Éireann and the Irish Republican Army had sworn a solemn oath to uphold. Almost immediately, the treaty divided the republican movement, and by the time it was ratified by a narrow margin in early January 1922, Ireland was drifting toward civil war. The acrimonious treaty debate, the descent into fratricidal warfare that pitted former comrades against each other; the gratuitous violence that took the lives of leading republicans such as Michael Collins, Harry Boland, Erskine Childers, and Liam Mellows—all of this left an indelible imprint on the Irish psyche and affected politics in Ireland for much of the twentieth century. It is fair to say that from the moment the treaty was signed, the republican movement was engulfed by an internal crisis of direction and morale from which it never fully recovered.
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Mulqueen, John. "A ‘Near-Communist’ Movement." In 'An Alien Ideology'. Liverpool University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781789620641.003.0004.

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The third chapter examines perceptions of the Irish revolutionary left following the outbreak of what became known as the Troubles in Northern Ireland. Unrest in Northern Ireland raised the question of Irish revolutionaries again seeking Kremlin assistance, as KGB ‘special actions’ through proxy organisations had been a tool of Soviet foreign policy. London, at times, had a Cold War understanding in relation to developments in Ireland. And so did the US embassy in Dublin, because White House fears in relation to any threat posed by communism were fuelled by widespread opposition in the West to America’s war in Vietnam. This chapter looks at the geo-political dimension to the northern crisis as it was raised at the United Nations (UN) and the Soviets began to take a greater interest in developments in Ireland. Sectarian violence in Northern Ireland led to a split in the republican movement and the emergence of the leftist Official IRA.
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Hoey, Paddy. "Contemporary Irish republicanism since 1998: dissos and dissenters1." In Shinners, Dissos and Dissenters. Manchester University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9781526114242.003.0003.

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Sinn Féin’s elevation to the undoubted voice of establishment republicanism did not come without its ideological challenges which charged it with selling out ideological values of the movement which dated back at least to the 1916 Rising. These initially came from dissident republican organisations (the dissos) like Republican Sinn Féin and the 32 County Sovereignty Movement with links to armed groups still pledged to maintain violent opposition to the British presence in Ireland. Newer groups emerged to challenge older forms of traditional and militarist ideology, specifically éirígí and Republican Network for Unity, who used the Internet and activist media to communicate their positions on the changes to republicanism. Between these two blocs, an interesting group of non-aligned activists emerged in the early 2000s using old media like newspapers and new technology of the Internet to discuss alternatives to Sinn Féin’s reformism and acceptance of the compromises made necessary by the Peace Process. These writers contributed a new strand of dissenting opinion which was supported the peace but was critical of the process.
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Mulqueen, John. "Left-Wing Republicans Align with Moscow." In 'An Alien Ideology'. Liverpool University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781789620641.003.0006.

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In 1974 the Russian embassy opened in Dublin and the Irish foreign minister visited the Soviet Union in 1976. The American ambassador to Ireland used a Cold War prism when he expressed concerns that the Soviets in Dublin might pose an espionage threat to NATO. This chapter focuses on the increasingly pro-Soviet Official republican movement and its relationship with the Russian embassy in Dublin. Northern Ireland’s Troubles in the mid-1970s constituted the most pressing security issue for those concerned with Irish affairs, and inter-republican violence, involving the Official IRA, contributed to the crisis. The Northern Ireland Office (NIO) perceived the left-wing republican movement as being linked with Moscow-backed ‘terrorist organisations’ worldwide. The northern secretary, Merlyn Rees, described the increasingly peripheral Official movement as posing the most serious subversive threat because it had a ‘coherent philosophy’, unlike the Provisional IRA.
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Whiting, Matthew. "Electoral Participation and Republican Moderation." In Sinn Féin and the IRA. Edinburgh University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474420549.003.0003.

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This chapter traces how electoral participation contributed to the moderation of republicanism. It argues that liberal democratic elections simply do not allow for revolution. The decision by Irish republicans to participate in elections in 1981 was a critical juncture. The path it chose pushed the movement in an increasingly moderate direction, moving away from parallel states and outright rejection in favour of ambivalent electoral participation. Once this path was chosen republicans became locked-in, resulting in republicans fractionalising their long-term goal into short-term aims, courting voters beyond their core supporters, increasing engagement with ruling institutions, and using the existing system rather than trying to overthrow it. This electoral direction was later reinforced by the power-sharing arrangements which brought republicans into government. Moderation occurred in spite of republicans rejecting the legitimacy of the electoral institutions in which they were now competing. Electoral participation was a rational choice by republicans to pursue their goals through a new means in the hope of avoiding marginalisation.
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Rossiter, Ann. "‘Not our cup of tea’: Irish and British feminist encounters in London during the Troubles." In The Northern Ireland Troubles in Britain. Manchester University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9780719096310.003.0012.

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Little writing exists on the experiences of women central to the numerous organizations that sprang up throughout the thirty years of the Irish Troubles. This chapter concentrates on three feminist groups, all London-based: the Women on Ireland Collective (1973-4), the Women and Ireland Group (1976-80) and the London Armagh Group (1980-mid-1990s) representing a small, but vibrant section of anti-imperialist women active on Irish issues in Britain. The focus of the three groups was the plight of working-class women living primarily in Republican areas of Northern Ireland in their daily struggles with the British Army and local police force. In time, the focus widened to include Republican women prisoners incarcerated in Armagh Jail and in various prisons in Britain. Most group members were activists in the British Women’s Liberation Movement (WLM), especially its socialist strand, and perceived that movement as their main constituency. However, they encountereda widespread dismissal in all strands of the British WLM of Irish issues as ‘too complex’, the nature of the Troubles being too much ‘a man’s war’, and as such, ‘not our cup of tea’. This chapter examines the groups’ activities in this context, and argues that their experience highlighted the limits of feminist solidarity.
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Mulqueen, John. "‘A Party of the Extreme Left’." In 'An Alien Ideology'. Liverpool University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781789620641.003.0007.

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The Irish minister for justice, Patrick Cooney, in 1976 identified two threats to the state: the ‘Sino-Hibernian’ Official republican movement and the Provisional IRA. ‘Harsh laws’ to counter subversion would be widely welcomed, he claimed. The Official movement’s leadership now openly endorsed the Soviets’ agenda. This chapter focuses on the Official IRA’s determination to build a political party that stayed close to the Soviet Union but opposed its support for the Provisionals’ ‘prison war’ – the campaign to restore ‘political status’ for newly-convicted paramilitary prisoners. Now advocating ‘peace, work and class politics’ as the solution to the northern crisis, the Official movement’s political creation, Sinn Féin The Workers’ Party (SFWP), abandoned the traditional left-wing republican ‘anti-imperialist’ position. Ironically, this involved the party analysing the situation in the north along the same lines as the British prime minister, Margaret Thatcher.
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Mulqueen, John. "The KGB and Ireland." In 'An Alien Ideology'. Liverpool University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781789620641.003.0005.

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A potential espionage threat to Britain from Dublin-based Soviet agents arose as the establishment of Irish-Soviet relations became a probability. This chapter examines perceptions of the communist-influenced Official republican movement as the Troubles escalated in 1971-2, with officials expressing fears for the stability of the Dublin government – the ‘Irish Cuba’. British and American officials used a Cold War prism here. The Russians could be expected to exploit the northern crisis, the American ambassador warned, using the Official movement as their ‘natural vehicle’. Following Bloody Sunday, when British paratroopers killed thirteen unarmed civilians, the British prime minister, Ted Heath, warned Dublin that the Soviets would cause as much trouble as they could, using the Official IRA as a proxy. The Irish revolutionary left too used a Cold War lens when opposing Ireland’s membership of the European Economic Community (EEC): it would lock Ireland into a NATO-dominated bloc.
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Mulqueen, John. "‘Communists’, the IRA and the Northern Ireland Crisis." In 'An Alien Ideology'. Liverpool University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781789620641.003.0003.

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At the beginning of the 1960s, the Soviet Union decided to support national liberation movements to undermine the US and its allies worldwide. Concurrently, the IRA leadership began to emphasise socialism and co-operate with communists in various agitations – the most significant would be the Northern Ireland civil rights movement. This chapter discusses perceptions of the republican movement’s ‘new departure’. William Craig, the Northern Ireland minister of home affairs, contended that the communist-influenced IRA aimed to manipulate the civil rights issue as a prelude to another armed campaign. In 1969 Northern Ireland’s prime minister, Major James Chichester-Clark, warned that some civil rights protesters aimed to create an ‘Irish Cuba’. The civil rights campaign inadvertently worsened sectarian tensions in Northern Ireland, leading to the outbreak of the Troubles.
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