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1

Fighting for Ireland?: The military strategy of the Irish Republican movement. London: Routledge, 1995.

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2

A provisional dictator: James Stephens and the Fenian movement. Dublin, Ireland: University College Dublin Press, 2007.

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3

Walsh, Pat. Irish republicanism and socialism: The politics of the Republican movement, 1905 to 1994. Belfast: Athol Books, 1994.

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4

Power, Thomas "Ta." The Ta Power's document: an essay on the history of the Irish Republican Socialist movement. San Francisco: Republican Socialist Publications, 1995.

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5

Republican Cobh & the East Cork Volunteers since 1913. Dublin: Nonsuch, 2008.

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6

Powers, Thomas "Ta." The Ta Power document: An essay on the history of the Irish Republican Socialist Movement. Belfast: Irish Republican Socialist Party, 1998.

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7

Marta, Ramón, ed. The birth of the Fenian movement: American diary, Brooklyn 1859. Dublin, Ireland: University College Dublin Press, 2009.

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8

Silent stones. Dublin: Wolfhound Press, 1999.

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9

Seán O'Hegarty: Officer Commanding, First Cork Brigade, Irish Republican Army. Aubane, Millstreet, Co. Cork: Aubane Historical Society, 2007.

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10

The Irish War of Independence. Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press, 2002.

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11

The Irish War of Independence. Dublin: Gill & Macmillan, 2002.

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12

O'Callaghan, Sean. The informer. London ; New York: Bantam Press, 1998.

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13

Bréadún, Deaglán De. The far side of revenge: Making peace in Northern Ireland. Wilton, Cork: Collins, 2001.

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14

Bittner, Jochen. Ein unperfekter Frieden: Die IRA auf dem Weg vom Mythos zur Mafia. Frankfurt/Main: R.G.Fischer, 2000.

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15

Bréadún, Deaglán De. The far side of revenge: Making peace in Northern Ireland. Wilton, Cork: Collins Press, 2008.

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16

The Irish-American dynamite campaign: A history, 1881-1896. Jefferson, N.C: McFarland & Co., 2012.

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17

Dunnigan, John P. Deep-rooted conflict and the IRA cease-fire. Lanham, MD: University Press of America, 1995.

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18

Joe Cahill: A life in the IRA. Dublin: O'Brien Press, 2002.

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19

The I.R.A. at war, 1916-1923. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003.

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20

Gunsmoke and mirrors: How Sinn Féin dressed up defeat as victory. Dublin: Gill & Macmillan, 2008.

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21

Morrison, Danny. El IRA y la paz en Irlanda: De los derecho civiles a la lucha armada. Hondarribia: Hiru, 1997.

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22

P.S. O'Hegarty (1879-1955): Sinn Féin Fenian. London: Anthem Press, 2010.

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23

From England to Bohemia: Heresy and communication in the later Middle Ages. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012.

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24

Transatlantic Defiance: The Militant Irish Republican Movement in America, 1923-45. Manchester University Press, 2014.

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25

Smith, M. L. Fighting for Ireland? : The Military Strategy of the Irish Republican Movement. Routledge, 1997.

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26

Fighting for Ireland?: The Military Strategy of the Irish Republican Movement. Routledge, 1997.

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27

Mulqueen, John. 'An Alien Ideology'. Liverpool University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781789620641.001.0001.

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This book focuses on the strand of the Irish republican left which followed the ‘alien ideology’ of Soviet-inspired Marxism. Moscow-led communism had few adherents in Ireland, but Irish and British officials were concerned about the possibility that communists could infiltrate the republican movement, the Irish Republican Army (IRA). Another concern arose for British and American observers from 1969: would the Soviets resist the temptation to meddle during the Northern Ireland Troubles and cause trouble for Britain as a geo-political crisis unfolded? The book considers questions arising from the involvement of left-wing republicans, and what became the Official republican movement, in events before and during the early years of the Troubles. Could Ireland’s communists and left-wing republicans be viewed as strategic allies of Moscow who might create an ‘Irish Cuba’? The book examines another question: could a Marxist party with a parliamentary presence in the militarily-neutral Irish state – the Workers’ Party (WP) – be useful to the Soviets during the 1980s? This book, based on original sources rather than interviews, is significant in that it analyses the perspectives of the various governments concerned with subversion in Ireland. This is a study of perceptions. The book concludes that the Soviet Union had been happy to exploit the Troubles in its Cold War propaganda, but, excepting supplying arms to the Official IRA, it did not seek to maximise difficulties whenever it could in Ireland, north or south.
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28

William O'Brien, 1881-1968: Socialist, Republican, Dail Deputy, Editor, and Trade Union Leader. Four Courts Pr Ltd, 2007.

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29

Meyer, Sabine N. Organizing into Blocs. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252039355.003.0003.

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This chapter examines the politicization of Minnesota's temperance movement between the end of the Civil War and the passage of a High License Law in 1887. It shows how Minnesota's temperance activists pushed the temperance cause into the political arena, giving rise to a temperance politics that moved the temperance issue at the center of party, electoral, and state politics. It explains how the popularity of the temperance cause forced both Republicans and Democrats to engage with the arguments of both temperance reformers and opponents involving Irish and German Americans while also carefully negotiating their position within the legal battles about alcohol. It also considers how personal liberty emerged as a contentious issue in the High License debates. These debates led to an equilibrium between the Republican Party and the Democratic Party and even provoked the founding of a third party solely geared toward the extinction of the liquor traffic, the Temperance Party of Minnesota. The chapter concludes with a discussion ofd the rise of a women's temperance movement during the period.
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30

Kenney, Padraic. “You Have the Consolation of Being Very Much in the Fight”. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199375745.003.0005.

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Political prisoners leave behind a cause and a movement, and endeavor to represent them and to stay in contact while behind bars. They live in a world beyond the imagining of most of their fellow citizens. Whatever a movement loses when its leaders and enthusiasts go to jail, it faces the difficult challenge of keeping them relevant to the cause. This chapter explores the mechanics, limitations, and opportunities of letter writing, and examines the history of escapes from prison. Prisoner assistance movements in many cases—in particular Polish leftists fighting for independence, Irish Republicans, and the anti-apartheid movement in South Africa—were organized and led by women. Communists in Poland and around the world organized prisoner assistance as a way to inspire and mobilize support for the cause
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31

Mirola, William A. Opening Eight-Hour Protests and the 1867 Eight-Hour Law. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252038839.003.0003.

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This chapter looks at the first eight-hour-day campaign of 1866–67 in Chicago, which resulted in the first eight-hour law in the United States. The first eight-hour movement began shortly before the end of the Civil War, spearheaded by Boston mechanic Ira Steward and George McNeill and was soon taken up by native-born and British craft workers joined by German and Irish workers in Chicago. In 1865, Scottish printer Andrew C. Cameron formed Chicago's Grand Eight Hour League as a political organization independent of both the Republican and the Democratic Parties, with fourteen branches operating across the city hosting mass meetings, further pushing state and local politicians to support eight-hour reform. Initial eight-hour agitation quickly produced new arguments for shorter hours that capitalized on the themes of freedom and equality that had been crafted by the abolitionist movement to end slavery but also on themes familiar to those steeped in a heavily Protestant religious culture.
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32

Meyer, Sabine N. “Talking against a Stonewall”. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252039355.003.0004.

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This chapter examines the emergence of a High License consensus in Minnesota during the period 1888–1897. In the decade after the passage of the High License Law, there was an almost complete standstill of temperance reform in Minnesota due to the existence of a High License consensus. The moderate reformers, the leaders of the Republican Party, and even many of the law's opponents argued in favor of maintaining it. This situation did not change when two groups of Minnesotans joined the radical reformist camp: the Scandinavian Americans and the members of the state's Populist movement. This chapter also discusses the temperance activism of Irish women, with particular emphasis on the Woman's Christian Temperance Union's fight for women's rights, and the German Americans' use of the temperance movement to strengthen their ethnic position in American society. Finally, it considers how the High License consensus resulted in greater cooperation among the High License Law's opponents and in the founding of the Minnesota Anti-Saloon League (ASL).
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33

O’Leary, Brendan. A Treatise on Northern Ireland, Volume II. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198830573.001.0001.

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O’Leary’s authoritative treatment of the history of Northern Ireland and its current prospects is genuinely unique. Beginning with an in-depth account of the scale of the recent conflict, he sets out to explain why Northern Ireland recently had the highest incidence of political violence in twentieth-century western Europe. Volume 1 demonstrates the salience of the colonial past in accounting for current collective mentalities, institutions, and rivalrous animosities, culminating in a distinct comparative account of the partition of the island in 1920. The major moments in the development of Irish republicanism and Ulster unionism are freshly treated by this Irish-born political scientist who has spent thirty-five years mastering the relevant historiography. Volume 2 shows how Ulster Unionists improvised a distinctive control system, driven by their fear of abandonment by the metropolitan power in Great Britain, their anxieties about Irish nationalist irredentism, and their inherited settler colonial culture. British political institutions were exploited to organize a sustained political monopoly on power and to disorganize the cultural Catholic minority. At the same juncture, the Irish Free State’s punctuated movement from restricted dominion-level autonomy to sovereign republican independence led to the full-scale political decolonization of the South. Irish state-building had a price, however: it further estranged Ulster Unionists, and Northern nationalists felt abandoned. Volume 3 unpacks the consequences and takes the reader to the present, explaining Northern Ireland’s distinctive consociational settlement, accomplished in 1998, and its subsequently turbulent and currently imperiled implementation. An assessment of the confederation of European Union and the prospects for an Irish confederation close the book, which vividly engages with feasible futures that may unfold from the UK’s exit from the EU.
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34

O’Leary, Brendan. A Treatise on Northern Ireland, Volume III. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198830580.001.0001.

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O’Leary’s authoritative treatment of the history of Northern Ireland and its current prospects is genuinely unique. Beginning with an in-depth account of the scale of the recent conflict, he sets out to explain why Northern Ireland recently had the highest incidence of political violence in twentieth-century western Europe. Volume 1 demonstrates the salience of the colonial past in accounting for current collective mentalities, institutions, and rivalrous animosities, culminating in a distinct comparative account of the partition of the island in 1920. The major moments in the development of Irish republicanism and Ulster unionism are freshly treated by this Irish-born political scientist who has spent thirty-five years mastering the relevant historiography. Volume 2 shows how Ulster Unionists improvised a distinctive control system, driven by their fear of abandonment by the metropolitan power in Great Britain, their anxieties about Irish nationalist irredentism, and their inherited settler colonial culture. British political institutions were exploited to organize a sustained political monopoly on power and to disorganize the cultural Catholic minority. At the same juncture, the Irish Free State’s punctuated movement from restricted dominion-level autonomy to sovereign republican independence led to the full-scale political decolonization of the South. Irish state-building had a price, however: it further estranged Ulster Unionists, and Northern nationalists felt abandoned. Volume 3 unpacks the consequences and takes the reader to the present, explaining Northern Ireland’s distinctive consociational settlement, accomplished in 1998, and its subsequently turbulent and currently imperiled implementation. An assessment of the confederation of European Union and the prospects for an Irish confederation close the book, which vividly engages with feasible futures that may unfold from the UK’s exit from the EU.
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35

O’Leary, Brendan. A Treatise on Northern Ireland, Volume I. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199243341.001.0001.

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O’Leary’s authoritative treatment of the history of Northern Ireland and its current prospects is genuinely unique. Beginning with an in-depth account of the scale of the recent conflict, he sets out to explain why Northern Ireland recently had the highest incidence of political violence in twentieth-century western Europe. Volume 1 demonstrates the salience of the colonial past in accounting for current collective mentalities, institutions, and rivalrous animosities, culminating in a distinct comparative account of the partition of the island in 1920. The major moments in the development of Irish republicanism and Ulster unionism are freshly treated by this Irish-born political scientist who has spent thirty-five years mastering the relevant historiography. Volume 2 shows how Ulster Unionists improvised a distinctive control system, driven by their fear of abandonment by the metropolitan power in Great Britain, their anxieties about Irish nationalist irredentism, and their inherited settler colonial culture. British political institutions were exploited to organize a sustained political monopoly on power and to disorganize the cultural Catholic minority. At the same juncture, the Irish Free State’s punctuated movement from restricted dominion-level autonomy to sovereign republican independence led to the full-scale political decolonization of the South. Irish state-building had a price, however: it further estranged Ulster Unionists, and Northern nationalists felt abandoned. Volume 3 unpacks the consequences and takes the reader to the present, explaining Northern Ireland’s distinctive consociational settlement, accomplished in 1998, and its subsequently turbulent and currently imperiled implementation. An assessment of the confederation of European Union and the prospects for an Irish confederation close the book, which vividly engages with feasible futures that may unfold from the UK’s exit from the EU.
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36

Breadun, Deaglan de. The Far Side of Revenge: Making Peace in Northern Ireland. Brandon Books Publishers Ltd, 2000.

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37

THE INFORMER. CORGI ADULT, 1999.

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38

Joe Cahill : A Life in the IRA. O'Brien, 2005.

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39

I. R. A. at War, 1916-1923. Oxford University Press, 2005.

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40

Anderson, Brendan. Joe Cahill: A Life in the IRA. O'Brien Press, 2004.

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41

Conspiracy: A photographic history of Ireland's revolutionary underground. Cork, 2015.

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42

Feminist Identity Development and Activism in Revolutionary Movements. Palgrave Macmillan, 2013.

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43

O'Keefe, T. Feminist Identity Development and Activism in Revolutionary Movements. Palgrave Macmillan, 2013.

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44

Anderson, Brendan, and Joe Cahill. Joe Cahill: A Life in the IRA. O'Brien Press, Limited, The, 2007.

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45

The First Northern Ireland Peace Process: Power-Sharing, Sunningdale and the IRA Ceasefires 1972-76. Palgrave Macmillan, 2016.

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