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Journal articles on the topic 'Irish settlement'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 10 January 2023

Last updated: 28 January 2023

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1

McCracken, Donal P. "Irish settlement and identity in South Africa before 1910." Irish Historical Studies 28, no. 110 (November 1992): 134–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400010683.

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Although there has been a continuous Irish presence at the Cape of Good Hope since the late eighteenth century, the chroniclers of the Irish diaspora have until the late 1980s ignored the continent of Africa. This was in part because relatively few Irish migrants ventured to Africa, but it is also the consequence of two other factors. The vast majority of Irish immigrants to Africa in the nineteenth century went to South Africa, a region which, with some exceptions, has been academically isolated for a generation. Then within South Africa there is much still to be learnt about the nature of English-speaking society in the region. While the meticulous analysis of black and Afrikaner history and society, and of related economic history, has dominated South African historiography for some two decades, professional academics have too often left the field of South African English-speaking studies to the amateur historian and the antiquarian. Thus what in Canada or Australia would be regarded as mainline historical research has in South Africa been sidelined in the name of historical relevancy. In fact an analysis of Irish settlement in southern Africa fills an important gap in the general survey of Irish emigration to the empire and reveals a pattern of Irish settlement very different from other regions of Irish migration.

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2

CUNNINGHAM, JOHN. "OLIVER CROMWELL AND THE ‘CROMWELLIAN’ SETTLEMENT OF IRELAND." Historical Journal 53, no. 4 (November 3, 2010): 919–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x10000427.

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ABSTRACTOliver Cromwell remains a deeply controversial figure in Ireland. In the past decade, his role in the conquest has received sustained attention. However, in recent scholarship on the settlement of Ireland in the 1650s, he has enjoyed a peculiarly low profile. This trend has served to compound the interpretative problems relating to Cromwell and Ireland which stem in part from the traditional denominational divide in Irish historiography. This article offers a reappraisal of Cromwell's role in designing and implementing the far-reaching ‘Cromwellian’ land settlement. It examines the evidence relating to his dealings with Irish people, both Protestant and Catholic, and his attitude towards the enormous difficulties which they faced post-conquest. While the massacre at Drogheda in 1649 remains a blot on his reputation, in the 1650s Cromwell in fact emerged as an important and effective ally for Irish landowners seeking to defeat the punitive confiscation and transplantation policies approved by the Westminster parliament and favoured by the Dublin government.

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3

Fitzgerald, Brian, Travis O'Doherty, Richard Moles, and Bernadette O'Regan. "Quantitative Evaluation of Settlement Sustainability Policy (QESSP); Forward Planning for 26 Irish Settlements." Sustainability 7, no. 2 (February 10, 2015): 1819–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su7021819.

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4

Arnold, L. J. "The Irish court of claims of 1663." Irish Historical Studies 24, no. 96 (November 1985): 417–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400034453.

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The modification of the Cromwellian land settlement in Ireland which followed the restoration of the Stuart monarchy in 1660 was regulated by two acts of parliament, one familiarly known as the act of settlement of 1662, the other as the act of explanation of 1665. They became the principal legal instruments upon which land ownership in the country was to rest for two centuries.The act of settlement was the statutory version, with the major addition of a preamble, of the so-called ‘Gracious declaration’ of 30 November 1660, a royal proclamation which enunciated the broad principles upon which the settlement was to be based. In its statutory form these principles were: the vesting in the king, as trustee for the purposes of the act, of all land confiscated since 23 October 1641 as a consequence of the rebellion, with the general exception of the land held on that date by the church and Trinity College, Dublin; the general confirmation to the adventurers and Cromwellian soldiers of the land they held on 7 May 1659; and the restoration of various classes of dispossessed proprietors, chiefly those catholics who could prove, before the commissioners appointed to execute the terms of the act, that they were innocent of having participated in the rebellion. Those found innocent were to be restored to their estates immediately without having to wait until the Cromwellian planters had first been ‘reprised’ (i.e. compensated) with land of equal value.

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Mc Kenny, Kevin. "Charles II’s Irish cavaliers: the 1649 Officers and the Restoration land settlement." Irish Historical Studies 28, no. 112 (November 1993): 409–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400011366.

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In November 1660 the newly restored king published a declaration for the settlement of Ireland. The substance of this document was that the ‘adventurers’ of the 1640s and the Cromwellian soldiers were to keep what they had got; the Irish Protestants who had actively supported the royalist cause (especially between 1648 and 1650) and who had not yet obtained compensation for this service were to receive their arrears of pay; Irish Catholics who had been deprived of their lands merely on the grounds of their religion were to be restored to what they had lost. From the clash of these interest groups came the moulding forces behind what is known as the ‘Restoration settlement’. (That settlement was based on two acts: the Act of Settlement, 1663, and the Act of Explanation, 1666. The former set out who were to receive lands and where; the latter explained and clarified the many conflicting clauses in the former.)

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6

Wang, Yena. "The Landscape Representation of the Anglo-Irish Cultural Estrangements in Bowen’s The Last September." Theory and Practice in Language Studies 8, no. 8 (August 1, 2018): 1029. http://dx.doi.org/10.17507/tpls.0808.16.

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The isolation of the Anglo-Irish landscape is the geographical representation of the colonizer community’s cultural estrangements since their settlement in Ireland till the 1920s. The depressing Irish landscape presented in the novel is a best expression of the existing state of the Anglo-Irish community: threatened, isolated, estranged and set in dilemma. The constituents and arrangements of the Anglo-Irish landscape: the Big House, its garden and the surroundings are actors who can tell the story about the living condition, social relationships and beliefs of the Anglo-Irish Ascendancy in the last days in Ireland.

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7

Gurpegui Palacios, José Antonio. "So Far So Close: Irish and Mexican Migrant Experience in the United States." Oceánide 13 (February 9, 2020): 111–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.37668/oceanide.v13i.47.

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Irish and Mexicans conform two singular migratory groups in the United States. Nowadays it is possible to find important differences between both groups that could lead to think that in both cases the migratory experience responded to different patterns. However, as we empirically analyze the historical, sociological, and political roots of the arrival and settlement of Irish and Mexicans in the United States, it is possible to verify that the two models are not so different. In both cases similar reasons and behaviors are reproduced in aspects related to why they migrated, to settlement patterns, the complex relations with the hegemonic group, or self-protection systems.

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8

Fitzpatrick, Ian, and Mike Fitzpatrick. "Colonial American Fitzpatrick Settlers Part I: Making Sense of One Line." Journal of the Fitzpatrick Clan Society 1 (2020): 18–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.48151/fitzpatrickclansociety00220.

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Before the turn of the 17th century the settlement of Irish in the Americas lacked permanence. Soon after, Irish came to North America and the Caribbean in a steady flow, and by the mid 18th century a flood of Irish and Scotch-Irish had settled in the Americas. The reasons for that settlement were many and varied, as were the geographic origins and lineages of those Fitzpatricks among the influx. This article provides a review of the forces that pushed and pulled Irish and Scotch-Irish to the Americas. By way of example, a single Fitzpatrick line demonstrates how messy traditional genealogy of early Colonial American Fitzpatricks can get. That messiness is due in no small part to the cut and paste functionality at websites such as ancestry.com. But by careful review of authentic historical records, caution with speculative associations, and the power of Y-DNA analysis, it is possible to untangle the mess and bring back some much-needed clarity. In this article, the example used is that of the well-known colonial-settler William Fitzpatrick (born ca. 1690 AD), of Albemarle County, Virginia, who arrived in North American ca. 1728. Two living ancestors of William have been found to share a common ancestry from ca. 1650 AD — both bear a genetic mutation (FT15113) specific to William's line; this enables the ready identification of male descendants of William.

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9

Evans, Geoffrey, and Brendan O'Leary. "Northern Irish Voters and the British-Irish Agreement: Foundations of a Stable Consociational Settlement?" Political Quarterly 71, no. 1 (January 2000): 78–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-923x.00282.

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10

Akenson, Donald Harman, Cecil J. Houston, and William J. Smyth. "Irish Emigration and Canadian Settlement: Patterns, Links, and Letters." Labour / Le Travail 27 (1991): 293. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25130261.

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11

Mageean, Deirdre M., Cecil J. Houston, and William J. Smyth. "Irish Emigration and Canadian Settlement: Patterns, Links, and Letters." International Migration Review 26, no. 2 (1992): 692. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2547086.

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12

Becker, Katharina. "Irish Iron Age Settlement and Society: Reframing Royal Sites." Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 85 (October 18, 2019): 273–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ppr.2019.10.

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This paper attempts to resituate the Irish so-called ‘Royal’ sites within our vision of the Iron Age by challenging current understanding of their function as primarily situated in a ceremonial or ritual realm. While the evidence from these sites speaks to the complexity of their function, conceptualisation, and symbolic relevance, it is argued here that they are integral focal points of settled landscapes. Their architecture is suggested to address very specific concerns of the agrarian communities that built them and, in its very distinct change over the course of the Iron Age, to reflect broader societal developments, namely the emergence and decline of new society formations. Artefacts and ecofacts, architecture and landscape context of these sites contain a wealth of information on the activities that were taking place on and near them. It is argued that, freed from a binary ritual/profane interpretational framework, this evidence becomes readable as a record of Iron Age society and its dramatic changes over time.

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McCabe, B. A., T. L. L. Orr, C. C. Reilly, and B. G. Curran. "Settlement trough parameters for tunnels in Irish glacial tills." Tunnelling and Underground Space Technology 27, no. 1 (January 2012): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.tust.2011.06.002.

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14

Valante, Mary A. "Reassessing the Irish ‘monastic town’." Irish Historical Studies 31, no. 121 (May 1998): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400013663.

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D. A. Binchy stated that ‘the idea of a town, with a corporate personality distinct from that of the ruler, was quite foreign to the Gaelic mind until the Scandinavians set up their “cities” in Dublin, Limerick, Waterford and elsewhere’. Numerous scholars have disagreed with Binchy’s assessment and have claimed instead that Irish monasteries were evolving, whether before Viking settlement in Ireland or somehow as a response to that presence, into what have been variously called ‘protourban’ sites, ‘pre-urban nuclei’, ‘centres of … industrial activity and local trade’, or simply ‘monastic towns’. The term ‘monastic town’ has been in use for many years, and is now part of the standard vocabulary in discussions of early medieval Ireland. From scholarly works to popular publications for tourist consumption, the Irish monastic town has been a known and accepted entity. Armagh, Downpatrick, Kildare and Clonmacnoise are the most commonly cited examples, and Charles Doherty has argued that these monasteries were beginning to function as urban centres by the ninth century. Many scholars would agree that by the tenth and eleventh centuries, possibly in response to Scandinavian urban settlement in Ireland, certain Irish monasteries were urban centres themselves. Brian Graham has raised a number of objections to the concept of the monastic town in Ireland, but his work has remained unacknowledged; others have recently called for a critical reassessment of the theory, but none has as yet been forthcoming.

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15

White, Timothy J. "Historical sociology in the field: Teaching Irish identity through field experience." Irish Journal of Sociology 24, no. 1 (April 2016): 54–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0791603515627045.

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Teaching Irish Historical Sociology in the field offers unique opportunities for students to engage with sites critical to the historical development of Irish identity. For the past fourteen years, I have taught an Irish Historical Sociology course in Ireland designed to teach students the contested nature and layers of Irish identity based on the waves of migration that have come to Ireland throughout the centuries. The course begins by examining the earliest people to come to Ireland and then examines the impact of the Celtic Migrations, the introduction of Christianity, the Anglo-Norman invasion/settlement, the Plantation migration, the famine, the Irish revival in the late nineteenth and twentieth centuries, as well as changes in demography, economy, and religion in the twentieth century. Through on-site lectures, talks, and experiences in music and dance, the environment, traditional crafts, folklore and heritage, local history, and sports students learn the various groups who came to the island over time and how these groups have shaped Irish identity.

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16

Gray, Breda. "Review: A Distant Shore: Irish Migration and New Zealand Settlement." Irish Economic and Social History 28, no. 1 (June 2001): 163–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/033248930102800128.

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17

Woodman, P. C. "Filling in the spaces in Irish prehistory." Antiquity 66, no. 251 (June 1992): 295–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00081436.

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In this paper the Professor of Archaeology at University College Cork has undertaken a radical re-evaluation of the traditional paradigms of Irish prehistory, which were formed in the 1940s. He makes full use of the results of recent pipeline excavations and radiocarbon dates to show that early settlement in Ireland need not always be associated with monument or artefact types belonging to narrow chronological horizons.

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18

JEFFERIES, HENRY A. "Elizabeth's Reformation in the Irish Pale." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 66, no. 3 (June 26, 2015): 524–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046913002595.

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This paper is focused on Elizabeth's Reformation in the Irish Pale around Dublin, the key religious battleground in Tudor Ireland. It highlights the strength of opposition to Elizabeth's religious settlement from the start of her reign. It shows in stark terms that Ireland experienced a Reformation virtually without reformers, and suggests that that was a major reason for its failure. The contrasting experiences of England and the Pale suggest, in turn, that revisionist historians have underestimated the progress of Protestantism in England before Elizabeth's reign.

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19

Kelly, Mary C. "“Spiritual heirs of the great Protestants who gave their lives for Ireland”: Expanding Irish American Nationalist Landscapes, 1919–1922." Journal of American Ethnic History 40, no. 4 (July 1, 2021): 5–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/jamerethnhist.40.4.0005.

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Abstract Overshadowed by more numerous Catholic immigrant compatriots, Irish Protestants receive scant attention in histories of post-colonial Irish settlement. This neglected dimension of the ethnic history is addressed here through a nationalist organization that supported Ireland’s independence cause from an explicitly Protestant worldview. Protestant Friends of Ireland (PFI) operations reveal a more diverse and complex ethnic landscape than the historical record suggests. Despite their distancing from cultural roots across the Atlantic, ethnic Irish communities maintained interest in Ireland’s political status. This article argues that the short duration of Protestant Friends campaigns between 1919 and 1922 belies their scale and impact. Ethnic contemporaries witnessed an extensive Protestant nationalist presence in PFI crusading and active recollection of Protestant Irish patriots. PFI connections embraced by Ireland’s polarizing political principal, Éamon de Valera, assume a central role in this account, while the confluence of events in 1921 signaled a transition for America’s Irish.

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20

Moore, Michael J. "A Bronze Age settlement and ritual centre in the Monavullagh Mountains, County Waterford, Ireland." Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 61 (1995): 191–243. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0079497x0000308x.

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A complex of settlement and ritual monuments with chronological depth covering a core area of c. 4 km2 on the western side of the Monavullagh mountains in Co. Waterford is described. The morphology of the monuments is portrayed and the development of the settlement and ceremonial areas is elucidated. The ritual monuments are situated in three cemeteries or sanctuaries, one of which is united through elaborate geometric themes. This ritual geometry and the religious insights which this affords raises the importance of this complex to an international level. Analogies with similar monuments from Ireland and the upland regions of Britain are discussed. The overseas parallels demonstrate close contact throughout the Early Bronze Age with many parts of Britain, especially Wales. The unique character of the complex amongst Irish prehistoric landscapes is stressed as it fills an apparent gap in the Irish monumental record of the period.

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21

Woodman, Peter. "Making Yourself at Home on an Island: The First 1000 Years (+?) of the Irish Mesolithic." Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 78 (2012): 1–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0079497x00027080.

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This paper is based on the 2009 Europa lecture which concentrated on the issues surrounding the Early Holocene colonisation of Ireland and placed it both in a broader European context as well as asking why the initial settlement of Ireland should take place so late. It also reconsidered the reasons why there was a significant change in technology within the Irish Mesolithic. This paper suggests that over-emphasis has been placed on the Irish ‘Early’–Later Mesolithic change which had been thought to take place at a very specific point in time. Instead it is suggested that changes began to take place soon after settlement began in Ireland and that many of the classic Mesolithic type fossils, most notably microliths, began to vanish, perhaps around or just after 9000 years calbp. It seems preferable to redefine the chronology of the Irish Mesolithic into two main phases the EARLIER and LATER Mesolithic with an, as yet undefined, chronological boundary between 8800 and 8600 calbp. At the same time it recognises that there are significant changes (facies) within each of the major phases, some of which could even be regional. It should also be noted that not all of the facies need necessarily be associated with a distinct range of obvious type fossils.

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22

Handley, Mike. "Settlement, Disease, Poverty and Conflict: The Irish in Birkenhead, 1841–51." Transactions of the Historic Society of Lancashire and Cheshire 163 (January 2014): 73–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/transactions.163.7.

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23

Grace, Robert. "Irish Immigration and Settlement in a Catholic City: Quebec, 1842-61." Canadian Historical Review 84, no. 2 (June 2003): 217–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/chr.84.2.217.

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24

Mageean, Deirdre M. "Book Review: Irish Emigration and Canadian Settlement: Patterns, Links, and Letters." International Migration Review 26, no. 2 (June 1992): 692. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019791839202600234.

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25

Train, T. "'Three Strikes' settlement between EMI and Eircom approved by Irish court." Journal of Intellectual Property Law & Practice 5, no. 9 (July 28, 2010): 625–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jiplp/jpq096.

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26

Ross, N. "Group for the Study of Irish Historic Settlement Newsletter, No. 8." Journal of the County Louth Archaeological and Historical Society 24, no. 2 (1998): 310. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27729843.

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27

Fitzpatrick, Elizabeth. "Native Enclosed Settlement and the Problem of the Irish 'Ring-fort'." Medieval Archaeology 53, no. 1 (November 2009): 271–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/007660909x12457506806360.

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28

Aitchison, Nick. "Moni Iudeorum: an enigmatic early place-name for St David's." Studia Celtica 53, no. 1 (December 1, 2019): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.16922/sc.53.1.

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Moni Iudeorum is recorded in Annales Cambriae as St David's place of death. The first element of this place-name may be identified with Middle Welsh Mynyw, modern St David's. Its second is obscure but has traditionally been interpreted as referring to the early Irish population group the Déisi, attesting early Irish settlement in south-west Wales. However, this interpretation rests only on a scribal emendation when others are equally, if not more, plausible. This paper reassesses the evidence, proposes a new, more minor, emendation, Moniu Deorum '*Moniu of the Gods', and examines this within a wider early Christian context.

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29

Lowry, Donal. "The captive dominion: imperial realities behind Irish diplomacy, 1922–49." Irish Historical Studies 36, no. 142 (November 2008): 202–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400007045.

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At the beginning of the twenty-first century, when Ireland and Britain are ‘offshore islands’ of an ostensibly ever-deepening European Union, it is, perhaps, relatively easy to overlook that imperial stage upon which both Irish partition in 1920 and the Anglo-Irish settlement of 1921 were enacted. Yet without this wider context, these momentous decisions are impossible to understand fully. Current questions about whether Ireland has essentially been a colony will inevitably continue to be debated, but the imperial circumstances of these events remain inescapable and essential to a full appreciation of the mindset of the leading participants in these affairs.

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30

McGrath, Bríd. "Reconstructing an Early Modern Irish Economic Community." Irish Economic and Social History 44, no. 1 (November 21, 2017): 122–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0332489317738608.

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Tax assessments provide unique information about the individual and relative wealth of early modern individuals and communities, but few such sources exist for early modern Ireland, so the survival of a tax assessment for the most prosperous inhabitants of Clonmel in 1642 is a unique source for the study of the town’s economic community in that year. An analysis of the tax paid by these men and women provides not merely unrivalled information about their personal wealth but also about the relative prosperity of different occupation groups, including merchants, craftsmen and women, the most important sectors of the local economy and settlement patterns in one early modern Irish town.

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JEFFERIES, HENRY A. "The Early Tudor Reformations in the Irish Pale." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 52, no. 1 (January 2001): 34–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900005911.

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This paper highlights striking commonalities between the pre-Reformation Church in England and that in the Pale around Dublin, and argues that the eventual failure of the Tudor reformations in the Pale was not inevitable. It shows that while the Henrician Reformation encountered very considerable opposition at first, the Pale's secular and ecclesiastical elites subsequently endorsed a moderated religious settlement wherein papal authority was abrogated. They acquiesced in the first Book of Common Prayer. However, the crown's deputies were loth to enforce religious change and Protestantism won very few adherents as late as 1553.

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32

King, P. A., D. McGrath, and E. M. Gosling. "Reproduction and Settlement of Mytilus Edulis on an Exposed Rocky Shore in Galway Bay, West Coast of Ireland." Journal of the Marine Biological Association of the United Kingdom 69, no. 2 (May 1989): 355–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0025315400029465.

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The marine mussel, Mytilus edulis, is a widely distributed bivalve, especially abundant on wave washed exposed rocky shores (Lewis, 1964). Investigations on the reproductive and settlement cycles of M. edulis in Irish waters have concentrated to date on sheltered shore populations (Wilson & Seed, 1974; Seed & Brown, 1975; Rodhouse et al., 1984; McKenzie, 1986). An exception to this is a brief account of settlement in Bantry Bay (Cross & Southgate, 1983). Elsewhere in Europe, investigations on the biology of exposed-shore mussels is restricted to the extensive studies of Seed (1969) on the north-east coast of Britain.

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33

Hill, J. Michael. "The Origins of the Scottish Plantations in Ulster to 1625: A Reinterpretation." Journal of British Studies 32, no. 1 (January 1993): 24–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/386019.

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There is no question that the plantation of Ulster during the reign of James I had a profound effect on the course of British history. However, the nature of that plantation has been either misrepresented or misunderstood. In order to overcome this problem, we must address two provocative questions: (1) Were the Scots-Irish, the largest group of settlers, predominantly Celtic or non-Celtic ethnically and culturally? and (2) If they were mainly Celtic, why were they better able than non-Celts to establish viable settlements in Ulster, a predominantly Celtic area? A reexamination of the origins of the pre-1625 Scottish settlers and their methods of settlement indeed casts the problem of the Ulster Plantation in a new light.For the last two decades, historians have begun to question the portrayal of the Scots-Irish, or Ulster Scots, as frugal, hardworking, anglicized Presbyterian Lowlanders who brought the light of civilization to a benighted Celtic backwater. For example, Nicholas Canny correctly dismisses the “myth” of Ulster's material transformation by pointing out that the province, unlike Leinster and Munster, was settled by British planters from less economically advanced areas of the archipelago. But, again, he does not adequately examine the cultural and ethnic background of the dominant Scots-Irish. Traditionally, they have been classed as “Lowland,” non-Celts rather than as “Highland,” Celtic Scots. These designations are misleading because they oversimplify Scotland's historical and cultural divisions that had been in place as early as the Norman invasion.

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34

McCarthy, Angela. "Personal letters and the organisation of Irish migration to and from New Zealand, 1848–1925." Irish Historical Studies 33, no. 131 (May 2003): 297–319. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400015820.

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Between 1840 and 1914 approximately a third of a million people left Ireland for Australasia. Of this total, New Zealand received a comparatively meagre amount. For instance, when the Irish peaked in sheer numbers in New Zealand in 1886, they supplied just 51,408 of the country’s total population of half a million. Despite such low numbers in comparison with those arriving in other destinations in the Irish diaspora, investigation of the Irish in New Zealand has flourished during the last decade or so. This recent historiography, however, lacks the sustained intensity and depth of work exemplified in other regions of settlement in the diaspora from Ireland. Nevertheless, significant advances have been made in central issues such as the critical importance of kin and neighbourhood networks in the processes of relocation and adaptation from Ireland to New Zealand.

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35

Darwen, Lewis, Donald Macraild, Brian Gurrin, and Liam Kennedy. "‘Unhappy and Wretched Creatures’: Charity, Poor Relief and Pauper Removal in Britain and Ireland during the Great Famine*." English Historical Review 134, no. 568 (June 2019): 589–619. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cez137.

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Abstract During the Great Famine (1845–51) hundreds of thousands of Irish refugees fled to Britain, escaping the hunger and disease afflicting their homeland. Many made new lives there, but others were subsequently shipped back to Ireland by poor law authorities under the laws of Settlement and Removal. This article explores the coping strategies of the Famine Irish in Britain, and the responses of poor law authorities to the inflow of refugees with a particular focus on their use of removal. We argue that British poor law unions in areas heavily affected by the refugee crisis adopted rigorous removal policies, and that the non-settled Irish were consequently deeply reluctant to apply for poor relief, doing so only when alternative sources of support were unavailable. Thus, the true scale of Irish hardship was hidden from the official record. The article also explores, for the first time, the experiences of those sent back to Ireland, a country suffering from the devastating effects of Famine. The combination of heavy Irish immigration to Britain and large-scale removals back to Ireland created distrust between the authorities at British and Irish port towns, as both sides felt aggrieved by the inflow of destitute Irish arriving on their shores. At the centre of all this were the Irish poor themselves. Uncertainty, dislocation and hardship were often their experience, and we argue that this endured long after the Famine had ended; that the events of the late 1840s, indeed, created a new reality for the Irish in Britain.

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Hickey, Raymond. "Present and future horizons for Irish English." English Today 27, no. 2 (June 2011): 3–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266078411000150.

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The English language was first taken to Ireland in the late twelfth century and enjoyed a modest position in late medieval Irish society, a position which betrayed no sign of the later dominance of English in Ireland as in so many countries to which the language was taken during the period of English colonialism. The fate of the English language after initial settlement was determined by the existence of Irish and Anglo-Norman as widely spoken languages in the country. Irish was the continuation of forms of Celtic taken to Ireland in the first centuries BCE and the native language of the great majority of the population at the time settlers from Britain first arrived in Ireland. Anglo-Norman was the form of French used by the nobility in England and particularly in the marches of south and south-west Wales, the region from which the initial settlers in the south-east of Ireland came.

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37

Fedorowich, Kent. "The problems of disbandment: the Royal Irish Constabulary and imperial migration, 1919–29." Irish Historical Studies 30, no. 117 (May 1996): 88–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400012591.

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When the Anglo-Irish campaign ended in July 1921, the British government, in accordance with the agreed settlement, initiated the disbandment of the Royal Irish Constabulary (R.I.C.). For over a century the Irish police force, renamed the Royal Irish Constabulary in 1867, had carried the burden of policing in Ireland, and after 1916 it bore the brunt of escalating republican intimidation and violence. Now that the conflict was over and the R.I.C. faced dissolution, a number of questions remained outstanding. What would Whitehall do to assist former members of this force once British troops had withdrawn? What contingencies, if any, had been made by the British government for the speedy removal of these men who could not remain in Ireland ‘simply because they [had] performed their duty fearlessly as loyal servants of the Crown’? Was compensation forthcoming, and if so, what forms would it take? One suggestion which received close scrutiny was their resettlement in the overseas dominions — but how receptive were the dominion governments to this proposal?

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38

Bogdanor, Vernon. "The British–Irish Council and Devolution." Government and Opposition 34, no. 3 (July 1999): 287–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1999.tb00482.x.

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THE BRITISH-IRISH COUNCIL SPRINGS FROM AND IS PROVIDED FOR IN the Belfast Agreement signed on Good Friday 1998. Its coming into force depends upon the implementation of the Agreement. The Council is established, however, not by the 1998 Northern Ireland Act, which gives legislative expression to the bulk of this Agreement, but by an international treaty, the British–Irish Agreement, attached to the Belfast Agreement.The Belfast Agreement together with the legislation providing for devolution to Scotland and Wales establishes a new constitutional settlement, both among the nations which form the United Kingdom, and also between those nations and the other nation in these islands, the Irish nation. The United Kingdom itself is, as a result of the Scotland Act and the Government of Wales Act, in the process of becoming a new union of nations, each with its own identity and institutions – a multi-national state, rather than, as many of the English have traditionally seen it, a homogeneous British nation containing a variety of different people.

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39

Kendle, John, and Nicholas Mansergh. "The Unresolved Question: The Anglo-Irish Settlement and Its Undoing, 1912- 72." American Historical Review 97, no. 5 (December 1992): 1528. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2166004.

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40

Talbott, Siobhan. "‘Such unjustificable practices’?: Irish trade, settlement, and society in France, 1688-1715." Economic History Review 67, no. 2 (February 25, 2014): 556–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-0289.12025.

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41

Spinner, Thomas J. "The Unresolved Question: The Anglo-Irish Settlement and Its Undoing, 1912–72." History: Reviews of New Books 21, no. 1 (July 1992): 17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.1992.9950700.

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42

Boyd, Rebecca. "The Irish Viking Age: A Discussion of Architecture, Settlement Patterns, and Identity." Viking and Medieval Scandinavia 5 (January 2009): 271–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.vms.1.100681.

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43

Mulligan, Gerard. "Settling Down or Moving On?: The Settlement of the Irish Neolithic Landscape." New Hibernia Review 16, no. 1 (2012): 94–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/nhr.2012.0011.

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44

Cox, W. Harvey. "Who Wants a United Ireland?" Government and Opposition 20, no. 1 (January 1, 1985): 29–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1985.tb01066.x.

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THE PROVISIONAL IRA'S ATTEMPT TO ASSASSINATE THE BRITISH Prime Minister and Cabinet at Brighton on 12 October 1984, represents the most dramatic move to date in a reputedly 20-year strategy of inducing the British to withdraw from Northern Ireland and leave Ireland to the Irish. Where nonviolent Irish nationalists have aimed, most notably through the New Ireland Forum Report published in May 1984, to persuade the British that the 1920 constitutional settlement dividing Ireland is inherently unstable and must be dismantled, the Provisional IRA has no faith in this course of action. The British, they calculate, will be persuaded not by the force of argument but by the argument of force. In this they can claim, with some justification, to be the true heirs of the Easter Rising of 1916. At that time the Proclamation of the Irish Republic, which was to become the basic document of Irish republicanism, declared ‘… the right of the people of Ireland to the ownership of Ireland and to the unfettered control of Irish destinies, to be sovereign and indefeasible’. Since the 1916 Proclamation was ratified by the first subsequent meeting of elected representatives of the Irish people, the first Dáil Eireann, in 1919, representing virtually all but the Ulster unionist minority, and since the right and the aspiration to Irish unity have been reaffirmed by all non-unionist Irish parties ever since, it must be a truth universally acknowledged that the division of Ireland is unjust and undemocratic and that the reunification of the country is the rightful aspiration of the great majority of its people.

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45

Smith, Laura J. "The Ballygiblins." Ontario History 108, no. 1 (July 24, 2018): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1050609ar.

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Drawing on interpretations and reactions to the violence of the 1824 Ballygiblin riot in the Bathurst District of Upper Canada, this article examines the local reception of assisted Irish Catholic immigrants to the region. In their reaction to the new arrivals, Bathurst District residents demonstrated the extent to which local priorities for settlement were at odds with that of British emigration policy. The reception of the Irish was conditioned by the legacy of the so-called “old world” in real and expected patterns of violence; by a local culture that prized loyalty, Protestantism, and pioneer manhood; and by the immediate context of British emigration policy and the process by which that policy was applied, interpreted, and experienced.

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46

McCafferty, Kevin. "‘[T]hunder storms is verry dangese in this countrey they come in less than a minnits notice...’." English World-Wide 25, no. 1 (May 12, 2004): 51–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/eww.25.1.04mcc.

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It has been suggested that use of the Northern Subject Rule (NSR) in Southern Irish English (SIrE) is the result of diffusion from Ulster-Scots dialects of the North of Ireland, where many Scots settled in the 17th century. 19th-century Irish-Australian emigrant letters show the main NSR constraint — which permits plural verbal -s with noun phrase subjects but prohibits it with an adjacent third plural pronoun — to have been as robust in varieties of SIrE as it was in Northern Irish English (NIrE) of the same period. Before British colonisation of Ireland, the NSR was present in dialects of Northern England and the North Midlands, regions which contributed substantially to English settlement in the South of Ireland. It is therefore suggested here that the NSR in SIrE might be a retention of a vernacular feature of NSR dialects that were taken to Ireland from the English North and North Midlands rather than a feature that diffused southwards in Ireland after 1600.

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47

Mohr, Thomas. "“The Statute of Westminster, 1931: An Irish Perspective”." Law and History Review 31, no. 4 (October 24, 2013): 749–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s073824801300045x.

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The enactment of the Statute of Westminster in 1931 represents one of the most significant events in the history of the British Empire. The very name of this historic piece of legislation, with its medieval antecedents, epitomizes a sense of enduring grandeur and dignity. The Statute of Westminster recognized significant advances in the evolution of the self-governing Dominions into fully sovereign states. The term “Dominion” was initially adopted in relation to Canada, but was extended in 1907 to refer to all self-governing colonies of white settlement that had been evolving in the direction of greater autonomy since the middle of the nineteenth century. By the early 1930s, the Dominions included Canada, Australia, New Zealand, South Africa, Newfoundland, and the Irish Free State.

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48

Maksimova, P. V. "Overcoming Identity Crisis: Limits of Consociationalism and Stagnation in Northern Ireland Conflict Regulation." Journal of Political Theory, Political Philosophy and Sociology of Politics Politeia 101, no. 2 (June 23, 2021): 144–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.30570/2078-5089-2021-101-2-144-162.

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For many decades, Northern Ireland has been characterized by a tense conflict of identities with frequent outbreaks of political and religious violence. At the end of the 20th century, a consensus was reached between the opposing sides on the need for a peaceful settlement of the contradictions, which was reflected in the 1998 Belfast Agreement. The most important part of the agreement was a transition to the consociational model of governance. Consociationalism was assumed to “cure” the Northern Irish region, save it from violence and antagonism, and help to establish a dialogue between the representatives of the region’s key collective identities — unionists and nationalists. However, although 22 years have passed since the introduction of the consociational system, the settlement of the conflict has not seen any obvious progress. The article attempts to trace the reasons for this state of affairs and, in particular, to find out whether consociational model could, in principle, live up to the expectations. Based on the analysis of the fundamental characteristics of this model, as well as the institutional patterns in the Northern Irish politics, P.Maksimova comes to the conclusion that consociational practices not only failed to contribute to the elimination of the antagonistic moods in the society, but also helped to preserve them. According to the author, consociational system is merely an instrument of crisis management, which, if misinterpreted, can only intensify confrontation and block the final settlement of the conflict. This is exactly what happened in Northern Ireland, where the specific features of the consociational system made it almost impossible to abandon group identities.

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49

Snodden, L. M., and D. Roberts. "Reproductive Patterns and Tidal Effects on Spat Settlement of Mytilus Edulis Populations in Dundrum Bay, Northern Ireland." Journal of the Marine Biological Association of the United Kingdom 77, no. 1 (February 1997): 229–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0025315400033890.

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The gametogenic and spat settlement patterns of two Mytihis edulis beds were studied in Dundrum Inner Bay, Northern Ireland. There was evidence of gonad development throughout the year with the main development period between November and March. Spawning was protracted, lasting from May to November. Slight inter-annual and inter-population differences in the riming of the phases were observed but the cycles at both beds were broadly similar to each other and to those of other British and Irish sites. Settlement occurred throughout the year and there was evidence of both primary and secondary spat settlement at both sites. Although the reproductive cycles were similar, distinct seasonal and inter-site differences in spatfall were apparent. At the Downshire Bridge bed, settlement peaked during summer and was dominated by spat in the 0·;5-1·0 mm size range. At Ballykinler, settlement levels were highest in the winter months and larger (>1 mm) spat dominated the samples. The orientation of spat collection pads also significantly affected numbers of the larger (>1 mm) spat. Collectors facing the flood tide attracted significantly more secondary settlers than ebb-facing collectors. This effect varied seasonally and was greater at the Ballykinler bed. It is suggested that hydrodynamic regimes may be an important factor in the differences in settlement patterns of M. edulis.

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50

Allen, Nicholas, and John Regan. "The Irish Counter-Revolution, 1921-1936: Treatyite Politics and Settlement in Independent Ireland." Canadian Journal of Irish Studies 27/28 (2001): 136. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25515392.

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