Journal articles: 'Irishmen'

1

Greacen, Robert, Louis McRedmond, Fergus Finlay, and Vera Pettigrew. "Irishmen All." Books Ireland, no. 217 (1998): 298. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20623743.

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Woods, C. J. "Historical revision: Was O’Connell a United Irishman?" Irish Historical Studies 35, no. 138 (November 2006): 173–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400004879.

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Daniel O’Connell, asked when appearing before a select committee of the House of Commons on 1 March 1825 whether there had been many Catholics among the United Irishmen, replied that there were scarcely any among the leading United Irishmen. The leading United Irishmen were almost all Presbyterians or Dissenters. In the north the lower classes of United Irishmen were at first almost exclusively Dissenters. It spread then among the Roman Catholics and as it spread into the southern counties and of course, as it took in the population, it increased in its numbers of Roman Catholics. In the county of Wexford, where the greatest part of the rebellion raged, there were no United Irishmen previous to the rebellion and there would have been no rebellion there if they had not been forced forward by the establishment of Orange lodges and the whipping and torturing and things of that kind.

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3

Curtin, Nancy J. "The transformation of the Society of United Irishmen into a mass-based revolutionary organisation, 1794-6." Irish Historical Studies 24, no. 96 (November 1985): 463–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400034477.

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The Society of United Irishmen, formed in the autumn of 1791 as a middle-class club dedicated to achieving parliamentary reform and catholic emancipation, was eventually transformed into a mass-based, secret revolutionary organisation determined to establish a non-sectarian republic in Ireland. Approaching near extinction in 1794, the United Irishmen recovered within the next two years to become a formidable revolutionary threat. With amazing rapidity the United Irishmen managed to harness a politically-discontented middle class, radical artisans and tradesmen, economically and socially vexed peasants, amfa loose association of catholic agrarian rebels commonly known as Defenders into a more or less coherent force. The swiftness with which this” alliance was formed, burdened as it was with tensions along class and sectarian lines, was matched only by the quickness with which it collapsed under the strain of internal dissension and vigorous government repression.

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4

Shuger, Debora. "Irishmen, Aristocrats, and Other White Barbarians." Renaissance Quarterly 50, no. 2 (1997): 494–525. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3039188.

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Et virum bonum quom laudabant, ita laudabant, bonum agricolam bonumque colonum.—Cato, De agri culturaIn 1578 Hubert Languet wrote to his young protegee Philip Sidney concerning the latter's plan to assist the Low Countries in their fight against Spain. Surprisingly, the old republican Calvinist monarchomach vetoed the idea, bluntly informing the impulsive teenager that “you and your fellows, I mean men of noble birth, consider that nothing brings you more honour than wholesale slaughter, and you are generally guilty of the greatest injustice.” This hostile assessment of the aristocratic warrior ethos — what Languet derides as “mere love of fame and honour and … displaying your courage” — bears witness to a major ideological upheaval of the early modern period: the attack on the aristocratic politics of violence and, to quote another Elizabethan, “glory got by courage of manhood.”

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5

Fenning, Hugh. "Irishmen Ordained at Rome, 1760 - 1800." Archivium Hibernicum 51 (1997): 16. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25484152.

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6

Fenning, Hugh. "Irishmen Ordained at Rome, 1698-1759." Archivium Hibernicum 50 (1996): 29. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25487514.

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7

Thomson, Ann. "Thomas Paine and the United Irishmen." Études irlandaises 16, no. 1 (1991): 109–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/irlan.1991.996.

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Fenning, Hugh. "Irishmen ordained at Rome, 1572-1697." Archivium Hibernicum 59 (2005): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40285200.

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9

Quinn, James. "The United Irishmen and social reform." Irish Historical Studies 31, no. 122 (November 1998): 188–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400013900.

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When questioned by a parliamentary committee after the rebellion of 1798, the United Irish leader Thomas Addis Emmet predicted that ‘if a revolution ever takes place, a very different system of political economy will be established from what has hitherto prevailed here’. Was there any real substance to this claim? Did Emmet’s words indicate that the republican leadership genuinely sought a radical reshaping of society, or was he simply indulging in empty rhetoric that a broken United Irish movement could never make good? It has always been difficult to pin down the United Irishmen’s socio-economic views: their pronouncements in this area were few and were generally couched in vague terms. This is hardly surprising. Given that the society’s membership was far from socially homogeneous, the leadership no doubt recognised the difficulties involved in trying to produce an agreed programme of social reform. In an organisation one of whose earliest rules had been ‘to attend to those things in which we agree, to exclude from our thoughts those in which we differ’, it was generally judged prudent to steer clear of such a potentially divisive subject. Moreover, the readiness with which the government instigated prosecutions of outspoken radicals, particularly after the outbreak of war in 1793, made advisable a degree of caution in any statements which could be construed as threatening the established social order. Nevertheless, the society did address the issue of social reform from time to time, and individual United Irishmen also espoused a variety of proposals. This article will attempt to examine some of the strands of United Irish social thinking and to determine if the movement had such a thing as a coherent programme of social reform.

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10

White, Barbara. "The Criminal Confessions Of Newgate's Irishmen." Irish Studies Review 14, no. 3 (August 2006): 303–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09670880600802396.

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11

Dunne, Tom, Nancy J. Curtin, A. T. Q. Stewart, Kevin Whelan, D. Keogh, N. Furlong, Daniel Gahan, et al. "Review Article: 1798 and the United Irishmen." Irish Review (1986-), no. 22 (1998): 54. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/29735889.

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12

Muirí, Réamonn Ó., David Dickson, Dáire Keogh, and Kevin Whelan. "The United Irishmen: Republicanism, Radicalism and Rebellion." Seanchas Ardmhacha: Journal of the Armagh Diocesan Historical Society 15, no. 2 (1993): 263. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/29742611.

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13

Bartlett, Thomas. "Select documents XXXVIII: Defenders and Defenderism in 1795." Irish Historical Studies 24, no. 95 (May 1985): 373–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400034271.

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Secret societies in Ireland in the period 1760 to 1845 have recently been the subject of an extraordinary amount (by Irish standards) of scholarly interest. The Whiteboys, Hearts of Oak, Steelboys, Rightboys, United Irishmen, Caravats, Rockites and Ribbonmen have all had their historians and various interpretations have been put forward to explain the rise of these societies and the nature of the violence they perpetrated. However, the Defenders, the secret society that dominated the 1790s and the immediate post-union period, have been relatively neglected. Admittedly some important contributions have been made recently to their history: Mr J.G.O. Kerrane has made a study of the Defenders in County Meath; Professor David Miller has investigated the origins of the society in County Armagh; Dr Marianne Elliott has explored the implications for future Irish republicanism of the 1796 alliance between the non-sectarian United Irishmen and the avowedly catholic Defenders; and Dr Tom Garvin has traced the lines of continuity between Defenderism and the later Ribbonism. Nonetheless, it remains true that there is as yet no comprehensive account of the movement and much about it remains obscure. The documents published below shed light on the organisation, aims and activities of the Defenders on the eve of their alliance with the United Irishmen. They also illustrate the complex web of archaic and modern forces that comprised ‘Defenderism’

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14

Smyth, Jim. "Wolfe Tone’s Library: The United Irishmen and “Enlightenment”." Eighteenth-Century Studies 45, no. 3 (2012): 423–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ecs.2012.0023.

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15

Herlihy, Kevin. "Crawford Gribben.God's Irishmen: Theological Debates in Cromwellian Ireland.:God's Irishmen: Theological Debates in Cromwellian Ireland.(Oxford Studies in Historical Theology.)." American Historical Review 113, no. 3 (June 2008): 910–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.113.3.910.

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16

Snapp, J. Russell. "An Enlightened Empire: Scottish and Irish Imperial Reformers in the Age of the American Revolution." Albion 33, no. 3 (2001): 388–403. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4053197.

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In January 1773, Lord Dartmouth, the Secretary of State for the colonies, received a letter urging him to appoint no more Scots or Irishmen to offices in America. While the author claimed that, as a “Cosmopolite” he had no vulgar “national Prejudices,” he declared that “the English, particularly the Americans,” had conceived such Prejudices against the Scots and Irish, that it is great Impolicy to nominate them for governors or for any Employ in America….” One cannot know exactly what public relations disasters might have inspired this strong advice. Nevertheless, recent changes in both the United Kingdom and the empire at large had clearly heightened age-old English prejudices against these “alien” groups. Never before had so many Scots and Irishmen held public office in Britain and its colonies, and Scottish merchants were making considerable inroads in imperial trade at the expense of their English counterparts. However, jealousy on account of this new-found power does not completely explain the widespread animus against these groups. Many Englishmen and Anglo-Americans also perceived that Scots and Irishmen approached imperial government in ways that threatened English liberty. While it would be going too far to accept the contemporary English notion that Scots, and indeed most non-Englishmen, were “tinctured with notions of despotism,” this stereotype points toward the reality that officials from the fringes of the British Isles took a new approach to imperial government: they emphasized metropolitan authority while, at the same time, regarding the Crown's diverse subjects from a cosmopolitan perspective.

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17

Meeder, Sven. "Boniface and the Irish Heresy of Clemens." Church History 80, no. 2 (May 13, 2011): 251–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640711000035.

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One of the few Irishmen active on the Continent in the eighth century of whom we have some information was a priest (or bishop) named Clemens. Together with the Gaul Aldebert, this peregrinus was the subject of an extensive correspondence between Boniface and the pope, which eventually led to the condemnation of both men at the Roman Council of 745. The accusations brought against Clemens by Boniface display parallels with known Irish teachings and practices, as well as other allegations leveled against individual traveling Irishmen and the Irish in general. This article closely examines the context of Boniface's charges and introduces an additional source to the framing of his arguments. It argues that the allegations must be viewed in the context of both contemporary practices and debates in Irish church and society, and the portrayal of these Irish peculiarities in texts written in and spread throughout the mid-eighth-century Continent and Anglo-Saxon England.

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18

Holmes, R. F. G. "United Irishmen and Unionists: Irish Presbyterians, 1791 and 1886." Studies in Church History 25 (1989): 171–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400008664.

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When Gladstone decided, some time in 1885, that the only way to achieve ‘social order’ in Ireland was to concede Home Rule, he was disappointed to find that among his most implacable and vociferous opponents were the Irish Presbyterians. In vain he was to remind them that their ancestors had been United Irishmen in the 1790s, the founding fathers of Irish republicanism. His appeal to them to ‘retain and maintain the tradition of their sires’ fell on deaf ears.It seemed to Gladstone as it has seemed to Irish nationalists and to some historians that the Irish Presbyterians had turned their political coats, that the grandsons of the United Irishmen had repudiated the principles of their grandfathers. Lecky, in his monumentalHistory of Ireland in the Eighteenth Century, writing in the context of the Home Rule crisis, expressed his magisterial opinion that ‘the defection of the Presbyterians from the movement of which they were the main originators, and the great and enduring change which took place in their sentiments… are facts of the deepest importance in Irish history and deserve very careful and detailed examination’.

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19

Hobbs, John. "United Irishmen: Seamus Heaney and the Rebellion of 1798." Canadian Journal of Irish Studies 21, no. 2 (1995): 38. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25513030.

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20

Gemmell, Jon. "Naturally played by Irishmen: a social history of Irish cricket." Sport in Society 12, no. 4-5 (May 2009): 447–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17430430802702723.

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21

Burke, Martin J., and David A. Wilson. "United Irishmen, United States: Immigrant Radicals in the Early Republic." Journal of American History 86, no. 1 (June 1999): 226. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2567449.

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22

Conway, Stephen. "British Mobilization in the War of American Independence*." Historical Research 72, no. 177 (February 1, 1999): 58–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2281.00073.

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Abstract This article argues that the mass arming in Britain during the French Revolutionary and Napoleonic wars was not a wholly new phenomenon but the culmination of a long‐running process of greater mobilization of manpower. That process was significantly advanced in the American war, when more Britons and Irishmen went into uniform than in any earlier eighteenth‐century conflict, and when men from widely different social backgrounds participated in a military or naval capacity.

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23

Lowe, W. J., and Nancy J. Curtin. "The United Irishmen: Popular Politics in Ulster and Dublin, 1791-1798." American Historical Review 100, no. 5 (December 1995): 1572. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2169941.

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24

Harris, Ruth-Ann M., and Nancy J. Curtin. "The United Irishmen: Popular Politics in Ulster and Dublin, 1791-1798." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 27, no. 3 (1997): 518. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/205930.

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25

Powell, Thomas. "The United Irishmen and the Wexford Rebellion: The Sources Re-Examined." Irish Review (1986-), no. 23 (1998): 127. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/29735919.

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26

Van Dussen, D. Gregory. "The United Irishmen: Popular Politics in Ulster and Dublin, 1791–1798." History: Reviews of New Books 23, no. 3 (April 1995): 122–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.1995.9951106.

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27

O'Broin, Brian, and James Muldoon. "Identity on the Medieval Irish Frontier: Degenerate Englishmen, Wild Irishmen, Middle Nations." Sixteenth Century Journal 37, no. 1 (April 1, 2006): 305. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20477826.

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28

Frame, R. "Identity on the Medieval Irish Frontier: Degenerate Englishmen, Wild Irishmen, Middle Nations." English Historical Review 119, no. 483 (September 1, 2004): 1029–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/119.483.1029.

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29

White, Barbara. "’The inferior sort of the kingdom of Ireland’: Irishmen and Tyburn tree." Irish Studies Review 6, no. 1 (April 1998): 17–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09670889808455589.

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30

Jenkins, Brian, Paul Weber, and Oliver Knox. "On the Road to Rebellion: The United Irishmen and Hamburg, 1796-1803." American Historical Review 104, no. 4 (October 1999): 1380. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2649714.

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31

Hamera, Paweł. "“The Heart of this People is in its right place”: The American Press and Private Charity in the United States during the Irish Famine." Text Matters, no. 8 (October 24, 2018): 151–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/texmat-2018-0010.

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The potato blight that struck Ireland in 1845 led to ineffable suffering that sent shockwaves throughout the Anglosphere. The Irish Famine is deemed to be the first national calamity to attract extensive help and support from all around the world. Even though the Irish did not receive adequate support from the British government, their ordeal was mitigated by private charity. Without the donations from a great number of individuals, the death toll among the famished Irishmen and Irishwomen would have been definitely higher. The greatest and most generous amount of assistance came from the United States. In spite of the fact that the U.S. Congress did not decide to earmark any money for the support of famine-stricken Ireland, the horrors taking place in this part of the British Empire pulled at American citizens’ heartstrings and they contributed munificently to the help of the Irish people. Aiding Ireland was embraced by the American press, which, unlike major British newspapers, lauded private efforts to bring succour to the Irish. Such American newspapers as the Daily National Intelligencer, the New York Herald and the Liberator encouraged their readers to contribute to the relief of Ireland and applauded efforts to help the Irish. The aim of this essay is to argue that the American press, in general, played a significant role in encouraging private charity in the United States towards the Irish at the time of An Gorta Mór and, thus, helped to save many lives.

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32

Walsh, Paul V. "Irishmen in War from the Crusades to 1798: Essays from The Irish Sword, Volume I, and: Irishmen in War 1800-2000: Essays from The Irish Sword, Volume II (review)." Journal of Military History 70, no. 3 (2006): 825–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jmh.2006.0207.

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33

Trotter, Mary. "Riotous Performances: The Struggle for Hegemony in the Irish Theatre, 1712–1784. By Helen M. Burke. Notre Dame: Notre Dame University Press, 2002; pp. 356. $70 cloth, $35 paper." Theatre Survey 45, no. 2 (November 2004): 296–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0040557404290263.

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While Irish theatre history and criticism has closely linked performance, nationalism, and identity politics throughout the twentieth century, far less attention has been paid to the Irish theatre's profound role in nation building in previous centuries. Cheryl Herr, John Harrington, and others have reminded us of the nineteenth-century popular theatre's role in subverting British opinions of Irish history and identity. But the eighteenth century, the century of Thomas Sheridan, John O'Keeffe, and Smock Alley, as well as Jonathan Swift, the United Irishmen, and Grattan's Parliament, has received surprisingly little attention from the point of view of theatre history.

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34

O'Donnell, Ruan. "Review: On the Road to Rebellion, the United Irishmen and Hamburg 1796–1803." Irish Economic and Social History 26, no. 1 (June 1999): 146–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/033248939902600123.

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35

O'Leary, Brendan. "The Limits to Coercive Consociationalism in Northern Ireland." Political Studies 37, no. 4 (December 1989): 562–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.1989.tb00289.x.

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The merits of consociation as a means of solving the Northern Ireland conflict are presented through contrasting it with other ways of stabilizing highly divided political systems. Why voluntary consociation has been unsuccessful in Northern Ireland and unfortunately is likely to remain so is explained. The signing of the Anglo-Irish Agreement (AIA) must be understood against the background of the failure of previous consociational experiments. The AIA partly represented a shift in British strategy from voluntary to coercive consociationalism. The prospects for this coercive consociational strategy and variants on it are evaluated. Irish history is something Irishmen should never remember, and Englishmen should never forget.

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36

Bellenger, Dominic Aidan. "An Irish Benedictine Adventure: Dom Francis Sweetman (1872-1953) and Mount St Benedict, Gorey." Studies in Church History 25 (1989): 401–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400008809.

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On 11 January 1913 the following article, signed by ‘Me Fein’, appeared in an Irish periodical of pronounced nationalist views under the heading ‘Wexford Again. More Language Compulsion’: Compulsion in educational matters seems to revolt some good souls in Wexford, and the following flash will possibly electrify Mr Fanning of the County Council of that model county. (By the way, it seems to be rapidly becoming the ‘model county’ for Irish Ireland wobbling and drunkenness prosecutions.) A school has been established at Gorey for some years by the Benedictine Fathers, for the better class young Irishmen, and it will be of interest to note some features of that educational establishment.

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37

Brand, Paul. "Irish law students and lawyers in late medieval England." Irish Historical Studies 32, no. 126 (November 2000): 161–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400014826.

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In April 1421 the Irish parliament, meeting at Dublin, chose the archbishop of Armagh and Sir Christopher Preston as its messengers to convey to the king in England a long list of complaints. Among these was the following: Also, your said lieges show that whereas they are ruled and governed by your laws as used in your realm of England, to learn which laws and to be informed therein your said lieges have sent to certain inns of court (hostelles de court) able men of good and gentle birth, your English subjects born in your said land, who have been received there from the time of the conquest of your said land until recently, when the governors and fellows of the said inns would not receive the said persons into the said inns, as is customary. Wherefore may it please your most gracious lordship to consider this and ordain due remedy thereof, that your laws may be perpetuated and not forgotten in your said land.This was, of course, something of an exaggeration. The Inns of Court certainly did not exist at the time of the English ‘conquest’ of Ireland; indeed, it is now fairly certain that the inns only came into existence around 1340. It is also clear, however, that some kind of organised legal education was taking place in London before the inns were created, certainly as early as the 1270s and quite possibly as early as 1260, though definitely not in the twelfth century. We also know that as early as 1287 Irishmen (or at least one specific Irishman, Robert de St Michael) were crossing the channel ‘causa addiscendi in Banco regis apud Westm’’, that is, specifically for the purpose of legal education at Westminster through attendance at the king’s court there.

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38

Malcomson, A. P. W. "THE IRISH PEERAGE AND THE ACT OF UNION, 1800–1971." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 10 (December 2000): 289–327. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0080440100000141.

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AbstractTHERE was always an important, though varying, distinction between the Irish peerage and the Irish House of Lords. The former dated from the late twelfth century, and the latter, or at least something discernible as its forerunner, from the late thirteenth. From then until the early seventeenth century, because men who were neither temporal nor spiritual peers attended the House of Lords (though in decreasingly significant numbers) by virtue of a writ of summons only, the House of Lords was a larger body than the Irish peerage. Thereafter, due to the number of non-Irishmen and/or non-residents who were created Irish peers, the House of Lords became the smaller body, because such people seldom or never attended.

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39

Kelly, Joseph F. "A Catalogue of Early Medieval Hiberno-Latin Biblical Commentaries (I)." Traditio 44 (1988): 537–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0362152900007169.

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The study of Hiberno-Latin exegesis is a young medieval discipline. As the name suggests, it deals with the exegesis of the Bible by Irishmen writing in Latin. In practice, this discipline is confined to the period from the coming of Christianity to Ireland in the fifth century to the Carolingian Renaissance in the ninth. Furthermore, it deals almost exclusively with texts from Irish circles on the continent because so few texts survive from Ireland itself. Scholars had long known of Irish exegetes like Sedulius Scottus and Aileran the Wise who were usually well-known or at least unquestionably Irish. The works of many Hiberno-Latin exegetes simply languished in anonymity — until 1954.

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40

Hall, Dianne. "Identity on the Medieval Irish Frontier: Degenerate Englishmen, Wild Irishmen, Middle Nations. James Muldoon." Speculum 80, no. 2 (April 2005): 646–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0038713400000853.

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41

O'day, Alan. "Review: From the United Irishmen to Twentieth-Century Unionism: A Festschrift for A.T.Q. Stewart." English Historical Review 120, no. 487 (June 1, 2005): 852–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cei308.

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42

Christian B. Keller. "Flying Dutchmen and Drunken Irishmen: The Myths and Realities of Ethnic Civil War Soldiers." Journal of Military History 73, no. 1 (2008): 117–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jmh.0.0194.

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43

Pitts, Reginald H. "“Suckers, soap-locks, irishmen and plug-uglies”: Block 160, municipal politics and local control." Historical Archaeology 35, no. 3 (September 2001): 89–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf03374395.

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44

BURKE, HELEN. "Jacobin Revolutionary Theatre and the Early Circus: Astley's Dublin Amphitheatre in the 1790s." Theatre Research International 31, no. 1 (February 10, 2006): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0307883305001847.

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This essay examines the politics of the disturbances and riots that rocked Philip Astley's Dublin Amphitheatre, the site of Ireland's first circus, during the 1790s. Astley received the first legal recognition for his circus from a colonial administration in Ireland because of the loyalism of his entertainments and, throughout the 1790s, his Dublin Amphitheatre worked to mobilize the Irish masses in the interest of the crown and the empire. But, as this essay shows, these loyalist entertainments were also repeatedly disrupted by the counter-theatre of the Jacobin-inspired group, the United Irishmen, who used this site to rally support not only for the Irish nationalist revolution but also for the broader democratic revolution then being staged all around the Atlantic rim.

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45

DOUGLAS, R. M. "THE PRO-AXIS UNDERGROUND IN IRELAND, 1939–1942." Historical Journal 49, no. 4 (November 24, 2006): 1155–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x06005772.

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During the first half of the Second World War, a network of secretive ultra-right movements emerged in Ireland for the purpose of assisting the Axis cause. These groups had little contact with fascist organizations overseas, but rather were indigenous expressions of discontent with the perceived failure of Irish liberal democracy to address the country’s political and economic problems. Numerically weak, poorly led, and ideologically unsophisticated, the pro-Axis underground made little progress in its subversive activities and was kept in check by the security services. Nonetheless, evidence suggests that a considerable number of Irishmen and women on both sides of the Border shared its underlying objective of aligning Ireland with what they regarded as an emerging post-democratic world order.

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46

Ashman Rowe, Elizabeth. "Helpful Danes and Pagan Irishmen: Saga Fantasies of the Viking Age in the British Isles." Viking and Medieval Scandinavia 5 (January 2009): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.vms.1.100671.

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47

Durey, Michael. "The Dublin Society of United Irishmen and the politics of the Carey–Drennan dispute, 1792–1794." Historical Journal 37, no. 1 (March 1994): 89–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00014710.

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ABSTRACTThis article is concerned with political divisions within the Dublin Society of United Irishmen in a period, 1792–1794, which historians, accepting the contemporary argument of its leaders, have generally agreed demonstrated the society's unity of purpose. It is argued that ideological tensions existed between the middle-class leadership and the middling-class rank and file which reflected the existence of two different conceptions of radicalism, one ‘Jacobin’ and one ‘sans-culotte’. These tensions are brought to light through an examination of the dispute between William Paulet Carey and William Drennan, which culminated in the latter's trial in 1794, and the career of the former until he exiled himself from Ireland after the ijg8 rebellion. It is further argued that, because these ideological differences have been ignored, historians have wrongly assumed that Carey was a political turncoat. In reality, he remained true to the sans-culotte principles of direct democracy and rotation of office, even after his ostracism. Carey's deep suspicion of the motivation of the United Irish leaders came to be accepted by Drennan in retrospect.

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48

Cook, S. B. "The Irish Raj: Social Origins and Careers of Irishmen in the Indian Civil Service, 1855-1914." Journal of Social History 20, no. 3 (March 1, 1987): 507–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jsh/20.3.507.

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49

smith, Jeremy. "Book Review: From the United Irishmen to Twentieth Century Unionism: Essays in Honour of A.T.Q. Stewart." European History Quarterly 37, no. 2 (April 2007): 359–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026569140703700234.

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50

Richter, Michael. "Reviews of Books:Identity on the Medieval Irish Frontier: Degenerate Englishmen, Wild Irishmen, Middle Nations James Muldoon." American Historical Review 109, no. 3 (June 2004): 962–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/530674.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Irishmen'

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