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1

Chafe, Wallace. "Floyd Glenn Lounsbury, 1914–1998." Historiographia Linguistica 26, no. 3 (December 31, 1999): 333–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/hl.26.3.09cha.

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Summary Floyd G. Lounsbury (1914–1998), one of the 20th century’s most influential anthropological linguistics, will be remembered especially for his contributions to three major areas of scholarship: Iroquoian linguistics, the analysis of kinship systems, and the decipherment of Mayan hieroglyphs. His earliest Iroquoian work was with the Oneida language in Wisconsin, and his description of the verb morphology of Oneida became the basis for all future studies of Iroquoian languages, many of them carried forward by his students. His analyses of Native American and other kinship systems in terms of semantic ‘components’ were central to the development of componential analysis in linguistic anthropology during the 1950s and 1960s. He was a pioneer in the phonetic interpretation of Mayan hieroglyphs, relating them to the grammatical structures of Mayan languages as well as to the astronomical and mathematical systems that formed much of the content of Mayan texts.
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2

Barrie, Michael, and Sihun Jung. "The Northern Iroquoian nominalizer and lexical categories." Canadian Journal of Linguistics/Revue canadienne de linguistique 65, no. 1 (September 18, 2019): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cnj.2019.21.

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AbstractIn Northern Iroquoian languages, a nominalizer (nlzr) is typically required to transform a verb into a noun, either for noun incorporation or to create a full DP. In some cases, the nominalizer is required only for noun incorporation and not for the formation of a DP. Interestingly, the converse is never found. That is, there are no lexical roots that require the nominalizer for the formation of a DP, but not for noun incorporation. With this asymmetry in mind, we examine the categorial properties of roots in Northern Iroquoian. We discuss three common theories of the categorization of roots: (i) the traditional theory, in which all roots are specified as nouns or verbs (or adjectives for languages that have this category), (ii) the Bare Root Hypothesis, in which all roots are acategorial, and (iii), the Roots as Nouns Hypothesis, in which all roots are nouns. We show that the Northern Iroquoian facts are not amenable to any of these theories. We propose instead that some roots in Northern Iroquoian are categorially specified (some as nouns, some as verbs), while others are truly bare.
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Kilarski, Marcin. "Gender Asymmetries in Iroquoian Languages and their Cultural Correlates." Historiographia Linguistica 43, no. 3 (December 16, 2016): 363–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/hl.43.3.05kil.

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Summary This article examines the approaches to grammatical gender in Northern Iroquoian languages, ranging from the earliest references made by French missionaries in the 1630s to contemporary studies. The author focuses on two motifs in descriptions of Iroquoian gender: the supposedly ‘primitive’ nature of its morphological expression, which was mentioned predominantly in 18th-century accounts of Huron, and the asymmetries between the expression of masculine and feminine reference, which have been the main topic of the accounts of Mohawk, Oneida and Onondaga since the late 19th century. By tracing the two motifs the close links that were established between gender and culture patterns are illustrated, frequently leading to contradictory explanations concerning diachronic scenarios as well as more general impressionistic properties attributed to the languages and their speakers.
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4

Mithun, Marianne. "Challenges and Benefits of Contact among Relatives: Morphological Copying." Journal of Language Contact 6, no. 2 (2013): 243–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/19552629-00602003.

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Hierarchies of borrowability typically rank morphology as the most resistant to transfer of all aspects of language. Several explanations have been offered. One is that copying takes place primarily between typologically similar systems, and morphology is one of the ways languages can differ the most. Another is that more tightly integrated structures are more resistant to copying, and morphology is inherently tightly integrated. It has also been pointed out that copying depends on speakers establishing equivalence relations between elements of the languages in contact. Morphology may be less accessible to speaker consciousness than other aspects of language. Insight into contributing factors may come from contact situations involving related languages. Such languages are usually similar typologically. But they also present a major challenge: distinguishing contact effects from common inheritance and drift. Certain favorable circumstances can enhance their potential contributions. Most helpful are established genealogical relationships among the languages, a documented history of contact, morphological complexity, and sound changes diagnostic of copied forms. Examples here are drawn from Tuscarora, a Northern Iroquoian language. The Tuscarora separated from the other Northern Iroquoians early and spent perhaps two millennia in the American Southeast on their own. After they rejoined their relatives in the Northeast, there was close contact and intermarriage for two centuries. The languages share complex but similar morphologies. Extensive copying of forms can be discerned: not only whole words, but also bound stems, roots, and affixes. Functional features of bound forms were copied as well, including semantic extension.
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5

Barrie, Michael. "Unaccusativity and the VP node in Cayuga." Canadian Journal of Linguistics/Revue canadienne de linguistique 59, no. 2 (July 2014): 235–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008413100000244.

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In this squib, I discuss the iterative marker in Cayuga (Northern Iroquoian) and how it helps us to understand VP structure and unaccusativity in that language. This discussion bears directly on the issue of configurationality and clausal structure (Hale 1983, Jelinek 1984, Baker 1996, Legate 2002). A fundamental question about discourse-configurational languages is whether they have a distinct VP node or a flat structure. I show that the iterative marker takes scope over objects but not over subjects, supporting the notion that a distinct VP node is present in this language. Furthermore, I show that the iterative marker also takes scope over the subjects of unaccusatives, thus distinguishing unaccusatives from unergatives.
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6

Foster, Michael K. "The Language of Tense, Mood, and Aspect in Northern Iroquoian Descriptions." International Journal of American Linguistics 51, no. 4 (October 1985): 403–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/465910.

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7

Kilarski, Marcin. "American Indian Languages in the Eyes of 17th-Century French and British Missionaries." Studia Anglica Posnaniensia 53, s1 (December 1, 2018): 295–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/stap-2018-0014.

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Abstract This paper examines 17th-century descriptions of Algonquian and Iroquoian languages by French and British missionaries as well as their subsequent reinterpretations. Focusing on such representative studies as Paul Le Jeune’s (1592–1664) sketch of Montagnais, John Eliot’s (1604–1690) grammar of Massachusett, and the accounts of Huron by Jean de Brébeuf (1593–1649) and Gabriel Sagard-Théodat (c.1600–1650), I discuss their analysis of the sound systems, morphology, syntax, and lexicon. In addition, I examine the reception of early missionary accounts in European scholarship, focusing on the role they played in the shaping of the notion of ‘primitive’ languages and their speakers in the 18th and 19th centuries. I also discuss the impressionistic nature of evaluations of phonetic, lexical, and grammatical properties in terms of complexity and richness. Based on examples of the early accounts of the lexicon and structure of Algonquian and Iroquoian languages, I show that even though these accounts were preliminary in their character, they frequently provided detailed and insightful representations of unfamiliar languages. The reception and subsequent transmission of the linguistic examples they illustrated was however influenced by the changing theoretical and ideological context, resulting in interpretations that were often contradictory to those intended in the original descriptions.
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8

Kilarski, Marcin, and Katarzyna Dziubalska-Kołaczyk. "On extremes in linguistic complexity." Historiographia Linguistica 39, no. 2-3 (November 23, 2012): 279–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/hl.39.2-3.05kil.

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Summary This article examines common motifs in the accounts of the sound systems of Iroquoian, Polynesian and Khoesan languages as the most well-known cases of extremes in phonetic complexity. On the basis of examples from European and American scholarship between the 17th and early 20th century, we investigate continuities in the description of their seemingly ‘exotic’ inventories and phonotactic structures when viewed from the perspective of European languages. We also demonstrate the influence of phonetic accounts on the interpretation of other components of language and their role in the construction of biased images of the languages and their speakers. Finally, we show that controversies in descriptions of ‘exotic’ languages concern issues that remain relevant in modern phonetic research, in particular complexity of phonological systems, while notions which were conceived as ‘misconceptions’ have re-emerged as unresolved research questions, e.g., the status of clicks and small and large consonant inventories.
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9

Foster, Michael K. "Hanni Woodbury, ed. and trans. Concerning the League: The Iroquois League Tradition as Dictated in Onondaga by John Arthur Gibson. Algonquian and Iroquoian Linguistics, Memoir 9. Winnipeg: Algonquian and Iroquoian Linguistics. 1992. Pp. lxi + 755. $80.00 (softcover)." Canadian Journal of Linguistics/Revue canadienne de linguistique 39, no. 4 (December 1994): 338–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008413100015486.

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10

Foster, Michael K. "Updating the Terminology of Tense, Mood, and Aspect in Northern Iroquoian Descriptions." International Journal of American Linguistics 52, no. 1 (January 1986): 65–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/466003.

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11

Fortescue, Michael. "Eskimo word order variation and its contact-induced perturbation." Journal of Linguistics 29, no. 2 (September 1993): 267–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022226700000335.

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Eskimo languages are commonly characterized as displaying rather ‘free’ word order as compared to the major western European languages. Nevertheless, there is in West Greenlandic at least a clearly dominant, pragmatically neutral ordering pattern. Deviation from this – when possible at all – results in specifiable contextual marking (the factors involved will be discussed and illustrated in section 2). In fact, the degree of ‘freedom’ involved may vary considerably from dialect to dialect (and from language to language), also through time and according to register/medium. Specifically I shall be claiming that no Eskimo dialect is of the purely pragmatically based word order type (lacking a syntactic ‘basic order’) which Mithun claims is typical for polysynthetic languages with inflected verbs that can stand as independent sentences (Mithun, 1987: 323). Unlike the type of language that Mithun describes, which includes (Iroquoian) Cayuga and (‘Penutian’) Coos, for example, I shall argue that West Greenlandic (WG), a highly polysynthetic language, behaves more like Slavic languages in this respect, though the ‘neutral’ pattern there is of course SVO rather than SOV. Much as described for Czech and Russian by the Prague School functionalists, word order in WG seems to reflect the common ‘functional sentence perspective’ whereby – ignoring postposed ‘afterthought/clarificatory’ material – early position in the sentence is associated with given material of low communicative dynamism, whereas later position is associated with new or important material of high communicative dynamism (see Firbas, 1974). This is the reverse of the situation described by Mithun.
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12

Dyck, Carrie. "Cayuga Accent: A Synchronic Analysis." Canadian Journal of Linguistics/Revue canadienne de linguistique 42, no. 3 (September 1997): 285–322. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008413100016959.

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AbstractCayuga (Northern Iroquoian) is a pitch accent language displaying different conditions for the accenting and lengthening of even-numbered and odd-numbered penults (counting from left to right). It is shown that Cayuga accent placement is predictable from metrical structure, and that metrical structure is in turn influenced by constraints on syllable structure. Syllable structure constraints are that: 1) all things being equal, coda consonants are parsed as light; and 2) vowel length is dispreferred. In odd-numbered penults, dispreferred syllable structure can be avoided, and this results in accented odd-numbered open penults and unaccented odd-numbered closed penults. In even-numbered penults, dispreferred syllable structure (especially that resulting from lengthening) is required in order to avoid metrically adjacent strong elements, and this results in the accenting of all even-numbered penults. The accenting patterns of Cayuga ultimately derive from the fact that Cayuga is a quantity-sensitive language that disprefers quantity.
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13

de Reuse, Willem. "A Grammar of Dëne SŲŁiné (Chipewyan). By Eung‐Do Cook. Algonquian and Iroquoian Linguistics, Special Athabaskan Number, Memoir 17, 2004. Pp. xx + 454. $70.00 (paper)." International Journal of American Linguistics 72, no. 4 (October 2006): 535–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/513060.

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14

Martin, Scott W. J. "Languages Past and Present: Archaeological Approaches to the Appearance of Northern Iroquoian Speakers in the Lower Great Lakes Region of North America." American Antiquity 73, no. 3 (July 2008): 441–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0002731600046813.

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Archaeological accounts of the spread of agriculture tend to favor either (im)migration/demic diffusion or in situ development/stimulus diffusion. Having moved away from the early twentieth-century's community-wide migration model for Iroquoian origins in the Lower Great Lakes region and southern Ontario in particular, orthodox archaeological belief over the past half-century had come to place Northern Iroquoian speakers in the area since at least 2,000 years ago and likely much earlier. In what appear to be modified versions of the older migrationist arguments, contemporary thought within archaeology once more seems to allow that wholesale relocations were responsible for bringing farming into the region. It has been suggested, for example, that Northern Iroquoian speakers entered southern Ontario as recently as the early or middle centuries of the first millennium A.D. In this paper, I recount the routes this debate has taken and show that the appearance of maize (Zea mays) agriculture, alongside a few other materials, has come to be bound up with documenting the arrival of Northern Iroquoian-speaking communities. I conclude by reiterating the cautions advised by a number of researchers for how we read past ethnicity from archaeological materials and the role this plays in contemporary political discourse between First Nations and others.
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15

Kirk, Stephanie. "Mapping the Hemispheric Divide: The Colonial Americas in a Collaborative Context." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 128, no. 4 (October 2013): 976–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2013.128.4.976.

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La Gracia Triunfante en la vida de catharina tegakovita (“Grace triumphant in the life of catherine tekakwitha”), an account of the miraculous life of Kateri Tekakwitha, an Iroquois Indian from New France, traversed language and space to be published in Mexico City, New Spain, in 1724. Juan de Urtassum, a Basque Navarran Jesuit who had spent many years in Mexico, translated his fellow Jesuit Pierre Cholonec's hagiographic text from its original French (first published in Paris in 1717). Two appendixes accompanied the translation. In the first, a learned theological apology, the Mexican cleric Juan Castorena y Urúsa extolled the piety of indigenous women whom he deemed fit to be nuns; the second consisted of short narratives detailing the exemplary lives of New Spanish indigenous women. Urtassum and Castorena compiled the volume in order to advocate for the foundation of convents for indigenous women, presenting Tekakwitha's piety as evidence of indigenous women's capacity for Christian virtue (Díaz, Indigenous Writings 56; Greer, “Iroquois Virgin” 237). While Tekakwitha's sanctity helped Urtassum's case, his knowledge of and indeed interest in her provenance were scant. He locates the Iroquois Nation (the “Provincia de los Iraqueses”) on the northern frontier of New Spain (today's New Mexico), where indigenous groups had resisted Spanish attempts at colonization and evangelization for centuries. He “domesticates” the distant Iroquois for the New Spanish reader, comparing them with the Araucanian Indians of Chile, whose bravery Alonso de Ercilla immortalized in his epic poem La Araucana and who, though geographically distant from Mexico, seemed familiar through the Spanish colonial condition they shared with Urtassum's readers. In a telling moment, in the dedication to his patron that precedes the translation, Urtassum refers to “todo este emispherio” (“this entire hemisphere”). It is clear, however, that this reference encompasses only Spanish imperial possessions, including the recently founded California missions. The distant Iroquois Nation, located in geographically indistinct New France, does not figure in this geopolitical economy, nor do other American territories in the possession of rival imperial powers.
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16

Mithun, Marianne. "Untangling the Huron and the Iroquois." International Journal of American Linguistics 51, no. 4 (October 1985): 504–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/465950.

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17

Mithun, Marianne. "Concerning the League: The Iroquois League Tradition as Dictated in Onondaga:Concerning the League: The Iroquois League Tradition as Dictated in Onondaga." Journal of Linguistic Anthropology 5, no. 1 (June 1995): 112–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jlin.1995.5.1.112.

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18

Breen, Benjamin. "“The Elks Are Our Horses”: Animals and Domestication in the New France Borderlands." Journal of Early American History 3, no. 2-3 (2013): 181–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18770703-00303002.

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Historians have long overlooked the role played by animals in cross-cultural interactions in the American borderlands. Yet domesticated animals - and the social practices that accompanied them - were central both to the ‘civilizing mission’ of colonizers and to indigenous American resistance. This paper examines these themes within the context of the Great Lakes and Upper Mississippi region between 1670 and 1730. Drawing evidence from Algonquian and Iroquoian languages and cultural practices as well as from the accounts of French missionaries and voyageurs, I show that the indigenous peoples of the Pays d’en Haut rejected the positive connotations that domestication held for Europeans, and instead equated domestication with enslavement. The resulting conflicts between conceptions of nature, ownership and tameness had an enduring influence on European-Indian relations. Although this study examines specific patterns of interaction on the New French frontier, it also raises broad questions relating to environmental history and European-indigenous interactions throughout the New World.
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19

Bhatia, Amar. "‘In a Settled Country, Everyone Must Eat’: Four Questions About Transnational Private Regulation, Migration, and Migrant Work." German Law Journal 13, no. 12 (December 1, 2012): 1282–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200017867.

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First, I would like to acknowledge where this paper was presented and where the work of revising it into an article took place. I would like to acknowledge the territory, which is not just Toronto, Ontario, Canada, but also Tkaronto, a Mohawk or Kaniekehaka word (as are Ontario and Canada). This word is from one of the languages of the Six Nations that comprise the Haudenosaunee Confederacy (People of the Longhouse), perhaps better known in this symposium by the French colonial name of Iroquois. Toronto and its surrounding territory are traditionally of the Huron-Wendat people, the Seneca Nation of the Haudenosaunee, and with title most recently lying with the Mississaugas of New Credit (Anishinabe). I would like to acknowledge the territory and thank these hosts, as well as the conference organizers for their generous invitation to participate in these discussions on transnational private regulation (TPR).
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20

Foster, Michael K. "Concerning the League: The Iroquois League Tradition as Dictated in Onondaga by John Arthur Gibson. Hanni Woodbury , Reg Henry , Harry Webster." International Journal of American Linguistics 62, no. 1 (January 1996): 117–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/466279.

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21

Piasecki, Piotr. "The First Evangelization of Indigenous Peoples of New France: The Radical Way to Martyrdom of Jesuit Missionaries." Poznańskie Studia Teologiczne, no. 36 (March 18, 2021): 167–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pst.2020.36.10.

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The French Jesuits played a significant role in the first evangelization of the indigenous peoples of North America in the early 17th century. They focused on the evangelization of the Huron and Iroquois tribes which remained in constant conflict with each other. In their work they cut themselves off from the commercial interests of colonial countries, especially of France. After a dozen or so years, they were already able to convey evangelical values in tribal languages, being firmly immersed in the local culture. Thus, they were precursors of the inculturation of the Gospel. The missionaries were characterized by deep Christological spirituality, founded on contemplation of the cross, and, therefore, able to endure boldly the hardships of evangelization. As the result of the vile strategies of colonial powers stirring up tribal disputes, they faced numerous misfortunes, and, ultimately, many of them suffered martyrdom. Consequently, their missionary effort became a path to personal holiness and an irreplaceable contribution to the strengthening of the newly established Church communities on the American soil.
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22

"Festschrifts - H. C. Wolfart (ed.), Linguistic studies presented to John L. Finlay. (Algonquian and Iroquoian Linguistics, Memoir 8.) Winnipeg, Manitoba: Algon-quian and Iroquoian Linguistics, 1991. Pp. 190." Language in Society 21, no. 1 (March 1992): 173–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047404500015219.

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23

KOENIG, JEAN-PIERRE, and KARIN MICHELSON. "Specialized-domain grammars and the architecture of grammars: Possession in Oneida." Journal of Linguistics, July 3, 2020, 1–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022226720000262.

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This paper describes the grammar of possession in Oneida (Northern Iroquoian), a case where domain-specific syntax permeates disparate areas of the grammar (referencing of semantic arguments, noun incorporation, expression of quantity, and negation). In each of these other areas, something unique must be stated, but some of what is special to possession is also shared across two or more of these areas. We describe this interesting mix of general and specific constraints in terms of a metaphor originally applied by Lévi-Strauss to the construction of myths, ‘bricolage’ (tinkering). We suggest the notion of bricolage aptly captures the properties of Oneida words that include a relation of possession. This novel way of conceiving of grammar of specialized domains is an alternative to the view where only general/universal, possibly parametrized, principles are countenanced.
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24

Mithun, Marianne. "Typology and nuance: relativization." Revista da ABRALIN, December 17, 2020, 104–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.25189/rabralin.v19i3.1762.

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Much of linguistic typology is inherently categorical. In large-scale typological surveys, grammatical constructions, distinctions, and even variables are typically classified as present, absent, or embodying one of a set of specified options. This work is valuable for a multitude of purposes, and in many cases such categorization is sufficient. In others, we can advance our understanding further if we take a more nuanced approach, considering the extent to which a particular construction, distinction, or variable is installed in the grammar. An important tool for this approach is the examination of unscripted speech in context, complete with prosody. This point is illustrated here with Mohawk, an Iroquoian language indigenous to the North American Northeast. As will be seen, the two types of construction which might be identified as relative clauses are emergent, one less integrated into the grammar than the other. Examination of spontaneous speech indicates that the earliest stages of development are prosodic, as speakers shape their messages according to their communicative purposes at each moment.
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25

Sawaya, Jean-Pierre. "Les Amérindiens domiciliés et le protestantisme au XVIIIe siècle : Eleazar Wheelock et le Dartmouth College." Historical Studies in Education / Revue d'histoire de l'éducation, January 7, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.32316/hse/rhe.v22i2.2332.

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Cet article étudie les stratégies élaborées au XVIIIe siècle par Eleazar Wheelock, le président fondateur du Dartmouth College, pour diffuser le protestantisme dans la vallée du Saint-Laurent et la participation des Amérindiens au projet presbytérien dans la province de Québec. En 1772, Wheelock forge une singulière alliance avec des chefs amérindiens pour introduire des missionnaires et des séminaristes dans les communautés autochtones puis recruter des enfants pour les éduquer et les instruire à Hanover (New Hampshire). Malgré les tentatives du clergé catholique-romain pour contrôler ces échanges, les Iroquois, les Abénaquis et les Hurons collaborent. Les protestants s’installent à Kahnawake et Odanak pour apprendre les langues et les coutumes indiennes, instaurent une école pour y enseigner l’anglais et prêcher l’Évangile et recrutent des enfants pour le premier pensionnat fréquenté par les Amérindiens du Québec, l’école industrielle et résidentielle de la Moor’s Indian Charity School du Dartmouth College. This article examines the strategies developed by Eleazar Wheelock, the founding president of Dartmouth College, to spread Protestantism in the St. Laurence Valley and secure Aboriginal support for Presbyterianism in Quebec. In 1772, Wheelock forged a unique alliance with Aboriginal leaders that permitted the entry of missionaries and seminarians into their communities and the recruitment of children for education and religious instruction in Hanover, New Hampshire. Despite attempts by the Roman Catholic clergy to control these exchanges, the Iroquois, the Abenakis, and the Hurons all collaborated with Wheelock. Protestants settled in Kahnawake and Odanak to learn Aboriginal languages and customs and established a school to teach English, preach the Gospel, and recruit children for the first boarding school attended by Quebec Aboriginals, Moor’s Indian Charity School at Dartmouth College.
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Norman, Alison. "“Teachers Amongst their own People”: Kanyen'kehá:ka (Mohawk) Women Teachers in Nineteenth-Century Tyendinaga and Grand River, Ontario." Historical Studies in Education / Revue d'histoire de l'éducation, April 28, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.32316/hse/rhe.v29i1.4497.

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ABSTRACT In the mid-nineteenth century, the New England Company (NEC), an Anglican missionary society, focused many of its efforts on hiring Indigenous teachers for its schools at Grand River and Tyendinaga, two Haudenosaunee (Iroquois) communities in southern Ontario. The NEC believed that it was useful to hire Indigenous teachers due to their ability to speak to the students in one of the local Indigenous languages as well as in English. Many Haudenosaunee leaders and families also believed that a Western education would benefit their children and therefore supported the construction of churches and schools. Kanyen'kehá:ka (Mohawk) women born into this cultural environment worked to build careers for themselves as on-reserve educators. Some struggled to secure meaningful employment due to their gender, while others found work but faced numerous challenges in performing their jobs. This paper reveals that Kanyen'kehá:ka women persisted as teachers despite gender and material barriers, creating models for participation in colonial education for Haudenosaunee youth in the nineteenth century. RÉSUMÉ Au milieu du XIXe siècle, la New England Company (NEC), une société missionnaire anglicane, a consacré beaucoup d’efforts afin d’embaucher des enseignants autochtones pour ses écoles de Grand River et de Tyendinaga, deux communautés Haudenosaunee du sud de l’Ontario. La NEC croyait qu’il était utile d’embaucher des enseignants autochtones en raison de leur capacité à parler aux élèves dans l’une des langues autochtones locales, aussi bien qu’en anglais. Plusieurs dirigeants et familles Haudenosaunee soutenaient également la construction d’églises et d’écoles, parce qu’ils croyaient qu’une éducation occidentale profiterait à leurs enfants. Les femmes Kanyen'kehá:ka (Mohawk) nées dans cet environnement culturel ont travaillé à se bâtir des carrières comme éducatrices sur les réserves. À cause de leur genre, certaines ont dû lutter afin d’obtenir un travail significatif, alors que d’autres ayant trouvé un emploi ont dû a ronter de nombreux dé s dans l’accomplissement de leur travail. Cet article révèle que malgré les difficultés matérielles et la barrière du genre, les femmes Kanyen'kehá:ka ont persistées dans le domaine de l’enseignement, créant ainsi des modèles de participation à l’éducation coloniale pour la jeunesse Haudenosaunee au XIXe siècle.
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