Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Irredentism'

After Berlin Conference in 1884 to 1885, Somalia was partitioned into five parts by Britain, Italy, and French. In 1960 two parts gained independence and formed the Somali Republic, and since then successive Somali governments sought to incorporate the other three parts of Somali territories under Ethiopia, Kenya and French Somaliland known as Djibouti into Greater Somalia.The aim of this study has been to explore and analyze the causes, and the impact of the Somalia’ irredentism on political stability in Somalia. In more specifically, the main objective has been to critically examine how Somali irridentism policy has been pursued, what challenges faced and how it has affected the political stability of the post-colonial Somali state from 1960 to 1990.The analysis presented in this study has shown that the causes of Somali irredentism are combined factors that helped rise Somali irredentism. The analysis has argued that Somalia’s quest for irredentism policy had a huge impact on Somalia’s political stability, including, but not limited to, creating enemies and alienating allies from neighbouring countries to western and eastern blocs, as well as interstate conflict with Ethiopia which ended with Somalia defeat. Finally, Somalia’s defeat, which resulted from irredentism’s venture, caused disunity among the national army, refugee crisis, financial burden and the rise of armed opposition movements that finally ousted the military regime led by Siad Barre. This was followed by state collapse and protracted civil war.

<p>Föreliggande uppsats syftar till att undersöka hur fördelningen av och kontrollen över territorier i</p><p>Bosnien-Hercegovina har yttrat sig under valda tidsperioder. Fokus ligger dels på konfliktparterna</p><p>och dels på de externa aktörernas roll. Galtungs modell fungerar som verktyg då problematiken med</p><p>territoriell kontroll och oförenliga mål undersöks. Materialet till uppsatsen utgörs främst av</p><p>undersökningar gjorda av såväl historiker, statsvetare som konfliktforskare och sociologer, vilket</p><p>bidrar till att en helhetsbild erhålles. Uppsatsens undersökning börjar med en undersökning av</p><p>Daytonavtalets konflikthantering och sedan går den över till 1914-1918, perioden då det första</p><p>sydslaviska riket uppstår. Därefter sker undersökningen i kronologisk ordning och avslutas i Dayton</p><p>1995, där trådarna knyts ihop. Resultaten visar att konflikter mellan de tre etniska grupperna i</p><p>Bosnien-Hercegovina funnits under samtliga tidsperioder och att de demonstrerats med vapen tre</p><p>gånger mellan 1914-1995. De externa aktörer som figurerat under de väpnade konflikterna har</p><p>påverkat konfliktparterna på olika sätt. Slutsatsen är att de externa aktörerna av olika anledningar</p><p>tenderar att ge sitt stöd åt den konfliktpart de har historiska band till.</p>

Since the end of the Second World War, the location of most interstate borders has been fixed.This suggests that the common phenomenon of ethnic groups partitioned by internationallyrecognized state borders is permanent. Nevertheless, a recurrent dream of 'redemption' (i.e. thebuilding of a self-ruling polity which unifies the separate segments) is capable of inciting patrioticmobilization even in the face of a very long period of unbroken partition. Little is knownabout this clash between dream and reality. How can an ethnoterritorial group which is apparentlypermanently partitioned between separate, sovereign states be redeemed? In seeking asolution to this puzzle, I attempt a Machiavellian type of analysis, defined as an approach whichcombines a patriotic perspective with a strategic view of the choice of specific means and endsin a way which is free of state-centrism. I also employ Machiavelli's theory-building method,which is a form of abduction.This study focuses on six aspects of the problem of partition and redemption: the territorialsetting, the historical process, partitioning state contexts, perceptions of partition and homelandmythology, strategies, and outcomes. Two instances are selected for case study and comparison:the Sami in northernmost Europe, and the Basques in Spain and France. Both groups arepartitioned between separate states, are a minority in each one, and lack control over all existingstate governments.The analysis reveals the unexpected result that the less numerous, greater dispersed, morepartitioned, and generally weaker Sami have been more successful in redemption than have theBasques. While the Sami have built common bodies which officially represent Sami in all fourpartitioning states, the Basques have only a limited transborder cooperation between the BasqueAutonomous Community (BAC) in Spain and non-Basque regional authorities in France. It ismore important to have compatible building blocks in each state (like the three Nordic SamiParliaments), than to have a single powerful one (like the BAC). Without fairly similar andharmonized partitioning states, like the Nordic countries, it is extremely difficult for transborderpolity-building to succeed. Another main conclusion, which disputes the findings of other research,is that redemption is possible even when a group remains partitioned, given that thegoal of statehood is abandoned in favour of a less ambitious transborder homerule. In order torealize this goal, the most generally applicable method is a stepwise strategy aimed at creatingcompatible building blocks in each state. A variant of this is the blueprint strategy, that is, usingan achievement in one state as a model for the struggle in other states. In contrast to nonparti -tioned groups, partitioned groups can refer to their own achievement in other states.The subject of interest here transcends the domestic-international divide. Similarly, theanalysis transcends academic boundaries, mainly those of political theory, international politicsand comparative politics. This combination provides a starting-point for further inquiry into thepattern of overlapping polities which is emerging, and of partition and redemption in particular.<br>digitalisering@umu

The thesis focuses on the chronological identification and detection of the discursive analogies between the category of 'the nation‘ and those of 'the West‘, 'Europe‘, 'democracy‘ and 'independence‘ in the Kosovo Albanian ethnonationalist narrative. The study represents a multi-dimensional exercise analysing the ethnonationalist discourse from a wide array of sample text which was produced during two relevant historical periods: the period between 1870-1930 and the period between 1980-2000. The first interval covers the period which is known in the Albanian history as the 'National Rebirth‘. The second deals with the recent history of political resistance of Kosovo Albanians and their 'sudden‘ discursive shift, from the narrative of 'unification with the Motherland Albania‘ (the unificationist/irredentist discourse) to the narrative of 'the independent Kosovo‘ (the independentist discourse) The main theoretical pillars of the study focus on the theories about the nation (specifically, its ethnic variation) and its narrative, the nationalism—as well as the representational systems of orientalism and balkanism (Said, 1978; Todorova, 1997). The study demonstrates that the discourse about the nation and national identity among Albanians is produced primarily through the internalisation of the external, orientalist approach in defining and understanding the social reality of the Balkan societies. Such internalisation is analysed through the prism of local adoption of the sociocultural and sociopolitical hegemonizing discourse that constituted the Western orientalist 'knowledge‘ about the Balkans—and, specifically, Albanians. The study notes that such discursive strategy of internalisation of orientalist traits within the ethnonationalist narrative is not limited to the Albanian societies (in both Albania and Kosovo) but appears as common feature in most of the societies/nations of the former Yugoslavia. In time, the study highlights, such process of 'nesting orientalisms‘ (Bakic-Hayden, 1996) was coupled with the phenomenon of the regional, exclusionist and competing ethnonationalist narratives which was aimed at constituing a nation‘s 'westernness‘ and 'Europeanness‘ through denying it to the other.

2012/2013<br>La ricerca si occupa del Circolo Garibaldi di Trieste, associazione irredentista di stampo massonico sviluppatasi in Italia, a Trieste e in alcuni centri del Litorale adriatico tra Ottocento e Novecento. La puntuale analisi biografica dei soci e lo studio dei loro rapporti con società democratiche, leghe lavorative, comitati di reduci, circoli anti-clericali e logge massoniche, offrono insieme una mappatura esauriente dell'irredentismo sul territorio della penisola sinora assente nel panorama storiografico.<br>This thesis constitutes an in-depth survey of the history and activities of the Circolo Garibaldi di Trieste, an irredentist association strictly connected to freemasonry, which was born in Trieste and spread across Italy between the end of the Nineteenth and the Twentieth century. The research takes into account members' biographies as well as their relationships with lodges and patriotic associations of various kinds. Furthermore, the research maps for the first time the Italian irredentist movement on the whole, offering an original contribution to the study of contemporary Italian history.<br>XXVI Ciclo<br>1974

[...] Lo studio dei 2210 fascicoli consultabili della sola serie Affari (su un totale di 2697) ha messo in luce un complesso intreccio di questioni in cui Tacchi Venturi fu coinvolto in veste di intermediario ufficioso fra Santa Sede e governo fascista. Si tratta di numerosi incarichi estremamente diversificati per materia (peraltro chiaramente indicata sulla camicia dei singoli fascicoli secondo un ordine messo a punto dal gesuita stesso), che costrinsero Tacchi Venturi a muoversi non solo fra il pontefice, la Segreteria di Stato e il capo del governo, ma soprattutto fra i diversi ministeri di volta in volta competenti, le Congregazioni, nonché singole personalità sia della sfera ecclesiastica che politico-istituzionale. Ciò che emerge dallo studio di questo fondo archivistico è un attivismo non comune [...]

Découlant des conflits qui ont opposé France et Siam à la fin du XIXe siècle pour le contrôle du Laos et du Cambodge, la crise franco-thaïlandaise de l’hiver 1940-1941 est le résultat d’un processus politique initié en 1932 et porté par les militaires nationalistes siamois au pouvoir. Influencés par le fascisme, ces derniers diffusent une propagande entretenant la nostalgie des « territoires perdus » et forgent, tout au long des années 1930, des forces armées formatées pour une guerre de revanche contre les puissances coloniales. Confrontée à partir de l’armistice de juin 1940 à l’isolement de la colonie dont elle assure la sécurité intérieure, l’armée d’Indochine est la première troupe coloniale française qui fait face à l’invasion d’un territoire de l’empire par une armée régulière. La Thaïlande s’appuie aussi sur des mouvements indépendantistes régionaux et la fidélité relative des dynasties locales envers la France afin de déstabiliser l’Union indochinoise, en même temps que la tournure des combats fragilise la position du colonisateur aux yeux de ses administrés. Position rendue encore plus précaire par la diplomatie du Japon qui impose sa médiation pour remplir ses propres objectifs politico-militaires. Par le biais d’une analyse exhaustive des archives militaires françaises et de celles du gouvernement général d’Indochine, ainsi que de correspondances privées de généraux et de la presse, nous verrons l’adaptabilité et les capacités de projection des troupes du groupe de l’Indochine, la difficulté pour celles-ci de mener une guerre sur des territoires, et les conséquences régionales et mondiales de ce conflit frontalier indissociable de la guerre d’Asie-Pacifique<br>The Franco-Thai crisis of the winter 1940-1941, resulting from the conflicts that brought into opposition France and Siam because of the control of Laos and Cambodia in the late nineteenth century, was the consequence of a political process initiated in 1932 and supported by the Siamese military nationalists in power. Influenced by the fascism, they dissiminated a propaganda that maintained the nostalgia of the "lost territories". They equally forged throughout the 1930s the armed forces prepared for a revenge war against the colonial powers. Facing the colony’s isolation starting from the armistice of June 1940 and being in charge of the colony’s internal security, the Indochinese army was the first French colonial troop coping with the invasion of the empire’s territory by a regular army. Thailand was also based on the regional independence movements and relative loyalty of the local dynasties to France in order to destabilize the Indochinese Union. At the same time, the turn of the combats weakened the colonizer’s position in the eyes of the citizens. This position was made even more precarious by the Japanese diplomacy which imposed its mediation in order to fulfill its political and military objectives. Through an exhaustive analysis of the French military archives, the Indochinese general government’s archives, the generals’ private correspondence and the press, we will see the adaptability and projection capacities of the Indochinese troops, their difficulty to wage war on the territories, as well as regional and global consequences of this border conflict that is inseparable from the Asia-Pacific war

L’obiettivo di questa tesi sarà di realizzare un’analisi, per quanto possibile, esaustiva del conflitto che nel 1982 vide opporsi 2 stati che, nel contesto bipolare della Guerra Fredda, appartenevano entrambi al blocco statunitense, ossia Argentina e Regno Unito. Il mio proposito sarà quello di dimostrare come, facendo ripetutamente uso della retorica, entrambe le potenze in questione abbiano continuamente cercato di legittimane il proprio potere sull’arcipelago, ingaggiando uno scontro diplomatico con ripercussioni economiche notevoli, sfociato in una vera e propria guerra armata. L’analisi che mi propongo di conseguire cercherà di fornire un’immagine composita e multisfaccettata del conflitto, da un punto di vista storico, sociale e politico, con l’intento di prendere oggettivamente in considerazione i passati fattori in gioco. Partendo da questi presupposti, si delineerà un profilo focalizzato sui cambiamenti presenti e sulle possibili evoluzioni future. Comincerò fornendo delle informazioni generali di carattere storico e geografico, rintracciando la fonte della diatriba, a partire dalla colonizzazione dell’arcipelago conteso. In seguito, focalizzerò la mia attenzione sulla guerra vera e propria, fornendo una schematizzazione semplificata delle attività militari che condussero gli Inglesi alla vittoria – il tutto contestualizzato nella particolare situazione politica di cui Argentina e Regno Unito stavano facendo esperienza al momento dell’occupazione. Infine, cercherò di riflettere sulle nuove dinamiche che si sono venute a creare intorno ai crescenti interessi di natura energetica nell’arcipelago, dopo la scoperta di (probabili) giacimenti di petrolio al largo delle coste isolane che, se sfruttati, potrebbero riassestare le già indebolite economie nazionali. In un momento di crisi economica, dove il prezzo del greggio continua a crescere in maniera esponenziale, le due parti cercano di giustificare il controllo sulle “Isole della Discordia”: da una parte l’irredentismo argentino rivendica, una volta per tutte, l’appartenenza geografica delle Falkland/Malvinas al sub-continente Sud Americano, nonché giudica il dominio inglese come un retaggio coloniale anacronistico. Dall’altro lato, si contrappone il diritto all’autoaffermazione, sbandierato senza remora dal Governo Britannico, come strumento democratico inoppugnabile a cui i Falklanders si rivolgono. Per concludere, fornirò una piccola rielaborazione del lavoro precedentemente svolto, esprimendo una critica personale e riflettendo sull’evoluzione di un contenzioso che dura ormai da 6 secoli.

Novant’anni fa, con la fine della Prima guerra mondiale, i confini del Regno d’Italia si ampliano a comprendere quei territori, il Trentino, il Friuli orientale, la città di Trieste, l’Istria e parte della Dalmazia, che la retorica nazionale definisce «irredenti». Il termine «irredento» viene probabilmente usato per la prima volta da Matteo Imbriani, fondatore della Società Pro Italia Irredenta, nel 1877 e, da allora, indica gli abitanti delle province di lingua italiana che, dopo la terza guerra d’indipendenza, sono rimaste sotto il controllo dell’ Impero d’Austria. Pensare però come «irredenta» l’intera popolazione di questi territori è certo una forzatura e non è azzardato affermare che sono gli «irredentisti», intesi come attivisti politici e riuniti nel Regno in diverse associazioni, a raffigurare gli italiani d’Austria come «irredenti», cercando, specie nel periodo della neutralità, di presentare strumentalmente all’opinione pubblica italiana un Trentino o un Litorale Adriatico tutti anelanti la redenzione e il ricongiungimento alla madrepatria. La realtà, è noto, è ben diversa. Sebbene il Trentino sia italiano per lingua e cultura in maniera omogenea, la popolazione delle campagne e delle valli è in prevalenza quietamente indifferente, quando non palesemente filo-austriaca, per affetto dinastico o influenza del clero. Nei territori giuliani la questione è più complessa: qui l’elemento italiano, borghese e cittadino, si scontra soprattutto con quello slavo, abitante delle campagne e poi inurbato come proletariato industriale. L’ostilità all’Austria monta solamente verso la fine del secolo XIX, quando il governo di Vienna viene accusato di aiutare il cosiddetto «risveglio» del nazionalismo slavo in chiave anti-italiana. Se questo è vero non dobbiamo però cadere nell’errore di ritenere tutta la questione nazionale delle province italiane d’Austria l’invenzione propagandistica di gruppi politici aventi l’obiettivo di una guerra contro la duplice monarchia. A Trento come a Trieste, per usare una logora espressione, sebbene siano realtà radicalmente diverse, è possibile, con qualche generalizzazione, individuare nella borghesia cittadina, un elemento filo-italiano molto consistente in entrambe le società. Il sentimento di appartenenza all’Italia nasce fondamentalmente da due fattori: quello economico e quello politico-culturale. La borghesia trentina, che non vede possibilità di espansione all’interno della duplice monarchia, guarda all’Italia come sbocco naturale per attività di tipo imprenditoriale e anche come fonte di lavoro negli impieghi statali e nelle libere professioni. A Trieste ci si attende che l’Italia attui nell’Adriatico una politica di potenza e di espansione che l’Austria sembra non più in grado di perseguire così da ottenere crescita economica e protezione dall’elemento slavo. La borghesia in difficoltà, spinta a vedere nel Regno la soluzione, spesso idealizzata, di ogni problema, trova poi nella tradizione storico-culturale italiana, non solo un motivo di orgoglio e di rivalsa verso l’Austria, ma anche un elemento unificante attorno al quale riunirsi per rivendicare i propri diritti. [...]<br>not available

Submitted by Divisão de Documentação/BC Biblioteca Central (ddbc@ufam.edu.br) on 2018-03-05T13:21:56Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Tese_José Alcimar Oliveira.pdf: 1263567 bytes, checksum: 1d73f23029891c7799cdb758e34727f4 (MD5)<br>Approved for entry into archive by Divisão de Documentação/BC Biblioteca Central (ddbc@ufam.edu.br) on 2018-03-05T13:22:08Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Tese_José Alcimar Oliveira.pdf: 1263567 bytes, checksum: 1d73f23029891c7799cdb758e34727f4 (MD5)<br>Made available in DSpace on 2018-03-05T13:22:08Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Tese_José Alcimar Oliveira.pdf: 1263567 bytes, checksum: 1d73f23029891c7799cdb758e34727f4 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-12-20<br>This thesis, Igara, uka, makira irúmo, addresses the Amazon Region as an epistemological, ontological and dialectical reality, facing the instrumental paradigm of scientific rationality and simultaneously the mythical and perceptive structure of traditional knowledge of the social being of the Hiléia. More than empirical singularities, the canoe, the house and the hammock denote, in these seven essays, the epistemic resistance to the cruelty of occidental thought (identified by the Procrustean bed), to which nature and culture are subjected in the Amazon. Given knowledge based on the subject-object dichotomy, that contributes to the functional nature of capital and forgetting the uni-duality of the human being, these narratives contribute to a renewal of the foundation of the cognitive and ontological structure of the natural and social being of Amazonia.<br>Em Igara, uka, makira irúmu a Amazônia é tratada ao mesmo tempo como realidade epistemológica, ontológica e dialética diante do paradigma instrumental da racionalidade científica e da estrutura mítica e perceptiva do saber tradicional do ser social da Hiléia. Mais do que singularidades empíricas, a canoa, a casa e a rede indicam nesses sete ensaios a resistência epistêmica à barbárie do pensamento ocidental (identificado ao leito de Procrusto), que submete a natureza e a cultura da Amazônia indígeno-cabocla. Trata-se de um conhecimento fundado na dicotomia sujeito-objeto, que reforça a funcionalidade do sociometabolismo do capital e esquece a unidualidade do homem. A finalidade dessas narrativas é contribuir para a refundação da estrutura cognitiva e ontológica do ser natural e social da Amazônia brasileira e se engajar nas vias transformadoras para o futuro do homem.

Analiza la contraofensiva llevada a cabo por la población peruana de Arica frente al creciente proceso de «chilenización» de la provincia, aplicado por el Estado chileno entre los años 1880 y 1920, y el impacto que tuvo la injerencia del Estado peruano para lograr un voto favorable en el proyectado plebiscito que estipuló el Tratado de Ancón de 1883. Todo ello, en conjunto, provocó la fractura del grupo social irredento, caracterizado por ser heterogéneo y antagónico, dificultando la resistencia peruana a la ocupación.<br>Tesis

This thesis is about the relationship between writing and collective experience during World War I. It tries to explore on one hand the links between the different forms of testimony and their cultural content, on the other benefits and problems of the use of “self-writing for the survey of historical and cultural data. Final objective of this thesis is to demonstrate, if possible, the necessity of a “local” approach to the “war culture” category, as it was defined, inside the french historical field, in the debate between the scholars of Historial de la Grande Guerre in Péronne and those of the Collectif de recherche international et de débat sur la guerre (CRID). The “local” i chose to analyze is that of coscripts from Trentino in the Habsburg Army, mostly of rural origin, displaced on the russian-galician front and, very often, taken prisoner and interned in Russia. The nature of the sources i analyzed, the writings of about 170 authors, has various forms (letters, diaries, memorials, autobiographies) but it is made homogenous by the authors’ common geographical and social origin and by the fact that the writings i used are always personal and popular writings. Through a comparison between the sources i tried to underline some of the cultural characteristics of the social group (religiosity, feeling of patriotic belonging, identity mechanisms) and, through a strict confrontation with the writings of folklorist of the beginning of the century and with alpine anthropolgy studies, to focus on possible cultural mutations or permanences brought by the Great War experience. Particular attention is reserved to the topic of peasants’ vision of Time, because naturally linked to the sources’ biographical writing and fondamental element of the perception of the self inside the war, and of the war inside the personal and collective life-span. In a second time i tried to point out the uses of writing as a device, as a tool in the hands of authors to control a reality and a self-image put in danger by the ethic, social, psychological upheaval brought by the war. From the survey of the different ways in which diaries, memorials and letters took upon themselves the task to deform reality, through the choice of topics and the modes of emplotment, emerged the eminently conservative nature of the writings in relation to the self and his cultural context and the willingness to preserve what, on the moral, ethic, phenomenological level, was deemed to be “right” and “true” in peacetime- The conclusions of this thesis have, i think, an original perspective in respect to the debate from which it started and to cultural historiography of the Great War in general. Whereas first world war is often rightly pointed at as the “discontinuos” event par excellence, the event that broke down and reformed the representation system, customs and political institutions on an European level, the local perspective here adopted drove me to put the accent on continuity and on the resistances that a community (minoritarian for its geographical dislocation and historical contingency, but in way representative of the majority of the european conscripts for its rural origin) brought about in face of total war.<br>Questa tesi si occupa del rapporto tra la scrittura e l’esperienza collettiva della prima guerra mondiale e cerca di esplorare da una parte i legami tra le diverse forme della testimonianza e il loro contenuto culturale, dall’altra i vantaggi e le insidie dell’uso delle scritture del sé per il rilevamento di dati storici e culturali. Fine ultimo della tesi è quello di dimostrare, per quanto possibile, la necessità di un approccio “locale” alla categoria di “cultura di guerra”, così come è stata definita nel dibattito sviluppatosi nell’ambito della storiografia francese dagli studiosi dell’Historial de la Grande Guerre di Péronne e da quelli del Collectif de recherche international et de débat sur la guerre (CRID). Il “locale” che si è scelto di analizzare è quello dei coscritti trentini nell’esercito asburgico, perlopiù di origine rurale, impegnati sul fronte russo-galiziano e, in frequentissimi casi, presi prigionieri e internati in Russia. Le fonti analizzate, gli scritti di circa 170 autori, sono varie nelle forme (epistolari, diari, memoriali, memorie autobiografiche) ma omogenee nella comune origine sociale e geografica degli autori e nel fatto che la scrittura presa in considerazione è invariabilmente scrittura popolare e personale. Attraverso una lettura comparata delle fonti si è cercato in primo luogo di mettere in evidenza alcune delle caratteristiche culturali del gruppo in questione (religiosità, senso di appartenenza patrio, meccanismi identitari) e, per tramite di un serrato confronto con scritti di folkloristi di inizio secolo e con saggi di antropologia alpina, gli eventuali mutamenti o permanenze culturali portati dall’esperienza della Grande Guerra. Particolare attenzione è stata riservata al tema della visione contadina del Tempo, in quanto naturalmente legata alla scrittura biografica delle fonti ed elemento fondamentale alla percezione del sé in guerra e della guerra all’interno dell’arco di vita individuale e comunitario. In secondo luogo si è cercato di individuare gli usi della scrittura in quanto dispositvo, in quanto strumento nelle mani degli autori, atto a controllare una realtà e un’immagine di sé messi in pericolo dal sovvertimento valoriale, sociale, psicologico portato dalla guerra. Dalla rilevazione dei vari modi con cui la memorialistica e l’epistolografia si incaricavano di deformare la realtà, per tramite della scelta tematica e delle modalità di creazione dell’intreccio, è emersa la natura preminentemente conservativa della scrittura in rapporto al sé e al proprio contesto culturale, la volontà di preservare quanto, sul piano morale, etico, fenomenologico veniva ritenuto giusto e “vero” in tempo di pace. Le conclusioni di questa tesi si situano in maniera originale rispetto al dibattito da cui prende piede e, credo, rispetto alla storiografia culturale della Grande Guerra nel suo complesso. Laddove la prima guerra mondiale viene spesso giustamente indicata come l’evento “discontinuo” per eccellenza, l’evento che scompose e ricombinò il sistema di rappresentazioni, i costumi e le istituzioni politiche a livello europeo, la prospettiva locale qui adottata spinge a mettere l’accento sulla continuità e sulle resistenze che una comunità (minoritaria per dislocazione geografica e situazione storica, ma in qualche modo rappresentativa della maggioranza dei coscritti europei in virtù della propria provenienza rurale) ha imbastito di fronte alla guerra totale.

Cette thèse intitulée : Les Forces alliées et associées en Extrême-Orient, 1918-1920 - Les soldats austro-hongrois, concerne un épisode fort méconnu de la Première Guerre mondiale, terminée par le décret du 24 octobre 1919. « Quiconque, écrit M. George F. Kennan, tente de donner, sous un petit format, une idée valable des origines de l'intervention alliée en Sibérie, s'impose une tâche presque impossible » . Le retour en 1920 d'un soldat austro-hongrois italophone, en provenance de Chine, a généré cette thèse, il interpelle et interroge. Que sont allées faire les Forces alliées et associées en Russie en 1918 ? Les raisons de l'intervention se définissaient dans la reconstitution d'un front oriental pour soulager le front occidental, le soutien aux Armées blanches luttant contre les Armées rouges, le rapatriement des Légionnaires tchéco-slovaques. Mais il n'en fut rien. Dans ce conflit, le nationalisme utilisé et galvaudé servit à Masaryk pour fonder la première République tchéco-slovaque, le 28 octobre 1918. Les pays de l'Entente et les États-Unis qui l'ont soutenu dans cette démarche n'ont poursuivi qu'un objectif, le démantèlement de l'Empire austro-hongrois. Outre la fin des Habsbourg, l'Entente ainsi que celles et ceux qui détenaient le pouvoir décisionnel voulaient la disparition des monarchies, excepté celle de l'Empire britannique. Tandis que les soldats des corps expéditionnaires français, britannique et italien, aidés des Légionnaires tchéco-slovaques, combattaient les bolcheviks, Alliés et associés négociaient avec le pouvoir de Lénine. Le refus de l'Occident de reconnaître le gouvernement de l'amiral Koltchak, le fit échouer. Trahi, livré aux maximalistes d'Irkoutsk par les Tchèques, il fut exécuté le 7 février 1920. L'intervention des Forces alliées et associées en Extrême-Orient ciblait un objectif politico-économique. À la fin de 1919, le Conseil supérieur interallié (C.S.I.) rapatria d'abord les corps expéditionnaires, et seulement ensuite les prisonniers. À leur retour, les détenus austro-hongrois italophones connurent de douloureuses difficultés en Italie<br>The title of my thesis: The Allied and Associated Forces in the Far East, 1918 to 1920, The Austro-Hungarian Soldiers, is about a greatly ignored event of the First World War which was ended by a decree on October 24, 1919. “Whoever, writes Mr. George F. Kennan, attempts to describe in a brief manner, a valid idea of the beginning of the Allied intervention in Siberia, is taking on an almost impossible task”.The return in 1920 of an Italian speaking Austro-Hungarian soldier, coming from China, generated this thesis as he challenges and questions. What were the Allied and Associated Forces going to do in Russia in 1918? The reasons for the intervention were explained as: the reorganization of the Eastern Front to bring some relief to the Western Front, the support of the White Armies against the Red Armies and the sending of the Czechoslovakian Legionnaires back to their home. But none of this happened.In this conflict, the employed and misused nationalism helped Masaryk establish the first Czechoslovakian Republic on October 28, 1918. The countries of the Entente and the United States which supported him in this endeavor had only one objective in mind, the dismantling of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. Besides the end of the Hapsburgs, the Entente as well as those who held decisive power wanted the disappearance of monarchies except the one of the British Empire. While the French, British and Italian Expeditionary Forces helped the Czechoslovakian Legionnaires fight the soldiers of the Red Army, the Allied and Associated Forces negotiated with Lenin. The refusal of the West to recognize Admiral Koltchak's government led to his fall. Betrayed and turned over to the Bolsheviks of Irkutsk by the Czechs, he was executed February 7, 1920.The objective of the intervention by the Allied and Associated Forces in the Far East was essentially political and economic. At the end of 1919, the Interallied Superior Counsel (C.S.I.) first sent home the Expeditionary Forces and only later the prisoners. Upon their return, the Italian speaking Austro-Hungarian detainees were confronted with many painful obstacles and difficulties in Italy

Thesis (M.S.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1989.<br>Typescript. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 108-113).

O colapso das democracias europeias no período entre guerras serviu de preâmbulo à desintegração da ordem mundial estabelecida com o tratado de Versailles e, consequentemente, à segunda guerra mundial. O objetivo desta dissertação é contribuir para a explicação da “primeira contra vaga de democratização” a partir de dois fatores: a) a existência de minorias e b) a competição entre nacionalismos (sob a forma de instabilidade de fronteiras). Assim, analisamos 28 democracias presentes no sistema internacional entre 1918 e 1939 através de análises multivariadas – designadamente regressões categoriais – controlando os efeitos de outras variáveis apontadas na literatura como fatores explicativos do colapso da democracia – desenvolvimento económico, longevidade do regime, instabilidade governativa, e variáveis institucionais. Esta dissertação conclui que a heterogeneidade nacional não é um bom preditor do colapso da democracia, ao passo que a presença substancial de populações nacionais fora das fronteiras do estado aumenta as instâncias de colapso da democracia. Já no que toca à instabilidade de fronteiras, esta dissertação conclui que nem a perda, nem a aquisição de territórios como resultado da primeira guerra mundial são bons preditores do colapso da democracia no período entre guerras. Por outro lado, tanto os países irredentistas (revisionistas) como os países cujas fronteiras são questionadas pelos seus vizinhos apresentam mais instâncias de colapso da democracia. Finalmente, os resultados desta dissertação apontam para a existência na literatura de uma sobrevalorização do poder explicativo do subdesenvolvimento económico (vis-à-vis o colapso da democracia) devido à forma como o PIB/per capita é medido.<br>The collapse of democracies in Interwar Europe was the preamble to the disintegration of the post-Versailles world order and with it the advent of the Second World War. The aim of this dissertation is to contribute to the explanation of the first “counter-wave of democracy” in Europe focussing primarily on two factors: a) the existence of minorities (within and outside the country), and b) competition between nationalisms (in the form of border instability). In order to accomplish this we analyse 28 democracies present in the international system between 1918 and 1939 through the use of multivariate analysis – particularly categorical regressions – controlling the effect of other variables pointed in the literature as factors of democratic collapse – economic development, regime longevity, governmental instability, and institutional variables. This dissertation concludes that national heterogeneity is not a good predictor of democratic collapse whereas the existence of considerable national populations outside the state’s borders increases the instances of the collapse of democracy. With regards to border instability we conclude that neither the loss nor the gain of territories as a result of the First World War is a good predictor of democratic collapse in the Interwar period. On the other hand, both irredentist (revisionist) countries and states whose borders are questioned by their neighbours exhibit more instances of democratic collapse. Finally the findings of this dissertation indicate that the literature overemphasises the explanatory power of economic underdevelopment (vis-à-vis the collapse of democracy) due to the way GDP/per capita is measured.

El Plan de San Diego is the name of an important document in Texas history, but the document and surrounding history is usually discussed with little or no reference to the town of San Diego, Texas, the people who lived there, or the cultural landscape. The Plan de San Diego is an unsuccessful rebellion that is one of the few documented irredentist revolts in U.S. History, it is also a written document calling for return of lands in a multi-ethnic call to arms advocating the recovery of territory by people of Mexican descent in 1915, named for the town San Diego, TX. After the discovery of this Plan, Mexican-Americans were persecuted, violently suppressed, and murdered: 300-5,000 people of Mexican descent died violently following the discovery and publication of the Plan de San Diego in what historians have called the “Bandit Wars”. San Diego, Texas residents and the entire U.S.-Mexican borderlands changed after the discovery of the Plan. My research investigates the political landscape and changes in material and cultural assemblages during and after the Plan, examining how descendant communities retained ties to place and remembered this event in the community of San Diego. Archival research, Historical archaeology and media representations of San Diego explore expose the everyday lives, settlement patterns, and subsistence strategies of the residents of San Diego before and after 1915, showing the material and social effects of the failed rebellion. The socio-political landscape that helped create Mexican-American culture in San Diego is a silenced, violent, and misunderstood chapter of Texas history that shapes the current borderlands and contributes important insights into the study of sites of rebellion and retaliation worldwide.

Territorial disputes between Japan and South Korea (Dokdo/Takeshima) and Japan, Taiwan, and China (the Senkaku/Diaoyu Islands) are characteristic of post-war East Asian diplomacy. This thesis explores these ongoing territorial disputes, problematizing Realist arguments by which these disputes are analyzed as matters of territorial or resource nationalism, or as the result of legal complications or security concerns. Instead, it is argued that we should look to ideologies of nationalism to understand seemingly extreme emotional reactions over these 'rocks' which threaten to destabilize Northeast Asia. These islands are treated as 'sublime' symbols of the nation and irredentist arguments which support the Japanese, Korean, and Chinese positions read history through a lens of essentialized notions of 'a people' or 'a nation', and in the process help define both.

碩士<br>國立臺北教育大學<br>台灣文化研究所<br>101<br>Abstract This thesis studies on the ''Ren Jian Thought and Creation Series'' The first chapter explains the motive, concept definition and research methods; Chapter II to Chapter V are the main content; Chapter VI is conclusion. ''Ren Jian Thought and Creation Series'' is a culture magazine book series created by writer Chen Ying-Zhen and his ideological comrade , issued from 1998 to 2008. It is a highly politicized culture publication, which was born in the era that Taiwan nationalism flourished, the left-wing Chinese irredentist movement in Taiwan being marginalized, the purpose is to help the left-wing Chinese irredentist movement compete for the right to interpret history and cultural hegemony in Taiwan. The ''Ren Jian Thought and Creation Series'' stands for anti- Taiwan independence, restore Chinese identity as the decolonization goal for Taiwanese society, therefore, it focuses on the representation of historical memory of Chinese nationalism in modern Taiwan. To this end, the journal colleagues actively unearthed, organize and introduce a lot of historical materials, especially for the transitional period before the cross-strait division after WW II , which is the focus for interpretation and mining. Another focus of the journal is to think about the East Asian region decolonization as a whole and also concerned and questioned about the direction of political and culture development of the People's Republic of China after the restoration of capitalism. It is able to represent the core concern of the left-wing Chinese irredentist movement in Taiwan at the turn of the 21st century. Although the ''Ren Jian Thought and Creation Series'' uphold the ''Third-Worldist'' vision treasured by the left-wing Chinese irredentist movement while concerning issues on decolonization in Taiwan and East Asia has its valuable point, their final solution of decolonization is not driven toward an open possibility, but is restricted in the specific national departmentalism, which also reflects the limits of ''Third-Worldism ''.