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Journal articles on the topic 'Irredentism'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 28 July 2024

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1

Malbašić, Zoran, and Milovan Trbojević. "Defining irredentism as a security phenomenon." Nauka bezbednost policija 25, no. 2 (2020): 39–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/nabepo25-25836.

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Irredentism as an inevitable element of expansionistic strategy still remains a fascinating concept and a subject of research in political science and security intelligence to boot. The subject of this paper is the origin of irredentism as a security phenomenon, the analyses of its numerous transformations and the resilience of this phenomenon in all country legal systems. The specific attention has been appointed to typology of irredentism alongside the goal of identifying the irredentist strategies throughout history until today, accompanied by an aspiration to identify the current potentially irredentist countries. Expansionistic doctrine cannot be observed as an internal affair of a country, but it is a generator of international crises, potentially growing into regional and further into global conflict. Analysing numerous theoretical views in this field, the authors' intention has been to verify the structural characteristics of irredentism together with the initial partakers of conflicts alongside irredentist potential.

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Olena Dyka, Olena Dyka, Tetiana Trosteniuk Tetiana Trosteniuk, and Nina Popovych Nina Popovych. "FACTORS OF RUSSIAN IRREDENTISM IN UKRAINE: HISTORICAL ANALYSIS." Socio World-Social Research & Behavioral Sciences 13, no. 03 (December 27, 2023): 89–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.36962/swd13032023-89.

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This article examines the Russian policy of irredentism, namely its manifestations in relation to Ukrainian territories. Threats from the Russian Federation to Ukraine's national and territorial security prompt the study of the genesis of Russian expansionist policies. The notion of irredentism is extremely complex and multifaceted, and has different interpretations. In particular, it is seen as the desire of an ethnic minority to secede from a multi-ethnic state in order to unite with a neighboring kin state. In the modern concept, irredentism is seen as a state policy aimed at annexing territories inhabited by ethnically related populations. Russian irredentism, defined as Russia's aggressive policy towards the territories of former post-Soviet countries, has much deeper roots, as the idea of the hegemony of the Moscow tsars over the entire Slavic Orthodox world dates back to the sixteenth century. and was actively pursued by the Russian imperial authorities, which from the mid-seventeenth century seized a significant part of Left-Bank Ukraine, and by the end of the seventeenth century, as a result of three divisions of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and the Russian-Turkish wars, almost all Ukrainian lands. An in-depth historical analysis of the origins and manifestations of Russian aggressive policy has shown that irredentism plays a key role in Russian aggression and has a number of factors: historical, geopolitical, economic, and ideological. Keywords: irredentism, irredentist policy, "Novorossiya", "fifth column", ethnopolitics, kin-state.

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3

Nair, Gautam, and Nicholas Sambanis. "Violence Exposure and Ethnic Identification: Evidence from Kashmir." International Organization 73, no. 02 (2019): 329–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818318000498.

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AbstractThis article studies the conditions that lead peripheral minorities to identify with the state, their ethnic group, or neighboring countries. We contribute to research on separatism and irredentism by examining how violence, psychological distance, and national status determine identification. The analysis uses data from a novel experiment that randomized videos of actual violence in a large, representative survey of the Kashmir Valley region in the Indian state of Jammu and Kashmir, an enduring site of separatist and irredentist conflict. We find that a strong regional identity is a counterweight to irredentism, but violent repression by the state can push members of the minority to identify with an irredentist neighbor. Violence increases perceived distance from the nation and reduces national identification. There is suggestive evidence that these effects are concentrated among individuals with attributes that otherwise predict higher levels of identification with the state. Information about integrative institutions and increased national status brought about by economic growth is insufficient to induce national identification in a context where psychological distance from the nation is large.

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4

Quercioli, Alessio. ""Tutti gli studenti dovrebbero venir quassů". Giovani irredenti nelle universitŕ italiane 1880-1915." PASSATO E PRESENTE, no. 77 (May 2009): 31–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/pass2009-077003.

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- Is about the annexation of Veneto to the Reign of Italy in 1866, which deprives students from Italian provinces in the Austro-Hungarian Empire of the only university in Italian language within the boundaries of the double monarchy of Padua. People study in Austria, following classes in German, or enroll in Italian institutes whose qualifications are not acknowledged by Austrian authorities. The decision to study in Italy must be considered as a precise political choice; the youngest challenge the Austrian social and political system, that seems stale and inadequate, by choosing the "young" Reign. Many of these students will join the Italian army as volunteers. This research aims at giving new hints and open the way to further analyses of the «'14 generation», whose exceptionality has always been highlighted. But it is also necessary to focus on the connections with the previous generations - particularly for the "irredentists" - on their non-impromptu choices, which have to be seen as the result of a long cultural and political path.Key words: Students, University, Irredentism, First World War.Parole chiave: Studenti, Universitŕ, Irredentismo, Prima guerra mondiale.

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5

Baird, Ian G. "Different views of history: Shades of irredentism along the Laos–Cambodia border." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 41, no. 2 (May 4, 2010): 187–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463410000020.

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The administrative boundary between Laos and Cambodia is amongst the least studied international borders in Southeast Asia. Since Laos and Cambodia became independent in 1953–54, relatively minor but sustained tensions have characterised border relations. An important reason for disagreements is irredentist feelings. Some ethnic Lao in both Laos and Cambodia believe that part of northeastern Cambodia should be added to Laos, while some ethnic Khmer in Cambodia insist that their border should be extended to include part of southern Laos. Different emphases and framings of history have contributed to irredentism and the development of identities in relation to the border.

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6

Fava, Sabrina. "Italian Readers of Il Giornalino della Domenica and Il Passerotto between the Great War and the Fiume Endeavour." Libri et liberi 7, no. 2 (May 3, 2019): 203–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.21066/carcl.libri.7.2.2.

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Early 20th-century children’s magazines chart fundamental steps in the development of children’s literature, both in literary production itself, and the ways in which young readers were taught to read. This paper explores the points of view of the literary text and of actual readers in the weekly Il Giornalino della Domenica and the monthly Il Passerotto, with reference to the topics of interventionism and irredentism that characterised the thoughts and dreams of many subscribers to the magazines. Until the First World War, the unification of the irredentist regions took the shape of fantastic and humorous accounts, but the apex of irredentism was reached with the Fiume endeavour. This long-held pre-war dream gave voice to the rebelliousness of a whole generation of young people who had grown up yearning to see the epic of the Risorgimento finally laid to rest. As young adults, they were convinced that they could convey the outcome of this to the two magazines’ new generation of young readers. Analysis of the two magazines enables us to reconstruct the continuities and changes that shaped the intellectual growth of child readers and anticipate the choices they would make as adults, some of which would have dramatic consequences.

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7

Horlo, Natalia. "INTERNATIONAL POLITICAL CONTEXT OF IRREDENTISM." Polonia University Scientific Journal 40, no. 3 (2020): 205–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.23856/4026.

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8

Dzugaev, K. G., and K. S. Mokin. "South Ossetia: Irredentism and Identity." Vestnik Povolzhskogo instituta upravleniya 21, no. 6 (2021): 30–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/1682-2358-2021-6-30-37.

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Problems of the South Ossetian national movement and the correlation of its irredentist essence with the processes of self-identification of South Ossetians are considered. The current state of South Ossetian identity is analyzed and shortand medium-term forecasts of its changes are offered.

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9

Priestly, Tom. "Linguistic propaganda against perceived irredentism." International Journal of Applied Linguistics 9, no. 1 (June 1999): 37–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1473-4192.1999.tb00159.x.

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10

Roy, Denny. "Assertive China: Irredentism or Expansionism?" Survival 61, no. 1 (January 2, 2019): 51–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00396338.2019.1568044.

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11

Dixon, Jonathan. "East China Sea or South China Sea, they are all China's Seas: comparing nationalism among China's maritime irredentist claims†." Nationalities Papers 42, no. 6 (November 2014): 1053–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2014.969693.

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Much has been made over the past few years of China'vs ambitions of regaining control of its irredentist claims in the East and South China Seas. While some of this speculation focuses on the massive amounts of money the People's Republic of China (PRC) has funneled into its naval modernization program, other analysts are more interested in the drivers behind the increasingly popular sentiment that the country must “reclaim” its lost territories. The Chinese Communist Party can ill afford to ignore the voice of an already disenchanted population if it hopes to stay in power, particularly in regard to matters of national pride. As a result, in dealing with China's irredentist claims, nationalism in particular can be a powerful ideological factor in shaping the nation's foreign policies. This is especially apparent in the case of irredentism, where nationalism can often override diplomatic and strategic imperatives. This paper addresses the question of how does the nationalist discourse vary between two territorial disputes, the East and South China Seas. It uses discourse analysis to examine developing trends among online social media and news sites. This in turn allows for the construction of a framework of how nationalism develops among both elite and grassroots audiences.

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12

Siroky, David S., and Christopher W. Hale. "Inside Irredentism: A Global Empirical Analysis." American Journal of Political Science 61, no. 1 (November 7, 2016): 117–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ajps.12271.

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13

Capano, Fabio. "From a cosmopolitan to a fascist land: Adriatic irredentism in motion." Nationalities Papers 46, no. 6 (November 2018): 976–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2017.1344626.

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This article explores Adriatic irredentism, a complex political, cultural, and social movement, by specifically analyzing the unique role it played in the legitimization of Italian territorial claims over “language frontiers” such as Trieste and its hinterland. Through a close reading of first-hand sources, it examines how Italian irredentist intellectuals, public press, and associations purposefully utilized anti-Slav and anti-German arguments to shape public perception of both the Italian nation as well as Trieste's Italian identity or “Italianità.” Although recent historiographical interpretations have emphasized continuities in local understandings of “Italianità,” this article examines the discontinuities in the debate over its identity. It suggests that although Italian identity was first conceived as an expression of cultural and linguistic autonomy within the broader intellectual framework of Adriatic multi-nationalism, this idea gradually vanished amidst the structural crisis triggered by the Ausgleich or Compromise of 1867 and then inexorably faded on the eve of the Great War. Thus, notions of Italian national identity took an exclusionary and sometimes xenophobic meaning that was publicly used by a wide set of political actors to justify the territorial reincorporation of the “unredeemed” land within the borders of the new Italian state. The fascist regime, especially, utilized Italianness to further its aggressive and chauvinist agenda toward the Adriatic borderland. Consequently, Italian language and culture became instruments as well as symbols of repression and imperialism that were used to fulfill the regime's ambitions of “fascistization” of the Slavic population living in the region.

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14

Tallis, Raymond. "Human transcendence: the possibility of spiritual irredentism." Theology 122, no. 2 (February 23, 2019): 83–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0040571x18817432.

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The article is concerned with the project of spiritual irredentism; of reclaiming for humanity that which has been donated to God. It takes its rise from the view, particularly associated with Feuerbach and Durkheim, that the object of religious worship is a projection of humanity’s intuition of its own transcendence. The broad outlines of the manner in which mankind transcends nature are sketched. The question then remains as to how this is to be placed at the service of humanity, and, indeed, to meeting those needs that religion has served. This is the greatest challenge of secular humanism.

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15

Landau, Jacob M. "Irredentism and minorities in the Middle East." Immigrants & Minorities 9, no. 3 (November 1990): 242–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02619288.1990.9974741.

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16

Kitromilides, Paschalis M. "Greek irredentism in Asia minor and Cyprus." Middle Eastern Studies 26, no. 1 (January 1990): 3–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00263209008700801.

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17

Koliopoulos, John S. "Brigandage and Irredentism in Nineteenth-Century Greece." European History Quarterly 19, no. 2 (April 1989): 193–228. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026569148901900204.

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18

Kolstø, Pål, Andrei Edemsky, and Natalya Kalashnikova. "The Dniester conflict: Between irredentism and separatism." Europe-Asia Studies 45, no. 6 (January 1993): 973–1000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09668139308412137.

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19

Gokcek, Gigi. "Irredentism versus Secessionism: The Potential for International Conflict." Nationalism and Ethnic Politics 17, no. 3 (July 2011): 276–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537113.2011.600105.

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20

Kornprobst, Markus. "Dejustification and Dispute Settlement: Irredentism in European Politics." European Journal of International Relations 13, no. 4 (December 2007): 459–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354066107083143.

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21

Senkman, Leonardo. "Irredentismo, descolonización y sionismo palestino: indagaciones preliminares." Araucaria, no. 42 (2019): 209–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.12795/araucaria.2019.i42.10.

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22

Horlo, N. V. "COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF WESTERN AND EASTERN TYPES OF IRREDENTISM." Scientific Journal "Regional Studies", no. 22 (2020): 10–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.32782/2663-6170/2020.22.2.

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23

Ackrén, Maria, and Bjarne Lindström. "Autonomy development, irredentism and secessionism in a Nordic context." Commonwealth & Comparative Politics 50, no. 4 (November 2012): 494–511. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14662043.2012.729732.

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24

Farah, Caesar E. "Pan-Turkism: From Irredentism to Cooperation: Jacob M. Landau." Digest of Middle East Studies 6, no. 1 (January 1997): 53–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1949-3606.1997.tb00708.x.

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25

Capano, Fabio. "The evolution of nationhood in twentieth century Europe: Lessons from the Northern Adriatic borderlands." Nationalities Papers 46, no. 6 (November 2018): 955–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2018.1501670.

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This article is a short introduction for a special edition on Italian nationhood. The articles that comprise the special edition are the following: From a cosmopolitan to a fascist land: Adriatic irredentism in motion; Erecting fascism: nation, identity, and space in Trieste in the first half of the twentieth century; Building Italianità in northern Adriatic: The case of population from Pola.

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26

Belyaev, V. A., and G. R. Sibaeva. "Regional players as antagonists: forms of irredentism and "phantom pains" of neighbors in different types of contemporary civilizations." Kazan Socially-Humanitarian Bulletin, no. 1 (64) (April 3, 2024): 12–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.26907/2079-5912.2024.1.12-20.

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The article shows the evolution in the interpretation of antagonists in science, the flexibility and changeability of antagonists on the world stage, the competition between neighbors of the first order and the possibility of alliances with neighbors of the second order, errors in determining possible allies in France. The historical vectors of different forms of irredentism, the factors of degradation of irredentism and its transformation from legitimate and fair to illegal and unfair are divorced. The differences in the definition of antagonists and the degree of aggressiveness of Retro-, Pirahan- and Forthcoming civilizations are revealed. It is proved that retro-civilizations engaged in the revision of historical memory and based on a retrograde, revanchist orientation live at the expense of "phantom pains", in Russia's neighbors – thanks to irrational Russophobia. Their aggressiveness is capable of reaching a high intensity, but does not rely on the necessary resources. The Pirahan-civilization is also unstable – due to the gap between the hedonism of the dominant culture and the propaganda of the "progressors"-motives. Among the forthcoming-civilizations, there are both peaceful progressive options and expansionist reactionary variants.

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27

Diener, Alexander C. "Assessing potential Russian irredentism and separatism in Kazakhstan’s northern oblasts." Eurasian Geography and Economics 56, no. 5 (September 3, 2015): 469–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15387216.2015.1103660.

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28

Ploumidis, Spyros. "Nuances of Irredentism: The Epirote Society of Athens (1906-1912)." Historical Review/La Revue Historique 8 (July 6, 2012): 149. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/hr.280.

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29

Croucher, Sheila. "Solving the Puzzle of Irredentism: Successful Nationalists and Ambivalent Kinfolk." International Studies Review 11, no. 1 (March 2009): 202–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2486.2008.01840.x.

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30

Berkii, Tetiana. "Separatism — the Main Threat for Internal Security." Internal Security 11, no. 2 (February 17, 2020): 109–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.8210.

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This article is devoted to separatism as a global phenomenon of modern times. Separatism is considered a large-scale phenomenon of the present, which can cause irreparable consequences for state independence. The concept of separatism is analysed in accordance with different dictionaries that interpret this phenomenon. The concept of separatism is analysed using the comparative method, namely, separatism is compared with the solar system. The main types of separatism are analysed, depending of the region, country and the sphere of its expression. Examples of each of them are given in the article. If we consider separatism as a movement or a process that wants to separate from the state, then, depending on the purpose, the following forms of separatism are distinguished: secession, irredentism, and devolution. The positions of the representatives of the scientific world community about secession are highlighted, its main advantages and disadvantages are revealed. The article highlights the interesting positions of scientists who consider separatism as a positive phenomenon in the process of nation-building. As an example of irredentism, the situation with the Crimea is described. Crimea was an autonomous region within the nation of Ukraine until March 2014 after a shady referendum it was taken over by the Russian police.

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31

Soloviova, Alina, and Dmytro Mamonov. "THE RIGHT OF PEOPLES TO SELF-DETERMINATION IN THE POST-SOVIET COUNTRIES." Scientific works of National Aviation University. Series: Law Journal "Air and Space Law" 2, no. 63 (June 30, 2022): 95–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.18372/2307-9061.63.16715.

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The purpose of the article is to study the essence of the right of peoples to self-determination on the example of some post-Soviet countries. The methodological basis of the study consists of methods of cognition (analysis, synthesis, induction, deduction, analogy, comparison), general scientific methods, formal-logical method of interpretation of law, etc. The components of the methodological base are objectivity and a combination of critical and rational, constructive approaches. Results: after the collapse of the Soviet Union, the Socialist Republics became independent sovereign states, but formally rather than practically. The military conflicts in South Ossetia, Abkhazia and the Transnistrian Moldavian Republic, as well as Russia's ongoing war against Ukraine, have shown that there is still a need to reassess the role and importance of international political institutions and mechanisms for implementing international law. Discussion: the principles of territorial integrity of the state and the right of nations to self-determination are essentially related to the term «sovereignty», its interpretation and implementation in public policy. The different correlation of these principles in the state-building of modern countries leads to the intensification of geopolitical processes, often disintegration, which can lead to the development of various interethnic conflicts. The right to self-determination can be exercised in the form of autonomy within existing state borders, in the form of the creation of a sovereign state or in the form of the withdrawal of a certain people from the state (secession or irredentism). Following purely theoretical constructions, the «peoples» of South Ossetia, Abkhazia, and the Transnistrian Moldavian Republic have exercised their inalienable right to self-determination, and the «peoples» of Georgia and Moldova have violated their inalienable rights. Russia's aggression against Ukraine has become a shining example of the abuse of irredentist sentiments in society to justify armed aggression. A comparative analysis of irredentist attitudes in the civil society of post-Soviet countries allows us to highlight the features of such trends, as well as their impact on foreign policy.

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32

Slyusar, V., O. Mosiyenko, and M. Slyusar. "Historical memory as a mediation factor for resolving irredentical conflicts in the world." Society and Security, no. 1(2) (April 17, 2024): 59–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.26642/sas-2024-1(2)-59-63.

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The article analyzes historical memory in the context of irredentical conflicts. Emphasis is placed on the role of historical memory as a social phenomenon and the peculiarities of the historical policy formation as a factor in negotiation processes when applying the mediation method. The conflicts that arise as a result of the implementation of irredentism as a policy of actors (state, party or socio-political movement) with the aim of integrating ethnic groups into one ethnos within the framework of a single state are extremely complicated, since the main appeal is to the history of the formation of the ethnos. The potential threats that appear before the mediator are revealed, as historical memory is explicated simultaneously in the space of diachronic communication of society as a distant in time connection of generations and synchronous communication as mutual relations in real time, based on the strategy of common destiny for the sake of the future. It is emphasized that cultural communication appeals to supra-individual memory and contains both rational components in the form of historical knowledge and irrational ones (myths, legends, symbols, etc.), and conflicts based on irredentism primarily determine the phenomenon of "common history" , that is, long-term processes of ethno-national interaction, which are crystallized in various forms of the collective unconscious. Consideration of these aspects is essential for mediation.

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Mareš, Miroslav. "Irredentism: Traditional and New Dimension of Threat for the Czech Republic." Obrana a strategie (Defence & Strategy) 10, no. 2 (December 15, 2010): 101–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.3849/1802-7199.10.2010.02.101-119.

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34

Hametz, Maura. "Replacing Venice in the Adriatic: tourism and Italian irredentism, 1880–1936." Journal of Tourism History 6, no. 2-3 (April 7, 2014): 107–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1755182x.2014.897762.

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35

Hout, Milou. "In search of the nation in Fiume: Irredentism, cultural nationalism, borderlands." Nations and Nationalism 26, no. 3 (December 13, 2019): 660–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/nana.12583.

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36

Coakley, John. "Adjusting to partition: from irredentism to “consent” in twentieth-century Ireland." Irish Studies Review 25, no. 2 (February 10, 2017): 193–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09670882.2017.1286079.

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37

Driscoll, Jesse, and Zachary C. Steinert-Threlkeld. "Social media and Russian territorial irredentism: some facts and a conjecture." Post-Soviet Affairs 36, no. 2 (December 12, 2019): 101–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1060586x.2019.1701879.

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38

Bachynska, O. "“Southern Lands” of Ukraine in Polish Irredentism of the 1850-1870s." Ukraïnsʹkij ìstoričnij žurnal, no. 3 (June 23, 2023): 150–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/uhj2023.03.150.

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39

Shevyakov, Sergey V. "“Kirsanov movement” of the Austro-Hungarian army Italian nationality prisoners of war during the World War I." Tambov University Review. Series: Humanities, no. 3 (2023): 725–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/1810-0201-2023-28-3-725-736.

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Importance. From 1915 to 1917, a camp for Austro-Hungarian prisoners of war of Italian nationality functioned in Kirsanov in Tambov Governorate, who accepted the offer of the Italian government to send them to Italy and then join the ranks of its armed forces. In the period preceding the dispatch, a group of prisoners of war who shared irredentist ideas organized a number of patriotic events in the camp with the aim of national cohesion of future volunteers. Their activity was called the “Kirsanov movement”, which is insufficiently covered in modern historiography. Materials and methods. The main sources for the research were archival materials, as well as a number of published researches. The historical and genetic method was used, which allowed tracing the origins and evolution of the Italian national movement (irredentism) in the territories belonging to the Austro-Hungarian Empire. Results and Discussion. It is shown that the goal achievement of prisoners of war national cohesion was hampered both by the social and economic conditioned worldview and pre-war mutual perception stereotypes by natives of Habsburg monarchy’s various territories with the Italian population, and by the former loyalty preservation of some prisoners of war to the Habsburg Empire, fueled by possible repressions of the Austrian authorities in relation to themselves and their relatives. Conclusion. In waiting for sent to Italy, a group of patriotic prisoners of war in the Kirsanov camp organized a number of events, which was called the “Kirsanov movement”. Its purpose was to involve politically wounded prisoners of war in patriotic activities.

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40

Peponas, Manolis. "The Greco-Albanian Relations During the Period 1974-1996: From Irredentism to Political Realism." HAPSc Policy Briefs Series 4, no. 1 (June 29, 2023): 64–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/hapscpbs.35184.

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Greece and Albania are two countries that confronted each other several times during the first decades of the 20th century. The fact that both Albanians and Greeks were living for centuries in the same geographical region (Epirus) caused several disputes and the intervention of the Great Powers. However, after several years of armed or political confrontation (1913-1945), Greece understood the necessity for peaceful coexistence. The effort to re-establishment their relations was not easy because of the power of the nationalistic organizations. This paper aims to describe how political realism prevailed against irredentism.

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41

Paci, Deborah. "The Åland Islands Question: Irredentism and Autonomism in the ‘Archipelago of Peace’." Revista Brasileira de História 40, no. 85 (December 2020): 13–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1806-93472020v40n85-02.

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Abstract Lying in the Baltic sea, at the entrance of the Gulf of Bothnia, 70km from the Finnish coast and 36 km from that of Sweden, the archipelago of Åland is an autonomous Finnish province. What distinguishes the archipelago is its Swedish monolingualism, autonomous government recognized by international treaties, and demilitarization. This article proposes some reflections on the concept of sovereignty in Åland in the 20th century particularly on two key elements the island’s strategic position and its autonomy. After a historical overview of Åland in the 1800s, emphasizing their strategic relevance in the Baltic, I will focus on the irredentist period, in which emerged secessionist movement that called for the island’s anexation to Sweden.

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Petropulos, John A., and John S. Koliopoulos. "Brigands with a Cause: Brigandage and Irredentism in Modern Greece, 1821- 1912." American Historical Review 95, no. 5 (December 1990): 1581. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2162827.

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FARRINGTON, CHRISTOPHER. "Reconciliation or Irredentism? The Irish Government and the Sunningdale Communiqué of 1973." Contemporary European History 16, no. 1 (February 2007): 89–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s096077730600364x.

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AbstractThis article uses recently released archival material to examine the role of the Irish government in the negotiation of the Sunningdale communiqué of 1973, which marked, among other things, an agreement to establish a Council of Ireland and was therefore a key part of the first attempt to establish a power-sharing devolved executive in Northern Ireland. The article will problematise the distinctions which have been made between various strains of political thought held by leading intellectuals and politicians on the national question and show how the discourse of ‘revisionist nationalism’ and reconciliation which sponsored the key institution of the Sunningdale communiqué, the Council of Ireland, was in contradiction to the meaning attached to the functions of the Council, which was in fact closer to traditional nationalist aims.

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Pylova, O. A. "Irredentism of Hungary, Poland and Romania in Western Ukraine in the Context of Language Policy of Kyiv." Humanities and Social Sciences. Bulletin of the Financial University 9, no. 6 (February 10, 2020): 138–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.26794/2226-7867-2019-9-6-138-142.

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In the severe political and economic conditions that have developed in Ukraine, fears of the policies of irredentism of neighbouring states are becoming increasingly realistic. The problem of the separation of territories and in some cases of their transfer to neighbouring states arose in Ukraine in 2014 after the Russian rejoin of the Crimea and the beginning of the crisis in the eastern part of the country. Today, special attention attracts the situation in the Donbas region, and almost no one addresses the potential problem of the same kind happening in western regions. This article attempts to identify the main goals of Ukraine’s western neighbours (Hungary, Romania, and Poland) concerning Ukraine and the humanitarian instruments of influence they use to achieve these goals. The methodology of the study has determined the structure of the article, which includes a comparative analysis of the goals and methods of the cultural and linguistic influence these states have on the population of the neighbouring territory (i.e. national minorities). Cultural and linguistic influence in this context means the cultivation of national minority languages within a limited area of their residence through education, mass media, and the organisation of programs to promote the development of cultural relations. Based on the above methodology and statistical and analytical material, the author concludes that Hungary, Romania and Poland, using similar tools to influence their national minorities, pursue different goals. Both the methods of influence and the tasks of these states I discussed in detail. Besides, one of the main conclusions drawn from the results of my study is that Hungarian, Polish and Romanian irredentism is indeed a severe risk today and deserves special attention from Ukraine.

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Shinar, Chaim. "Vladimir Putin’s Aspiration to Restore the Lost Russian Empire." European Review 25, no. 4 (September 29, 2017): 642–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798717000278.

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In this article, I argue that the Russian leader, Vladimir Putin, by his political actions in Eastern Europe, the Baltic States and Central Asian countries, and his current actions in Ukraine, strives to re-establish the nineteenth-century Russian Empire, ignoring the principle of international law that protects the sovereignty of each nation-state over its territory. In order to achieve his goals Putin uses ‘soft force’ and social fermentation in Russian-speaking ‘near abroad’ nation-states of the former Soviet Union. He also uses a policy of weakening the economy of the target countries and uses the Russian chauvinism and irredentism as the basis of his policy.

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Carvalho, Erivelto Da Rocha. "Dom Quixote em cordel de J. Borges." Diálogos Latinoamericanos 14, no. 21 (December 21, 2013): 13. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/dl.v14i21.113259.

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Dom Quixote em cordel (2005), by J. Borges, is an adaptation of Cervantes’smasterpiece to a Brazilian scenery; the renowned folk artist represents a number ofscenes from Cervantes’s novel proposing the identification of its characters with sometypical individuals from the Northeastern backlands, especially those related tobanditry. The objective of this article is to conduct a brief analysis of Borges’s poem,in which it is given special attention to the identification between the imaginaryterritories of La Mancha and Brazilian Northeast. Under this perspective, historicalcharacters, such as the highwaymen Lampião and Maria Bonita, play an important roleas representatives of Brazilian irredentism. They are considered, in the work of Borges,emblems of peculiar aesthetics highwaymen.

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Ben Khayal, Rawia. "State versus tribal borders: Problems of irredentism in modern Libyan state-building process." Routledge Open Research 2 (October 20, 2023): 43. http://dx.doi.org/10.12688/routledgeopenres.18037.1.

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This article sets out to examine the tensions that exist in post-Gaddafi Libya with respect to the establishment of central government and one of the sub-state actors, namely tribes. The study finds that, as a result of its colonial past, Libya as a state was created by negotiations between British, French and Italian colonial powers without regard to the indigenous populations such as the North African tribes with their natural tribal heartlands. This has led to an incoherence between identity and territory and in turn has created problems of irredentism and national security issues. After a detailed examination of Libya’s extensive East, West and Southern borders, the article finds that as a state, Libya is unable to control its borders and so cannot qualify as a fully functioning nation-state according to Western definitions of the phenomenon. The article then discusses the complex issue of the differences between state-building and nationhood and finds that according to the definitions of the 14th century Maghreb sociologist Ibn Khaldun, while the state and the nation are two different concepts, one cannot exist without the other. This stands in contrast to the modern, global emphasis on linear as opposed to cyclical development and reflects the values of donor states and not the complex needs of emerging and fragile democratic states. The article therefore recommends the need for understanding, trust and compromise from all parties involved. For example, while tribes contribute the much-needed values of nationhood, they must in turn respect the values of democracy such as the rule of law. Conversely, external players should respect the concept of national identity with its emphasis on the value of social cohesion.

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Egry, Gábor. "The World between Us: State Security and the Negotiation of Social Categories in Interwar Romania." East Central Europe 44, no. 1 (June 23, 2017): 17–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763308-04401009.

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The concept of security and the security culture of the state are always social constructs reflecting the outcome of interactions between state and society. Key categories of security, like dangerous social groups and activities are usually negotiated through these interactions. Politicians, secret agents, gendarms, denunciators, journalists, or the indicted, all shape the broader social meaning in a dynamic way. While in Greater Romania the state attempted to extend its control to ever broader segments of society in order to fend off perceived threats it had to rely on its own personnel and on people who cooperated in this effort, creating room for maneuver for everyone involved in this process. Due to its scarce resources the state could not even control entirely its own representatives, who often pursued a personal agenda different from the state’s own goals. Irredentism, associated with ethnic minorities exemplifies this situation quite well. In an effort to preempt any threat from national minorities with a kin-state gradually led to the association of irredentism with ethnicity, without having control over the latter’s exact meaning. Thus, its practical application depended on a series of factors, personal and structural ones, that finally led to a confusion and to the emptying of the concept that was applied without consistency. It was exactly this development that reconstituted the gap between state and society that actively engaged each other in the resulting process of negotiation. Under the surface of the rule of law and against the backdrop of the image of an ever more powerful state security apparatus, state and society defined together those informal rules of everyday co-existence that were often meant to hide reality from the watchful eyes of Bucharest.

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Albritton, Robert B. "Thailand in 2004: The ““Crisis in the South””." Asian Survey 45, no. 1 (January 2005): 166–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2005.45.1.166.

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News about Thailand in 2004 was dominated by the ““Crisis in the South.”” Daily assassinations of local police, soldiers, religious leaders, and other civilians marked a level of insurgency beyond that in other regions of Southeast Asia and one not seen in Thailand for over 30 years. The recurrent violence represents a serious challenge to the nation and at this juncture, it is unclear whether Thailand will concede to irredentism, initiate more local autonomy, or settle for a protracted period of political unrest. These events dominated the political picture in preparation for parliamentary elections scheduled for February 2005 and clouded the premise of a stabilizing economy and programs of government change unprecedented in recent Thai history.

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Hopkins, Thomas A. "Irredentism and International Politics. Edited by Naomi Chazan. Boulder: Lynne Rienner, 1991. 161p. $26.50." American Political Science Review 86, no. 2 (June 1992): 575–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1964320.

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