Contents
Academic literature on the topic 'Isaac, Heinrich, Mass (Music)'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the lists of relevant articles, books, theses, conference reports, and other scholarly sources on the topic 'Isaac, Heinrich, Mass (Music).'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Journal articles on the topic "Isaac, Heinrich, Mass (Music)"
1
Burn, David J., Blake Wilson, and Giovanni Zanovello. "Absorbing Heinrich Isaac." Journal of Musicology 28, no. 1 (January 1, 2011): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jm.2011.28.1.1.
Full text
2
WILSON, BLAKE. "Heinrich Isaac among the Florentines." Journal of Musicology 23, no. 1 (January 1, 2006): 97–152. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jm.2006.23.1.97.
Full textAbstract:
ABSTRACT In the archives of the old and wealthy patrician family of the ““da Filicaia”” housed in the Florentine Archivio di Stato survives a group of letters written by, among others, one Ambrogio Angeni to the young Antonio da Filicaia, away on family business in northern Europe for extended periods of time during the 1480s and 1490s. The correspondence details the musical activities of these young men's Florentine brigata and reveals a close involvement with Heinrich Isaac and proximity to Lorenzo de' Medici's private musical circles. The letters document a very active traffic in musical scores, both vernacular works composed in Florence by Isaac and others that were mailed north, as well as sacred and secular works composed in France and sent to Florence. More specifically, the letters contain many musical references to new compositions, works by Isaac, preparations for carnival, aesthetic judgments and technical discussions, Lorenzo's patronage, and a very active local composer previously unknown to musicologists. The correspondence dates from 1487––89, while Antonio was residing in Nantes (Brittany), and it provides an unprecedented view of musical life in Florence at a critical period when carnival celebrations were resurgent, northern repertory was being collected and copied, northern composers (like Isaac) were interacting with local composers, and compositional procedures were changing.
3
DeFord, R. I. "Heinrich Isaac and his world." Early Music 38, no. 3 (July 12, 2010): 481–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/em/caq064.
Full text
4
Bryan, John. "Extended Play: Reflections of Heinrich Isaac's Music in Early Tudor England." Journal of Musicology 28, no. 1 (January 1, 2011): 118–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jm.2011.28.1.118.
Full textAbstract:
The so-called Henry VIII's Book (London, British Library Add. MS 31922) contains two textless pieces by Isaac—his three-part Benedictus and the four-part La my—together with a number of other Franco-Flemish “songs without words” typical of the contents of manuscripts copied for the North Italian courts where the earliest viol consorts were being developed in the 1490s and early 1500s. Alongside these pieces are works by native English composers, including William Cornyshe, whose extended three-part Fa la sol has a number of stylistic traits in common with some works by Isaac (for example, his three-part Der Hundt) and Alexander Agricola (his three-part Cecus non judicat de coloribus) that were also transmitted in textless format. The fact that these latter two pieces were published in Hieronymus Formschneider's Trium vocum carmina (Nuremberg, 1538) while Cornyshe's Fa la sol was published in XX Songes (London, 1530) shows that this type of repertoire was still prized several years after the composers' deaths. Analysis of musical connections between the work of Isaac and Cornyshe, as evident in pieces such as those from Henry VIII's Book—in particular, techniques employed by the composers to extend the structures of their “songs without words”—sheds fresh light on the reception in England of Isaac's music and that of his continental contemporary Agricola. Relevant considerations include the context in which these pieces were anthologized together and the introduction into England of viols similar to those Isaac may have known in Ferrara in 1502, when La my was composed. Such pieces are representative of a typical courtly repertoire that developed into the riches of the later Tudor instrumental consort music.
5
Planchart, Alejandro Enrique. "Notes on Heinrich Isaac's Virgo prudentissima." Journal of Musicology 28, no. 1 (January 1, 2011): 81–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jm.2011.28.1.81.
Full textAbstract:
Isaac's Virgo prudentissima, composed in 1507 for the Reichstag in Constance that confirmed Maximilian I as Holy Roman Emperor, is one of the composer's most complex and extended works. It is also a self-consciously constructivist piece that looks back to the repertoire of tenor motets pioneered by Guillaume Du Fay, Jehan de Ockeghem, and most prominently by Iohannes Regis. Yet its construction is markedly different from similar motets by his contemporary Josquin Des Prez, who used a nearly schematic construction in Miserere mei Deus, and ostinato techniques in Illibata Dei genitrix. This article takes a close look at Virgo prudentissima in order to show how Isaac achieves both a great deal of variety in textures and sonorities and a remarkable degree of motivic and thematic unity in the piece. The unity in Isaac's motet is largely due to an interplay of two basic textures and two kinds of motivic construction that are exposed in the first few sections of each pars and then fused in the concluding section, and to a judicious choice of which phrases of the cantus firmus—an antiphon for Vespers of the Assumption—he chooses to paraphrase in the free voices. The motet's mensural structure—one section with all voices in ◯, and one with the tenor continuing in ◯ but the other five voices switching to ◯2, with semibreve-minim equivalence with the tenor—has been ignored entirely in all modern performances of the work that have been recorded in the last thirty years, usually with disastrous consequences for the performance of the secunda pars of the work. Isaac's notation is implausible until one realizes that he is using it for symbolic purposes and at the same time pointing to a correct tempo relationship between the partes by his organization of the phrase structure and the imitation at the beginning of the secunda pars. Isaac thus places this motet in what can be called a mensural tradition, which has its beginnings in the motets of Du Fay in the 1430s and in the wholesale adoption of the “English” relationship between triple and duple meters in the second half of the fifteenth century.
6
Cumming, Julie E. "Composing Imitative Counterpoint around a Cantus Firmus: Two Motets by Heinrich Isaac." Journal of Musicology 28, no. 3 (2011): 231–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jm.2011.28.3.231.
Full textAbstract:
In the decades around 1500 composers learned to combine the new style of imitative polyphony with the older practice of basing a work on a cantus firmus. By applying Peter Schubert’s technique of modular analysis and his descriptions of common contrapuntal techniques to Heinrich Isaac's Inviolata integra et casta es Maria and Alma redemptoris mater, we can learn a great deal about compositional process in the period. Inviolata, which features a cantus firmus in strict canon after two measures, consists of two-, three-, and four-voice modules. Moreover, understanding the modular construction of the piece makes it possible to reconstruct the missing contratenor 2 part. In Alma redemptoris mater, which features a tenor cantus firmus that uses both long-note presentation and free paraphrase, Isaac uses four-voice modules, imitative presentation types involving modules, and nonmodular contrapuntal techniques probably derived from improvisatory practices. Understanding and labeling the contrapuntal techniques used in composition of this period allow us to analyze the music with a new precision, and to describe the differences between composers and genres.
7
Zanovello, Giovanni. "““Master Arigo Ysach, Our Brother””: New Light on Isaac in Florence, 1502––17." Journal of Musicology 25, no. 3 (2008): 287–317. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jm.2008.25.3.287.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract Recently discovered documents shed new light on Heinrich Isaac's biography in the sixteenth century: hitherto unknown payments by Isaac (ca. 1450––1517) to the Florentine confraternity of Santa Barbara. As it turns out, Isaac was a regular member of the association from 1502 and bequeathed a substantial sum at his death. The records, in conjunction with other documents, illuminate Isaac's life from three complementary perspectives: the composer's biography (especially in the years 1502––7 and 1509––17), the wider context of the actions Isaac took in preparation for his old age and death, and the issues they raise regarding the composer's social background and integration in Florence during the first years of the sixteenth century. Against this backdrop the new documents allow us to question a number of assumptions, including the notion that Isaac's main residence in 1502––17 was in the imperial lands and that his social integration in Florence was exclusively linked to the Medici. They enrich our understanding of the social history of northern musicians in Italy around 1500.
8
BURN, DAVID J. "What Did Isaac Write for Constance?" Journal of Musicology 20, no. 1 (January 1, 2003): 45–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jm.2003.20.1.45.
Full textAbstract:
ABSTRACT It has long been known that Henricus Isaac (ca. 1450––1517) wrote mass-propers for Constance cathedral. These are preserved in his posthumously printed, three-volume collection entitled Choralis Constantinus. Yet the first generation of postwar Isaac researchers showed that the Choralis contains music not only for Constance but for the Imperial court as well. Since then several theories have been advanced regarding the intended recipients of parts of the Choralis repertory. The present paper assesses these conflicting theories. It concludes that with one small possible alteration, the original division advanced by Gerhard Päätzig can stand, and that more recent proposals are not compelling. In addition, the new suggestion that Constance cathedral would have expected not only mass-propers in their commission but also mass-ordinaries is put forward, and a specific ordinary-setting which could have served this role is identified. The evaluation of the conflicting theories for how the Choralis divides leads, in the process, to a new model for the transmission of CCIII.
9
Wegman, Rob C. "Isaac's Signature." Journal of Musicology 28, no. 1 (January 1, 2011): 9–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jm.2011.28.1.9.
Full textAbstract:
ABSTRACT The notion of the signature could serve as an appropriate metaphor by which to explore Heinrich Isaac as a man of his time and world. It may be mere coincidence that he has left more documents signed in his own hand than contemporary composers, but some of the documents he authenticated in this way really do attest to a new idea of professional musicianship that Isaac was the earliest and most successful in implementing: that of the professional composer who undertakes to produce new works under contractual obligation. Isaac is the first-known musician who signed a document specifically in this capacity. Yet his signature, or at least the assurance that he personally composed and signed a musical work, is also found in the context of practical musical sources, where they would appear to have no legal significance. Martin Just has shown, however, that the particular folios containing these compositions, in the manuscript Berlin 40021, were originally sent as letters. The implication is that Isaac's signature, in this case, is not an attribution so much as a mark of authentication—something that would have been required only if the musical works in question were sent, and changed hands, as part of a commercial transaction. Taking the metaphor of the signature in a broader figurative sense, one could suggest that Isaac's work also bears his musical signature—namely in the personal style that his contemporaries tried to recognize and in some cases to characterize in words. Two authors who tried to capture the peculiar quality of Isaac's music are Paolo Cortesi and Heinrich Glarean. The latter's attempt is especially significant, since Glarean seems to attest to a new way of hearing and conceptualizing polyphony. Although it is hard to identify specifically which passages in Isaac's music he would have had in mind, the key to his appraisal seems to lie in a different way of conceptualizing the interplay of contrapuntal voices in contemporary music. To the extent that we can associate this with Isaac's musical signature, it would appear, once again, that this composer, more than any other, was at the forefront of some of the most significant developments in the music history of his time.
10
Burn, David J. "Mass-Propers by Henricus Isaac Not Included in the "Choralis Constantinus": The Case of Two Augsburg Sources." Archiv für Musikwissenschaft 60, no. 3 (2003): 186. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4145431.
Full textDissertations / Theses on the topic "Isaac, Heinrich, Mass (Music)"
1
Zanovello, Giovanni. "Heinrich Isaac, the mass Misericordias domini, and music in late-fifteenth-century Florence /." Ann Arbor (Mich.) : UMI, 2006. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb400637293.
Full text
2
Czornyj, Peter John. "Georg Philipp Telemann (1681-1767) : his relationship to Carl Heinrich Graun and the Berlin circle." Thesis, University of Hull, 1988. http://hydra.hull.ac.uk/resources/hull:4484.
Full textAbstract:
The history of music in Germany in the first half of the eighteenth century is best understood within the context of the social, cultural and intellectual history of the German people during this period.The intellectual coming of age of the middle classes during the first decades of the century occurred as a result of growing confidence in the establishment of a national spoken and literary language. In a gradual progression of liberation and purification, the German language broke away from the dominant voices and cultures of its closest neighbours, leading to the crystalization of a clearly indigenous culture later in the century. Few other art forms followed this development more closely and indeed benefitted more from it than music.At the beginning of the century German music, and German culture in general, was still very much subjected to vassalage to foreign powers. Only in its church music, however, could a small but distinctly native voice be detected. With the growth of literary confidence, in particular in devotional poetry, music received considerable creative impetus. The figure who most closely followed these linguistic and literary developments is Georg Philipp Telemann (1681-1767).The object of this thesis is to place in its proper context the highly influential musical personality of Telemann, in particular through a study of his relationship to a younger generation of composers and theorists: the 'Berlin Circle'. In a detailed study of the composer's relationship to Carl Heinrich Graun(1703 or 1704-1759), the court Capellmeister at Berlin, the association between words and music, between musical and literary languages, will be discussed and, furthermore, they will be seen to be interdependent
3
Gilbert, Adam Knight Isaac Heinrich. "Elaboration in Heinrich Isaac's three-voice mass sections and untexted compositions /." 2003. http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&doc_number=017090632&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA.
Full textBooks on the topic "Isaac, Heinrich, Mass (Music)"
1
Heinrich Isaac and polyphony for the proper of the mass in the Late Middle Ages and Renaissance. Turnhout: Brepols, 2011.
Find full text
2
Burn, David, and Stefan Gasch, eds. Heinrich Isaac and Polyphony for the Proper of the Mass in the Late Middle Ages and the Renaissance. Turnhout: Brepols Publishers, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/m.em-eb.6.09070802050003050402040902.
Full text
4
Shrock, Dennis. Josquin Desprez – Missa Pange Lingua. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190469023.003.0001.
Full textAbstract:
The historical portion of this chapter presents material about Josquin’s artistic status during the Renaissance, including testimonies by Martin Luther, Hans Ott, and Heinrich Glareanus. Included also is an overview of Josquin’s Masses, with focus on his final Mass—the Missa Pange lingua, composed sometime after 1515 but not published until 1539, after Josquin’s death. However, numerous copies of the Mass existed during and shortly after Josquin’s lifetime. The analysis portion of the chapter discusses Josquin’s imitative technique, extensive use of ostinatos, and paraphrase of Gregorian chant. Performance practices include numbers, types, and placements of singers; meter, tactus, and tempo; text underlay; and musica ficta and music recta.