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Journal articles on the topic 'Isidore of Seville'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 12 February 2022

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1

Randel, Don Michael. "Leander, Isidore, and Gregory." Journal of Musicology 36, no. 4 (2019): 498–522. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jm.2019.36.4.498.

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St. Isidore of Seville (d. 636) and Pope Gregory the Great (d. 604) had an intellectual exchange facilitated in part by Isidore’s brother Leander (d. ca. 600), who preceded Isidore as bishop of Seville, had met Gregory in Constantinople, and to whom Gregory dedicated his Moralia in Job. Isidore’s writings and contemporaneous records of Spanish church councils make clear that the Old Hispanic Rite was already largely, though not entirely, formed in his day, much as we find it in the earliest surviving liturgical documents: the Oracional Visigótico (ca. 711) and the Antiphoner of León (ca. 900). This is a rite deriving from a great exegetical project in which liturgical chant formed only a part. Its starting points were the various translations of the Bible and the writings of the church fathers, especially Gregory and Augustine. From this an elaborate and systematic repertory of chant was formed in coordination with prayers, readings, and sermons. All of this speaks to deliberate composition by Isidore, Leander, and their colleagues rather than to the writing down of a long-standing oral tradition. Gregory surely knew about this activity in Spain. Is it likely that Gregory and his colleagues were not engaged in any such activity or that such activity in Rome took place so much later than it did in Spain? Perhaps there is a good reason why the chant created in Rome is called Gregorian just as the Old Hispanic Chant was much later called Isidorean. In the absence of Roman sources we may never know. But the Old Hispanic sources suggest that we ought to wonder.

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2

Krynicka, Tatiana. "„Desine gentilibus iam inservire poetis…” (versus XI 9). Chrześcijańscy epicy w bibliotece Izydora z Sewilli." Vox Patrum 60 (December 16, 2013): 191–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3987.

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Isidore of Seville (560-636) is rightly considered to be one of the most important teachers of the medieval Europe. He wrote numerous didactic works on catholic doctrine, biblical exegesis, history, grammar, natural sciences etc. Isidore was neither a scientist nor an independent thinker, but indeed he was a genius of compilation. He spent his youth in the famous library of the bishops of Seville, where he stored knowledge by studying Holy Scriptures and works of classic and Christian authors. This library was destroyed, but we could strive to recreate its catalogue reading the books written by Isidore. In his Versus in bibliotheca Isidore tells us about authors he knew. We find among them Christian poets – Prudentius, Iuvencus, Sedulius, Avitus Viennensis. In Etymologiae Isidore presents to the reader Dracontius, and in De viris illustribus he admires talents of the centonist Proba. Isidore’s knowledge of Christian epics and the high regard he had for them tell us a lot not only about literary tastes of the well-educated bishop, but about the culture of reading of inhabitants of Visigothic Spain in the seventh century as well.

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3

Saibekov, Maksym. "CHRISTIAN EDUCATION OF THE RULER IN THE VISIGOTHIC KINGDOM." EUREKA: Social and Humanities 2 (March 31, 2020): 53–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.21303/2504-5571.2020.001209.

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The article is devoted to the educational model of the outstanding European thinker of the 7th century, Isidore of Seville, with the principles of the education of the ruler and the class approach to the problem of teaching, with the content of the renovation pedagogy of the episcopal Gispal school of the VI-VIII centuries, its place in the evolution of the formation of Western European education. The article is dedicated to the problem of knowledge reception and work with the textbook during the «Dark Ages» in Visigothic Kingdom. An attempt is made to illustrate the process of reading through the reflection of this process in the creative heritage of Isidore of Seville (VII century). Therefore, our article is devoted to Visigoth Spain in VI-VII centuries, namely the formation of political, legal, moral and value concepts. Especially we pay attention to the image of the ideal ruler in the works of Isidore of Seville, Braulio of Zaragoza. We are trying to determine who should be the ideal ruler, and it is important to political and legal representation of the Visigoths, at a time when their culture reached its climax, absorbing the ancient traditions and world views. Isidor of Seville developed his own system of science independent learning for students, which has not lost its relevance today: a material, given by a tutor for independent learning, must be checked by parts, then each of these parts are translated out loud, and then the most important material was being selected from each part and as a result it is compiled into a student's report. Therefore, the place that Isidor occupies in the culture of his time is a key in the combination of two eras, and his educational program is thoroughly disclosed based on his main “pedagogical” texts.

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4

Cabrera Montero, Juan Antonio. "La doctrina Pneumatológica de las Sententiae de Isidoro de Sevilla." Augustinianum 57, no. 1 (2017): 169–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/agstm20175719.

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Isidore of Seville did not leave behind any specifically trinitarian, Christological or pneumatological treatises. We find his theological doctrine evident in sections throughout his works although, as a result of the effort of a good compiler and synthesizer, it is not difficult to trace the passages in which the bishop of Seville deals with each one of these subjects. With regard to the doctrine on the Holy Spirit, the chapter dedicated to the third person of the Trinity in the first book of the Sententiae offers a fairly complete summary of the matter. The following pages are intended to present the content of that chapter and to place it within the context of the rest of Isidore’s theological output. Therefore, in addition to paying close attention to the text of the Sententiae, we will seek its dependence or influence, as the case may be, on other treatises of Isidore, mainly in these three: Etymologiae, De fide catholica and Liber differentiarum [II]. Augustine, Gregory the Great and the theological contribution of the Spanish councils are presented as Isidore’s main sources.

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5

Ungvary, David. "Clarifying the Eclipse." Vigiliae Christianae 73, no. 5 (October 9, 2019): 531–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700720-12341411.

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Abstract This essay examines a literary exchange between the Visigothic poet-king Sisebut (612-621 AD) and his scholar-bishop Isidore of Seville following an anomalous sequence of eclipses. After Sisebut commissioned a scientific treatise from Isidore on such natural phenomena, he responded to the bishop’s prose with a short poem on lunar eclipses (De eclipsi lunae). This study interprets the exchange of texts not as a literary game, but as high-stakes political correspondence. It situates the king’s verses in an ongoing process of cultural construction in Visigothic Spain, led prominently by Isidore himself, but also tied to a rising ascetic movement. It argues that Sisebut was attuned to Isidore’s designs to manage the discourses through which Christian power was proclaimed, and shows how the king attempted to versify in accord with scientific truth so as to fit within Isidore’s ascetic intellectual program.

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6

RIVERA DE VENTOSA, Enrique. "A los orígenes del pensamiento medieval español sobre la historia: Prudencio, Orosio, San Isidoro." Revista Española de Filosofía Medieval 4 (October 1, 1997): 7. http://dx.doi.org/10.21071/refime.v4i.9699.

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At the source of the Hispanic thougt about history: Prudencius, Orosius and Isidore of Seville. The source of the Hispanic Medieval thougt comes out from the Roman-Hispanic writters: Prudentius, Orosius and Isidore of Seville. They are the starting point for a subsequent reflexion of the Hispanic Historiography in the Middle Ages. The three writter present an important change of mentality. The historic perspective is not the same in Prudentius as it is in Isidore, while Orosius is rather intermediate. Everyone has sis own way to know their mentality in order to penetrate into the secrets of our historic identity.

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7

MacSuibhne (Sweeney), Seamus P. M. "Isidore of Seville, Eels and Disulfiram." Alcohol and Alcoholism 49, no. 4 (May 30, 2014): 486. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/alcalc/agu031.

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8

McCready, William D. "Bede, Isidore, and theEpistola Cuthberti." Traditio 50 (1995): 75–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0362152900013179.

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The observation has been made frequently enough in the recent and, indeed, not so recent scholarly literature to have assumed the status of a received truth: the Venerable Bede, esteemed for both his saintliness and his scholarship, simply did not like Isidore of Seville. Although Bede knew Isidore's major works, at least, and used them extensively, he was less respectful of Isidore, we are told, than he was of his other authorities. On only three occasions does he refer to Isidore by name, and each time it is to correct him. Part of the explanation, it has been suggested, lies in their sharply differing attitudes towards antique literary culture. Whereas Isidore was a product of the ancient world, says Riché, Bede decisively turned against its cultural and educational legacy, rejecting the approach, sanctioned by both Augustine and Gregory the Great, that enlisted the liberal arts in the service of Christian thought. He also, Riché goes on to say, was distrustful of the broadly-based scientific curiosity evinced in Isidore's works. Despite his acknowleged accomplishments, Bede's own scientific interests were, like those of other educated Anglo-Saxons, strictly limited. Natural philosophy writ large was suspect because of the irreligious aberrations to which it might lead. To C. W. Jones and a number of more recent commentators, the crux of the matter is Isidore's incompetence, not his excessive zeal. In Bede's view, Isidore simply did not work to a high enough standard. Hence he turned to other authorities, scarcely containing his disdain of the Sevillian. “The weakness of Isidore's treatment of cycles is manifest to the elementary student,” Jones points out; “it would be more than irritating to Bede.”

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9

Burrow, J. A. "Hoccleve's Complaint and Isidore of Seville Again." Speculum 73, no. 2 (April 1998): 424–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2887159.

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10

McCarthy, K. "Tallis, Isidore of Seville and Suscipe quaeso." Early Music 35, no. 3 (June 4, 2007): 447–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/em/cam044.

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11

Yarza Urquiola, Valeriano. "¿Dedicó Isidoro de Sevilla las "Etymologiae" al rey Sisebuto? / Did Isidore of Seville dedicate the Etymologiae to the King Sisebuto?" Anuario del Seminario de Filología Vasca "Julio de Urquijo" 52, no. 1/2 (January 8, 2019): 853. http://dx.doi.org/10.1387/asju.20233.

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Despite hesitation, the prevailing opinion among scholars today is that Isidore dedicated his masterpiece, Etymologiae, to the visigoth king Sisebuto (612-621). We are not entirely sure about such estimation and in this article we are aiming at providing information and arguments to rebut or, at least, call it into question.

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12

Kovacs, Arpad. "Cosmography as Cultural Capital: Power Struggle in the Visigothic Kingdom." Science & Society 85, no. 1 (January 2021): 66–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1521/siso.2021.85.1.66.

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Bourdieu's concept of cultural capital can be used to show that the cosmography of the learned bishop Isidore of Seville (560–636) was intended to acculturate the Visigothic elite to the Roman worldview, shedding new light on the relations of these two ruling elites. By being the provider and guardian of the culture, the Hispano–Roman aristocracy retained significant power and exercised its influence through the Catholic Church. Three dialectical categories — transformation of quantity to quality, development through contradiction, spiral forms of development — help advance the analysis of Isidore's cosmography. A case study on Isidorian planetary orbital values provides an illustration of this dialectical development. It was, therefore, cultural capital as exemplified by Isidore that enabled the Hispano–Roman aristocracy to maintain its position as a ruling elite.

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13

FOX. "ISIDORE OF SEVILLE AND THE OLD ENGLISH "BOETHIUS"." Medium Ævum 83, no. 1 (2014): 49. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/43633054.

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14

Hornby, Emma. "Musical Values and Practice in Old Hispanic Chant." Journal of the American Musicological Society 69, no. 3 (2016): 595–650. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jams.2016.69.3.595.

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Augustine's appraisal of music's moral value in Confessions, as selectively abbreviated by Isidore of Seville, provides a conceptual framework for understanding early medieval Iberian musical values. Augustine advocates a devotional focus primarily on text, expressing anxiety about elaborate liturgical music. For Isidore, by contrast, diverse melody leads both faithful and unfaithful toward a transcendent anticipation of heaven, beyond reason-based concentration on text. In this article I test the hypothesis that Isidore's musical values shaped the extant Old Hispanic chant texts and melodies, offering a new appraisal of the way Old Hispanic musical values and practice relate. Examples are drawn from Old Hispanic (“Mozarabic”) chant, whose texts (preserved before 732) are closer to the late antique context than any other Western liturgy. Old Hispanic melodies are preserved in unpitched notation ca. 900. The methodology developed here has the potential to be applied to other ritual traditions.

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15

Di Marco, Michele. "Su alcune peculiarità lessicali di ambito liturgico nella Regula monachorum di isidoro di Siviglia." Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 59, no. 1-4 (September 25, 2020): 367–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/068.2019.59.1-4.32.

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AbstractThe Regula monachorum (c. 615–619) of Isidore of Seville (c. 560–636) is certainly the most relevant among his monastic writings, but these constitute only a small part of his literary production. Written sermone plebeio uel rustico (cf. Prol.), and intended for a coenobium Honorianense of which nothing further is known, it was circulated widely especially in the Iberian Peninsula. As with other works of the same genre, the Regula Isidori denotes an eclectic attitude in its choice and use of sources, not without traits of originality. The almost three-century-old technical terminology of western monasticism is not only mastered thoroughly, but also significantly enriched by Isidore. Within this context, the present contribution focuses on the analysis of terms used in reference to prayer and liturgical celebrations, and more generally to the rites and rituals of the community to which the text was originally addressed. The terms examined sometimes appear to be neologisms with respect to classical Latin, but more often as graphic variants or semantic innovations of particular interest.

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16

Bartelink, G. J. M., and Pierre Cazier. "Isidore de Seville et la naissance de l'Espagne catholique." Vigiliae Christianae 49, no. 4 (November 1995): 413. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1583834.

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17

Deswarte, Thomas. "Isidore of Seville and the Hispanic order of grades." Sacris Erudiri 58 (January 2019): 361–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.se.5.119461.

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18

Brestian, Scott de. "Material Culture in the Etymologiae of Isidore of Seville." Journal of Late Antiquity 11, no. 1 (2018): 216–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jla.2018.0002.

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19

Wojciechowski, Leszek. "Geographical Descriptions of Spain in Latin Medieval Encyclopaedias: From Isidore of Seville to Vincent of Beauvais (VII-XIII c.)." Roczniki Humanistyczne 67, no. 2 (July 24, 2019): 31. http://dx.doi.org/10.18290/rh.2019.67.2-3.

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The article discusses the problem of reception of the description of Spain contained in the Etymologies by Isidore of Seville in Latin medieval encyclopaedias, on the background of the development of the medieval encyclopaedic trend. The etymological-geographical description of his homeland was placed by Isidore in book 14 of his work (14, 4, 28-30). This portrayal was “supplemented” in other places in the Etymologies, among other things, with an etymological-ethnographical aspect (9, 2, 109-114). When presenting Spain, Isidore based his work on works from the Antiquity. He showed mainly a Roman Spain, with few references to the contemporary situation of the country under Gothic rule. In later encyclopaedias, in which geographical sections are present, Isidore’s description of Spain is used to a varied extent. It was either repeated (Raban Maur, Vincent of Beauvais), and shortened, with minor modifications (Honorius Augustodunensis), or combined with information found in, for example, the work of Orosius (Historiae: Historiarum adversum paganos libri VII). In the latter case, the combined whole was still updated (with certain selected facts concerning contemporary Spain). Such descriptions were placed in the works of Gervase of Tilbury and Bartholomeus Anglicus. It should be noted that Gervase of Tilbury added to the presentation of Spain a fragment illustrating its division into archbishoprics and bishoprics. A comparison of medieval encyclopaedic descriptions of Spain written before the middle of the XIIIth century – that is, before the encyclopaedia Speculum maius was compiled, it can be claimed that each of them drew on the description placed in book 14 of the Etymologies; in Speculum maius, the greatest encyclopaedia of the Middle Ages, in its part entitled Speculum historiale, this description was repeated word for word, as mentioned above. It may said, that despite new descriptions of Spain (formulated in the first half of the XIIIth c. by Gervase of Tilbury and Bartholomeus Anglicus), the portrayal drawn by Isidore of Seville maintained its “validity”, as it were. Taking into account the outstanding role of medieval encyclopaedic works in the dissemination of knowledge in this epoch, it may also be claimed that the Spain of that time was perceived (at least till the middle of the XIIIth century) “through the eyes of Isidore” (this fact has its reflection in the cartography of the time). It remains to be seen how this picture changed (and if it changed for good) in the late Middle Ages.

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20

GONZÁLEZ FERNÁNDEZ, Martín. "Naturaleza y teleología: Ambrosio de Milán e Isidoro de Sevilla / Nature and Teleology: Ambrosio of Milan and Isidoro of Sevilla." Revista Española de Filosofía Medieval 19 (October 1, 2012): 75. http://dx.doi.org/10.21071/refime.v19i.6064.

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From two works, Hexameron of Ambrose of Milan and De natura rerum of Isidore of Seville, we analyze two issues: 1st) the presence in such works of the Hellenistic philosophies, especially skepticism and epicureanism; 2nd) the teleological conception of nature in both of them.

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21

Polt, Christopher B. "FURROWING PROWS: VARRO OF ATAX'SARGONAVTAEAND TRANSGRESSIVE SAILING IN VIRGIL'SAENEID." Classical Quarterly 67, no. 2 (October 25, 2017): 542–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838817000611.

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Discussing different types of metaphor, Isidore of Seville quotes an anonymous fragment that uses agricultural vocabulary to describe the sailing of a ship in order to illustratemetaphorae ab inanimali ad inanimale‘metaphors taken from inanimate objects and applied to inanimate objects’ (Etym.1.37.3 = inc. fr. 63 Blänsdorf):1

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22

Krynicka, Tatiana. "Izydor z Sewilli, Synonimy: tematyka, styl, źródła dzieła." Vox Patrum 69 (December 16, 2018): 405–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3267.

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The article is devoted to the Synonyma – one of the most interesting writings of Isidore of Seville (560-636). The author briefly presents its content, structure, style, writes about its influence on medieval Latin prose and about its antecedents, both classical as well as Christian (biblical and liturgical).

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23

Spevak, Olga. "The Medieval World of Isidore of Seville. Truth from Words." Mnemosyne 62, no. 1 (2009): 149–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852508x321383.

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24

Toby Burrows. "The Medieval World of Isidore of Seville: Truth from Words, and: The Etymologies of Isidore of Seville (review)." Parergon 25, no. 1 (2008): 227–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/pgn.0.0013.

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25

Dirckx, John H. "Isidore of Seville on the Origins and Meanings of Medical Terms." American Journal of Dermatopathology 29, no. 6 (December 2007): 581–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/dad.0b013e3181597a43.

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26

AYALA, Jorge M. "Escritores eclesiásticos del siglo VII: Braulio y Tajón de Zaragoza." Revista Española de Filosofía Medieval 4 (October 1, 1997): 23. http://dx.doi.org/10.21071/refime.v4i.9700.

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Two ecclesiastical writers of 7th century: Braulio and Tajon of Zaragoza. Among the great religious writers of the Visigothic Spain (7th century) two bishops of Zaragoza are distinguished: Saint Braulio and Samuel Tajon. The first maintained a special friendship with Saint Isidore of Seville whom he encouraged to conclude the book Origenes sive Etymologiae; the second is considered as a precursor of the theological "Summae" in the History of the Theology.

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27

Vessey, Mark. "The Medieval World of Isidore of Seville: Truth from Words. John Henderson." Speculum 84, no. 4 (October 2009): 1060–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0038713400208506.

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28

Rzepkowski, Krzysztof. "Isidore of Seville and comici ueteres. Ad Isid., Orig. VIII 7.7." Emerita 80, no. 2 (December 30, 2012): 341–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/emerita.2012.17.1123.

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29

Bloomer, Kent. "[The Greeks] 'called it KOSMOS, which means ornament'." Approaching Religion 6, no. 2 (December 14, 2016): 44–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.30664/ar.67591.

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The title of this article is a statement quoted from a translation of The Etymologies of Isidore of Seville, 615–630 ad. The article proposes that the content of ornament is primordially derived from the eternal motions found in the macrocosm, a cosmology of ornament that looks beyond the extreme subjectivity that dominated modern art in the late twentieth century. The findings are rooted in the history and major theories of ornament, to be buttressed by examples of ornament-design throughout the ages. Finally, the article reviews the author’s own work in that light.

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30

CRIVĂȚ, ANCA. "ISIDORE DE SEVILLE : LES PREMISSES D’UNE HISTOIRE DE LA LITTERATURE AVANT LA LETTRE ?" Dacoromania litteraria 6 (2020): 111–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.33993/drl.2019.6.111.121.

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31

MERRILLS, A. H. "The Medieval World of Isidore of Seville. Truth From Words - By John Henderson." Early Medieval Europe 18, no. 1 (January 20, 2010): 114–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0254.2009.00292_12.x.

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Baccega, Marcus. "Sovereignty and Democracy in Global Times: acutality of the Jean-Jacques Rousseau Political Philosophy and the limits of the social contract." Educativa 20, no. 1 (September 29, 2017): 108. http://dx.doi.org/10.18224/educ.v20i1.5867.

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SOBERANIA E DEMOCRACIA EM TEMPOS MUNDIALIZADOS: ATUALIDADE DA FILOSOFIA POLÍTICA DE JEAN-JACQUES ROUSSEAU E OS LIMITES DO CONTRATO SOCIAL Resumo: este artigo visa a problematizar os (des)caminhos dos conceitos políticos e das práticas sociais e jurídicas em torno da soberania política do Estado Nacional e da democracia nos tempos de mundialização do Capital. Portanto, revisita e percorre uma breve arqueologia conceitual da Soberania, desde Isidoro de Sevilha até a clássica definição de Jean Bodin nos Seis Livros sobre a República (1576). O propósito é problematizar a filosofia política de Rousseau para, então, perceber e discutir seus limites suas virtualidades, bem como a atualidade de sua noção de Contrato Social e o papel da Filosofia Política na Era do Capital Global. Palavras-chave: Rousseau. Soberania. Mundialização do Capital. Abstract: this paper casts doubt on the ways and shunts of political concepts and social and legal practices concerning political sovereignty of the Nation State and democracy at the time of Capital’s globalization. It revisits a brief conceptual archeology of Sovereignty, since Isidore of Seville to the classical definition by Jean Bodin in The Six Books on the Republic (1576). The purpose is casting doubt on the political philosophy of Rousseau, in order to discuss its limits and virtualities, and the topicality of his notion of social contract and the role of Political Philosophy at the Age of Global Capital. Keywords: Rousseau. Sovereignty. Globalization of Capital.

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33

Phelan, Owen M. "The Medieval World of Isidore of Seville: Truth from Words â By John Henderson." Religious Studies Review 35, no. 4 (December 2009): 281. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-0922.2009.01387_44.x.

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34

Adams, Jeremy duQuesnay. "The Unknown Neighbour: The Jew in the Thought of Isidore of Seville. Wolfram Drews." Speculum 83, no. 2 (April 2008): 424–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0038713400013555.

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35

Delaplace, Christine. "The Etymologies of Isidore of Seville, translated with introduction and notes by S. A." Anabases, no. 14 (October 1, 2011): 292. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/anabases.2847.

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36

Krynicka, Tatiana. "Sylwetki kobiet w traktacie "O narodzinach i zgonach świętych ojców" Izydora z Sewilli." Vox Patrum 66 (December 15, 2016): 197–217. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3455.

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Isidore’s treatise De ortu et obitu patrum (On the Lifes and Deathes of the Fathers) contains biographies of outstanding biblical figures from Adam to Titus. Among them there are four women, to which the bishop of Seville dedicates special chapters. These are Esther, Judith, John Baptist’s mother Elisabeth and Mary, Mother of Jesus. He also mentions 26 women while presenting famous biblical patriarchs, judges, kings and prophets. Mothers and grandmothers, sisters and daughters, wives and widows participate in different important biblical events, support men on their way to salvation, as well as lead them to the moral fall and suffer because of it. Except four above mentioned heroins, Isidore describes biblical women very superficially, giving only those details of their lifes and characters that help him to introduce his male heroes. Although the erudite bishop admires the virtue both in men as well as in women and hates the sin regardless of the sinner’s sex, it seems that he considers the history of Salvation to be the history of relations between God and mankind represented first of all by a man. In Isidore’s feeling it is the latter who is responsible before the Lord not only for himself, but for the whole world and for a woman as well.

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37

Rohmann, Dirk. "Mythenauslegung, römische Königszeit und der Tod des Kaiser Valens: Christliche Interpretationen von Orosius bis Isidor von Sevilla." Classica et Mediaevalia 69 (September 23, 2020): 73–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/classicaetmediaevalia.v69i0.122173.

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Chronicles became the dominant historical genre in the transition period between Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages. While individual authors tended to build one on another, they also exerted considerable licence in rearranging the tralaticious material they found in previous compilations. Comparing Latin with Greek authors– Orosius, Isidore of Seville, Gregory of Tours, and John Malalas – the present contribution argues that all of these historical works, while summarising the history of antiquity, reflect discourses of their own day and age. These differences can be appreciated in comparing their specific views on the origin of sin in the world, on king Numa, and on the death of the Arian emperor Valens.

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Condorelli, Orazio. "Condorelli, Orazio, I foedera pacis e il principio pacta sunt servanda. Note di ricerca nel pensiero dei giuristi dei secoli XII–XV." Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte: Kanonistische Abteilung 105, no. 1 (June 26, 2019): 55–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zrgk-2019-0003.

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Abstract The foedera pacis and the principle pacta sunt servanda. Researches on the doctrines of medieval jurists (12th–15th c.). The foedera pacis (peace accords) belong to the core of the fundamental themes of the ius gentium. Some passages of Isidore from Seville and Augustine, handed down in Gratian's Decretum, and some fragments contained in Justinian's Digest (Gaius, Hermogenianus, Ulpianus) were the main sources on which the medieval jurists elaborated their doctrines concerning the foundations of the foedera pacis (pactum and fides) and the effects arising from these premises. The doctrines of medieval jurists on the foedera pacis represent one of the roots that nourished the reflections of the Fathers of modern international law (Grotius' thought is here examined).

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Vakhovsky, L. "PHILOSOPHICAL TRADITION OF THE EARLY MIDDLE AGES IN HERITAGE OF ISIDORE OF SEVILLE: RETROSPECTIVE ASPECT." Philosophical Horizons, no. 41 (July 12, 2019): 34–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.33989/2075-1443.2019.41.172920.

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TOCH, MICHAEL. "The Unknown Neighbour: The Jew in the Thought of Isidore of Seville - by Wolfram Drews." Early Medieval Europe 15, no. 4 (October 10, 2007): 457–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0254.2007.00217_3.x.

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Henle, R. "Principles of Legality: Qualities of Law Lon Fuller, St. Thomas Aquinas, St. Isidore of Seville." American Journal of Jurisprudence 39, no. 1 (January 1, 1994): 47–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ajj/39.1.47.

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Albert, Bat-sheva. "Isidore of Seville: His Attitude Towards Judaism and His Impact on Early Medieval Canon Law." Jewish Quarterly Review 80, no. 3/4 (January 1990): 207. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1454969.

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Nederman, Cary J. "Three Concepts of Tyranny in Western Medieval Political Thought." Contributions to the History of Concepts 14, no. 2 (December 1, 2019): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/choc.2019.140201.

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During the Latin Middle Ages, as today, “tyranny” connotes the exercise of power arbitrarily, oppressively, and violently. Medieval thinkers generally followed in the footprints of early Christian theologians (e.g., Gregory the Great and Isidore of Seville) and ancient philosophers (especially Aristotle) regarding the tyrant as the very embodiment of evil rulership and thus as the polar opposite of the king, who governed for the good of his people according to virtue and religion. However, examination of the writings of some well-known and influential authors from ca. 1150 to ca. 1400—including John of Salisbury, Ptolemy of Lucca, William of Ockham, Bartolous of Sassoferrato, and Nicole Oresme—reveals three very diverse and distinct conceptions of tyranny, each of which justified the tyrant in one way or another.

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Tierney, Brian. "Ius dictum est a iure possidendo: Law and Rights in Decretales, 5.40.12." Studies in Church History. Subsidia 9 (1987): 457–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143045900002106.

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Francisco Suarez devoted the opening chapter of his major work, De legibus ac Deo legislatore, to definitions of the words lex (law) and ius (right). In one sense, he wrote, ius could mean the same as lex, as in phrases like ius civile (civil law) or ius divinum (divine law). But there were other meanings too. In discussing them, Suarez quoted Isidore of Seville, ‘Ius is so called because it is just’, and Augustine, ‘What is done by right (iure) is done justly’—two texts that earlier had been incorporated into the medieval Corpus iuris canonici. According to this etymology, Suarez wrote, ius could mean ‘the just and fair’ or ‘what is prescribed by law’. Then Suarez presented a third, ‘strict’ definition.

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Uría, Javier. "Ideas on language in Early Latin Christianity: From Tertullian to Isidore of Seville. By Tim Denecker." Historiographia Linguistica 45, no. 3 (December 31, 2018): 379–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/hl.00031.uri.

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Smith, Shawn C. "The Insertion of the Filioque into the Nicene Creed and a Letter of Isidore of Seville." Journal of Early Christian Studies 22, no. 2 (2014): 261–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/earl.2014.0026.

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van Waarden, Joop. "Ideas on Language in Early Christianity. From Tertullian to Isidore of Seville, written by Tim Denecker." Vigiliae Christianae 73, no. 3 (May 23, 2019): 341–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700720-12341377-03.

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Воронцов, С. А. "Coins and Flowers: Some Images of the Textual Authority in the Works of Isidore of Seville." Диалог со временем, no. 76(76) (August 17, 2021): 31–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.21267/aquilo.2021.76.76.028.

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В статье обсуждается значение авторитета цитируемого текста в свете дихотомии авторитет текста / авторитет личности в культуре последних веков Поздней Античности на Латинском Западе на материале наследия Исидора Севильского. На основании анализа метафор, связанных с фигурой благоразумного читателя (prudens lector), а именно – собирания цветов и экспертизы монет, делаются следующие выводы: 1) авторитет цитируемых текстов позволяет произведению репрезентировать традицию, а его автору-епископу – «образ отцов церкви». Это определяет символический характер авторитета личности церковного учителя, требующий, в то же время, воспроизведения первообраза; 2) цитируемые тексты образуют поле возможных альтернатив, из которых «разумный компилятор» осмысленно выбирает необходимые для воздействия на читателя; 3) читатель при этом, применяя монашеское искусство памяти, на основании накопленных коннотации использовал авторитетные высказывания для созидания новых смыслов. Таким образом, авторитет текста на рубеже Поздней Античности – Раннего Средневековья скорее оказывается средством обоснования и производства новых смыслов, чем ограничивающей их рамкой. The article considers the function of the authority of the quoted text through the lens of the dichotomy of personal / textual authority. The study is focud on the last ages of Late Antiquity and particularly on the works of Isidore of Seville. By consideration of the images related to the prudent reader (prudens lector) the article comes to the following conclusions. The extensive use of the authoritative quotations allows the text to represent the tradition, while its author as religious leader represented the Apostles and fathers of the Church. Thus, the authority of this leader turns out to be essentially symbolical. Relatively wide range of texts were considered authoritative. Making his own text, a prudent compiler (prudens compilator) as a prudent reader (prudens lector) chose the quotations not randomly, but according to the presupposed effect of the compilation. The reader of this kind of text, according to the monastic craft of the thought, produced new ideas by mediation upon the quotations, i.e. remembering all the connotations and relating them to the situation of the reader. Thus, the main function of authority of the quotations was to give an impetus to the thought in terms of tradition and not to suppress it.

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Castro, Dolores. "Modelos bíblicos para reyes visigodos: un estudio a partir de las Sentencias de Isidoro de Sevilla = Biblical Models for Visigothic Kings: a Study on the Sententiae of Isidore of Seville." Espacio Tiempo y Forma. Serie III, Historia Medieval, no. 28 (June 25, 2015): 255. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/etfiii.28.2015.14871.

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50

Classen, Albrecht. "Thomas Aquinas, Basic Philosophical Writing: From the Summa Theologiae and The Principles of Nature, ed. and trans. by Steven Baldner. Peterborough, Ont.: Broadview Press, 2019, 254 pp." Mediaevistik 32, no. 1 (January 1, 2020): 442–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.3726/med.2019.01.108.

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No one can overlook the intellectual medieval giant, Thomas Aquinas. He looms so large in the Middle Ages that we ultimately almost tend to take him for granted and yet still do not quite know what positions he might have taken on so many different issues. St. Augustine, Isidore of Seville, and Thomas Aquinas belong to a category of medieval philosophers and theologians all by their themselves, which makes it rather difficult for most readers to gain a concise understanding of their teachings. Normally, we do nothing but cherry-picking, and use whatever statements we might need for our own research topics. But this does not do justice to those major figures. Any effort to synthesize and summarize what they had to say in a modern language can only be welcomed, certainly a daunting task.

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