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1
Mazrui, Ali A. "African Islam and Islam in Africa." American Journal of Islam and Society 26, no. 3 (July 1, 2009): i—xi. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v26i3.1380.
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Sub-Saharan Africa is often regarded as part of the periphery, rather thanpart of the center, of the Muslim world. In the Abrahamic world, Africa isoften marginalized. But is there anything special about Islam’s relationshipwith Africa? Are there unique aspects of African Islam? Islam has exerted anenormous influence upon Africa and its peoples; but has Africa had anyimpact upon Islam? While the impressive range of articles presented in thisspecial issue do not directly address such questions, my short editorialattempts to put those articles within the context of Africa’s uniqueness in theannals of Islam. One note: Although these articles concentrate on sub-Saharan Africa (“Black Africa”), our definition of Africa encompasses thecontinent as a whole – from South Africa to Egypt, Angola to Algeria, andMozambique to Mauritania ...
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Reese, Scott S. "ISLAM IN AFRICA/AFRICANS AND ISLAM." Journal of African History 55, no. 1 (March 2014): 17–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853713000807.
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AbstractThis essay discusses some of the recent trends in the scholarship on Islam and Africa that contribute to a more nuanced understanding of the historical relationship between African Muslims and the globalecumeneof believers. Rather than looking at the faith as an insular African phenomenon, this piece examines the links between Africans and the wider community of believers across space and time. Such an approach has important ramifications for our understanding of the dynamics of Islam. However, it also challenges many of the assumptions underpinning the geographic area studies paradigm that has dominated the academy since the Second World War. This essay suggests the adoption of a more fluid approach to scholarly inquiry that reimagines our largely continental attachment to regions in favor of a more intellectually agile methodology where the scope of inquiry is determined less by geographic boundaries and more by the questions we seek to answer.
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Marzuenda, Marzuenda. "SEJARAH PERKEMBANGAN PERADABAN ISLAM." Kreatifitas: Jurnal Ilmiah Pendidikan Islam 10, no. 1 (August 18, 2021): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.46781/kreatifitas.v10i1.283.
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North Africa which includes the valley of the Nile River or what is called Al-Misri (Modern Egypt) the region of Libya, Cirenacia, Tripolitami and Tunisia, whose entire territory is known to Arabs as the African region and the region of Al-Jazair and Morocco as Al-Magribi (where the sun has set). Prior to the arrival of Islam, North Africa was in the hands of the Romans, a very large linperium that included several countries and various human races. In this paper, we will discuss the timeline of Islamic history, starting from the entry of Islam into North Africa. Then continued with Andaxia and South Africa. And three Nusantara scholars including: Sheikh Yusuf Almakassari, a great scholar who is considered by South Africans as the father of South African Islam. Even a prominent figure in South Africa, former President Nalson Mandela, said that Sheikh Yusuf was one of the best sons of South Africa. Besides him there were also others such as Tuan Guru Iman Abdullah bin Qodi Abdussalam who was exiled by the Dutch for Tidore and Abdul Basi Sultonia who came from the sultanate of Gowa.
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Bangura, Ahmed Sheikh. "Islam in West Africa." American Journal of Islam and Society 14, no. 3 (October 1, 1997): 91–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v14i3.2271.
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Islam in West Africa is a collection of nineteen essays written by NehemiaLevtzion between 1963 and 1993. The book is divided into five sections. dealingwith different facets of the history and sociology of Islam in West Africa.The first section focuses on the patterns, characteristics, and agents of thespread of Islam. The author offers an approach to the study of the process of thatIslamization in West Africa that compares pattems of Islamizacion in medievalMali and Songhay to patterns in the Volta basin from the seventeenth to thenineteenth centuries. He also assesses the complex roles played by Africanchiefs and kings and slavery in the spread of Islam.Section two focuses on the subject of lslam and West African politics fromthe medieval period to the early nineteenth century. Levtzion identifies twotrend in African Islam: accommodation and militancy. Islam's early acceptancein West African societies was aided by the fact that Islam was initially seen asa supplement, and not as a substitute, to existing religious systems. Levtzionanalyzes the dynamics of Islam in African states as accommodation gave wayin time to tensions between the ruling authorities and Islamic scholars, callingfor a radical restructuring of the stare according to Islamic ideals. The tensionsbetween the Muslim clerics of Timbuktu and the medieval Songhay rulers. andthe ultimately adversarial relationship between Uthman dan Fodio and the Gobirleadership in eighteenth-century Hausaland, are singled out for sustained analysis ...
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Engmann, Rachel Ama Asaa. "(En)countering Orientalist Islamic Cultural Heritage Traditions: Theory, Discourse, and Praxis." Review of Middle East Studies 51, no. 2 (August 2017): 188–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rms.2017.97.
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West African Islamic cultural heritage is recurrently overlooked or marginalized in scholarly, museological, and popular imaginaries, despite contemporary burgeoning Western attentiveness to Islam. Historically, Orientalists and/or Islamicists exclude West Africa, and anthropologists study West African Islam due to its alleged lack of written Arabic andAjamitexts (Loimeier 2013; Saul 2006), despite textual and material evidence to the contrary. Existing literature on the material expressions of West African Islam, largely edited volumes and museum catalogues, direct attention to Islamic West Africa, rather than IslaminWest Africa, in other words, predominantly West African Muslim societies, and not those for whom Muslims comprise a minority (Adahl 1995; Insoll 2003; Roberts and Nooter Roberts 2003; for exceptions cf. Bravmann 1974, 1983, 2000). Analytically, the “Islamization of Africa” and “Africanization of Islam,” standard nomenclature customarily employed to describe the simultaneous processes at play in West African Islam (Loimier 2013), note the reciprocal relationship between Islam and pre-existing West African religious traditions shaped by local contexts, circumstances, subjectivities, and exigencies (Fisher 1973; Trimingham 1980). Accordingly, West African Islam's material manifestations labeled “inauthentic,” “syncretic,” “vernacular,” and “popular” are considered, inter alia, antithetical to “classical” Islam. Notwithstanding, so-called classical Islam represents the embodiment of a locally synthesized form that, over time and with repetition, has come to be conceptualized as “classical.” Yet, Islam has incorporated and translated an assortment of pre-existing ideals to adjust in ways viewed as neither regression, apostasy, plurality nor heterodoxy. And, West Africa proves no exception. Indubitably, West African Islamic cultural heritage is the heritage of the “‘Othered’ religion par excellence” (Preston-Blier 1993:148).
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Mohd Amirol Ashraf Wan Mohd Badruddin, Wan, Ezad Azraai Jamsari, Mohamad Zulfazdlee Abul Hassan Ashari, Izziah Suryani Mat Resad, and Mohd Hafiz Safiai. "A RETROSPECTIVE ANALYSIS OF THE SPREAD OF ISLAM IN WEST AFRICA UNTIL 11TH CENTURY CE." International Journal of Advanced Research 9, no. 12 (December 31, 2021): 99–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.21474/ijar01/13881.
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Islam spread in the African continent in phases and in different ages. The process occurred through either expansion of Muslim power as in North Africa, or trading as happened in West Africa. Falola argued that the process of spreading Islam in West Africa generally occurred peacefully through trading and preaching. In that regard, the purpose of this article is to examine the process of spreading Islam in West Africa until the 11th century CE. On the whole, this article is a qualitative research using historical study and content analysis to gather and analyse information from relevant primary and secondary sources. Research findings argue that initial contact of Muslims with the West African region began since the century 1H/7CE. From this contact, Islam began to be introduced to the inhabitants of West Africa through trade from the 2H/8CE century. This research finds that at the end of 4H/10CE and early 5H/11CE centuries, Islam was accepted by the ruling class of West African kingdoms, such as the conversion of rulers of Kanem, Songhay, Takrur and Malal. However, there were also West African rulers who did not embrace Islam such as the ruler of Ghana. Nevertheless, Muslims who resided in their territories were well-treated. Later on, this helped to spread Islam in these territories.
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Willoughby, Jay. "Islam in Africa, Islam in Globalization." American Journal of Islam and Society 33, no. 1 (January 1, 2016): 165–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v33i1.898.
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On October 15, 2105, the International Institute of Islamic Thought commemoratedAli Mazrui’s (1933- 2014) first death anniversary by convening a seminarto honor their mutual close and lasting relationship. Mazrui served as theeditor-in-chief of the American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences (2009-14),participated in many of the institute’s events, and was awarded the IIIT DistinguishedScholar Award in 2011. In addition, he bequeathed his collectionof papers and publications to IIIT.His widow Pauline Utimazrui opened the seminar by recalling how herlate husband always spoke the truth regardless of the consequences, how hedecided to attend Columbia University because so many African students weregoing there, and how he sought to bring up controversial issues to force peopleto think outside the box. She said that he was a very happy and grateful manwho appreciated others, liked to live a simple life and be in the moment, anddid not believe in accumulating wealth.Keynote speaker Ebrahim Rasool, former ambassador of South Africa tothe United States and a long-time activist who was jailed for his anti-apartheidactivities, spoke on “Ali Mazrui: Beacon at the Intersection of Islam andAfrica.” He described Mazrui as follows:Standing for justice is the point of the triangle which is least populated, orif it is populated it may well be populated in the absence of understandingthe implications of belief in the unity of God or the understanding of the dynamismof knowledge. Professor Ali Mazrui will be remembered for epitomizingthe completeness and perfection of this golden triangle [of belief,knowledge and justice], for indeed his knowledge was founded in his unflinchingcommitment to Tauhid or unity and this, in turn, impelled him towardsutilizing his intellect both towards identifying the sources of injusticein the world and positing theoretical and practical solutions towards justice.He reminded his audience how Mazrui never shied away from controversy,as can be seen in his battle with National Public Radio (NPR) in termsof his production and defense of “The Africans: The Triple Heritage,” disagreementswith much of post-colonial Africa’s ideological or philosophicalthinking, and assertion of a distinction between theological Islam and historicalIslam. On a more personal level, in 1969 he rejected an invitation extended ...
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Willoughby, Jay. "Islam in Africa : Islam in Globalization." American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 33, no. 1 (January 2016): 153–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.12816/0037433.
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Hames, Constant, David Westerlund, and Eva Evers Rosander. "African Islam and Islam in Africa. Encounters between Sufis and Islamists." Studia Islamica, no. 89 (1999): 193. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1596097.
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Umar, Muhammad S., David Westerlund, and Eva Evers Rosander. "African Islam and Islam in Africa: Encounters between Sufis and Islamists." International Journal of African Historical Studies 31, no. 1 (1998): 152. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/220909.
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Gribanova, Valentina. "On the Question of the Trends in the Development of Islam in South Africa." ISTORIYA 13, no. 3 (113) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840020261-6.
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The article discusses the ways of penetration of Islam into South Africa and the forces that played a significant role in its spread in this territory. The development of reformist tendencies in South African Islam during the second half of the 20th century is analyzed. It is noted that although in South Africa there were supporters of progressive trends in the reform of Islam, their number was minimal. There were significantly more adherents of the conservative trend in Islam. The special role of the Deobandi school and the Tablighi Jamaat movement among the supporters of the conservative direction is noted. A review of Muslim organizations that were actively created during the 20th century is given. These organizations were aimed at strengthening Islam in South African society and increasing the number of believers. The strengthening of the role of tarikats — Muslim spiritual orders, in the religious life of South African Muslims from the end of the 20th century is noted. The role of Islamic education, which has been increasing its importance in South Africa in recent decades, is emphasized.
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Azumah, John. "Beyond Jihad: The Pacifist Tradition in West African Islam." International Bulletin of Mission Research 41, no. 4 (June 30, 2017): 363–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2396939317720379.
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Lamin Sanneh’s book Beyond Jihad deals with the peaceful transmission of Islam in West Africa by a pacifist clerical group. The author challenges the claim that the old African kingdom of Ghana was conquered by the militant Berber Almoravids in the eleventh century. Islam was not introduced into sub-Saharan Africa through militant jihad, as generally believed. The principal agents for the dissemination of Islam in West Africa were local clerics, who used the peaceful means of accommodation and adaptation. The clerical tradition was pacifist, emphasizing learning and teaching, not war and political office.
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Moseyko, A. N. "Christian Muslim Dialogue in the Context of Interfaith Relations in Africa." Prepodavatel XXI vek, no. 4/2 (December 30, 2023): 395–411. http://dx.doi.org/10.31862/2073-9613-2023-4-395-411.
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The scientific work, presented in two articles, focuses on the characteristic of interreligious dialogues in Africa in historical retrospect and at present. The complexity of this problem is explained by the diversity of the religious situation on the African continent. The article analyses the region of Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA), where there are currently three religious traditions: two world religions (Islam and Christianity) and one autochthonous traditional religion in various ethno-cultural variations. The author focuses on the dialogues that arise when Africans practicing the traditional religion convert to Islam or Christianity. The first article addresses the question of the role and place of traditional religions in contemporary Africa, on which there are different views. The historical and cultural nature of African traditional religions and the reasons for their persistence in contemporary Africa are considered. The article also highlights the problem, new to African studies, of the specific nature of dialogue in Africa and its traditional form, the “palabra”. The second article examines the peculiarities of relations and dialogues between Islam and Christianity and the autochthonous religions of Africa. The article focuses on the relationship of Sufi Islam and Christianity with autochthonous religions and the possibility of their interaction, mutual adaptation and dialogue. The study of the problem of the current state of interreligious dialogues concludes with an analysis of the peculiarities of the Muslim-Christian dialogue.
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Uthup, Thomas. "Teaching about Islam in Africa." American Journal of Islam and Society 31, no. 3 (July 1, 2014): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v31i3.282.
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What are the major pillars of education today? The International Commission on Education for the Twenty-first Century focused on this question in its report to the premier United Nations agency in education: the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO). In its report, “Learning: The Treasure Within,” the commission stated that life-long education is based upon four pillars: learning to know, learning to do, learning to live together, and learning to be.1 But is learning about religion a steel bar in these pillars? Certainly, the High-Level Group (HLG) appointed by Kofi Annan, the African UN Secretary General (1997-2006), to undertake the major UN intercultural initiative – the UN Alliance of Civilizations (UNAOC) – seemed to think so. The HLG report stressed the role of learning about religion as a key element of preparing future citizens for a world characterized by cultural diversity.What are the major pillars of education today? The International Commission on Education for the Twenty-first Century focused on this question in its report to the premier United Nations agency in education: the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO). In its report, “Learning: The Treasure Within,” the commission stated that life-long education is based upon four pillars: learning to know, learning to do, learning to live together, and learning to be.1 But is learning about religion a steel bar in these pillars? Certainly, the High-Level Group (HLG) appointed by Kofi Annan, the African UN Secretary General (1997-2006), to undertake the major UN intercultural initiative – the UN Alliance of Civilizations (UNAOC) – seemed to think so. The HLG report stressed the role of learning about religion as a key element of preparing future citizens for a world characterized by cultural diversity.2 In his Cultural Forces in World Politics(1990), Ali Mazrui explored the seven functions of culture in society. Briefly put, these are culture as a worldview, a source of identity, stratification, communication, value systems, motivation, and as a means of production and modes of consumption. I apply this framework to my analysis of the seven functions of Islam in Africa and link them with the UNESCO and UNAOC reports to underline the need for modern well-educated Africans to learn about Islam in Africa. In his Cultural Forces in World Politics(1990), Ali Mazrui explored the seven functions of culture in society. Briefly put, these are culture as a worldview, a source of identity, stratification, communication, value systems, motivation, and as a means of production and modes of consumption. I apply this framework to my analysis of the seven functions of Islam in Africa and link them with the UNESCO and UNAOC reports to underline the need for modern well-educated Africans to learn about Islam in Africa.
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Uthup, Thomas. "Teaching about Islam in Africa." American Journal of Islam and Society 31, no. 3 (July 1, 2014): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajiss.v31i3.282.
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What are the major pillars of education today? The International Commission on Education for the Twenty-first Century focused on this question in its report to the premier United Nations agency in education: the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO). In its report, “Learning: The Treasure Within,” the commission stated that life-long education is based upon four pillars: learning to know, learning to do, learning to live together, and learning to be.1 But is learning about religion a steel bar in these pillars? Certainly, the High-Level Group (HLG) appointed by Kofi Annan, the African UN Secretary General (1997-2006), to undertake the major UN intercultural initiative – the UN Alliance of Civilizations (UNAOC) – seemed to think so. The HLG report stressed the role of learning about religion as a key element of preparing future citizens for a world characterized by cultural diversity.What are the major pillars of education today? The International Commission on Education for the Twenty-first Century focused on this question in its report to the premier United Nations agency in education: the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO). In its report, “Learning: The Treasure Within,” the commission stated that life-long education is based upon four pillars: learning to know, learning to do, learning to live together, and learning to be.1 But is learning about religion a steel bar in these pillars? Certainly, the High-Level Group (HLG) appointed by Kofi Annan, the African UN Secretary General (1997-2006), to undertake the major UN intercultural initiative – the UN Alliance of Civilizations (UNAOC) – seemed to think so. The HLG report stressed the role of learning about religion as a key element of preparing future citizens for a world characterized by cultural diversity.2 In his Cultural Forces in World Politics(1990), Ali Mazrui explored the seven functions of culture in society. Briefly put, these are culture as a worldview, a source of identity, stratification, communication, value systems, motivation, and as a means of production and modes of consumption. I apply this framework to my analysis of the seven functions of Islam in Africa and link them with the UNESCO and UNAOC reports to underline the need for modern well-educated Africans to learn about Islam in Africa. In his Cultural Forces in World Politics(1990), Ali Mazrui explored the seven functions of culture in society. Briefly put, these are culture as a worldview, a source of identity, stratification, communication, value systems, motivation, and as a means of production and modes of consumption. I apply this framework to my analysis of the seven functions of Islam in Africa and link them with the UNESCO and UNAOC reports to underline the need for modern well-educated Africans to learn about Islam in Africa.
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Salem, Ahmed Ali. "Localizing Islam in the West." American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 33, no. 3 (July 1, 2016): 44–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajiss.v33i3.253.
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Ali Mazrui attempted to correct many misunderstandings of Islam in the West and demonstrate its closeness to and impact upon western civilization in several ways. For example, Islam is a fellow monotheistic religion, has preserved and added to the Greco-Roman legacy, preceded mercantilism and capitalism in hailing free trade and hard work, and modeled the western view of a tripartite world in the second half of the twentieth century. Mazrui's interest in studying Islam was originally part of his general exploration of postcolonial Africa. Although trained in mainstream political science, which emphasizes materialism, he quickly realized that culture is a powerful key to understanding politics. From this cultural optic, Mazrui began to interpretatively revive Islam as a powerful factor in African politics and highlight its values as capable of improving African conditions. His most celebrated work, namely, the 1986 television series "Africa: The Triple Heritage," was in part a call to reconsider Islam as a major foundation of African societies. His cultural studies helped him gain new constituencies among the larger Muslim community and then go global. His global studies upheld Islam against both Marxism and racism, which helped him escape the narrowness of Afro-centrism and broaden his concept of pan-Africanism to include not only sub-Saharan Africans and their Arab neighbors to the north, but also the Arab neighbors to the east and diasporic Africans as well. In this paper, I use many of Mazrui's publications that discuss various Islamic issues in Africa, the West, and globally.
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Salem, Ahmed Ali. "Localizing Islam in the West." American Journal of Islam and Society 33, no. 3 (July 1, 2016): 44–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v33i3.253.
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Ali Mazrui attempted to correct many misunderstandings of Islam in the West and demonstrate its closeness to and impact upon western civilization in several ways. For example, Islam is a fellow monotheistic religion, has preserved and added to the Greco-Roman legacy, preceded mercantilism and capitalism in hailing free trade and hard work, and modeled the western view of a tripartite world in the second half of the twentieth century. Mazrui's interest in studying Islam was originally part of his general exploration of postcolonial Africa. Although trained in mainstream political science, which emphasizes materialism, he quickly realized that culture is a powerful key to understanding politics. From this cultural optic, Mazrui began to interpretatively revive Islam as a powerful factor in African politics and highlight its values as capable of improving African conditions. His most celebrated work, namely, the 1986 television series "Africa: The Triple Heritage," was in part a call to reconsider Islam as a major foundation of African societies. His cultural studies helped him gain new constituencies among the larger Muslim community and then go global. His global studies upheld Islam against both Marxism and racism, which helped him escape the narrowness of Afro-centrism and broaden his concept of pan-Africanism to include not only sub-Saharan Africans and their Arab neighbors to the north, but also the Arab neighbors to the east and diasporic Africans as well. In this paper, I use many of Mazrui's publications that discuss various Islamic issues in Africa, the West, and globally.
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Marsh, Wendell Hassan. "Dehistoricizing Islam in Africa." Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East 35, no. 3 (2015): 656–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/1089201x-3426505.
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Nkrumah, Gorkeh Gamal. "Islam in Southern Africa." Review of African Political Economy 18, no. 52 (November 1991): 94–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03056249108703926.
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Vawda, Shahid. "The Emerging of Islam in an African Township." American Journal of Islam and Society 11, no. 4 (January 1, 1994): 532–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v11i4.2412.
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IntroductionWhile Islam is a fairly dominant religion in Africa, it is verysmall and has been treated as insignificant in southern Africa. Forexample Trimingham, in his survey of the phases of Islamic expansionin Africa, makes the dismissive comment: “Islam’s penetrationinto central and south Africa is so slight that it may be ignored."The presence of Muslims in South Africa, albeit a small percentageof the total population, cannot easily be ignored in terms of theirsocial, economic, and political contribution to the country as individuals,as members of an ethnic group, or as a religious minority. Apartheid has not only prompted a diverse set of responses fromMuslim organizations,s but the political and social events of the lasttwenty years have influenced conversion rates among the nominallyChristian African majority. Although there have been academicattempts to analyze the implications of some of these phenomena.there has been no ethnographic research at a local level to understandhow events in the sociopolitical arena shaped proselytizing work, theconversion process, and the interethnic relationships of the Muslims.This paper, based on ethnographic research in the townships ofKwaMashu-Ntuzuma-Inanda, located near Durban, is a contributiontoward understanding the position of African Muslims. The paper islimited to data collected during the latter half of 1992 and early 1993 ...
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Haron, Muhammed. "Conference on Islam in Africa." American Journal of Islam and Society 19, no. 1 (January 1, 2002): 153–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v19i1.1966.
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Academic studies regarding "Islam in Africa" have increased at a rapidpace over the past few years. In the 1960s, works of Trimingham and Lewiswere among the few which dealt with the subject. Towards the end of the1990s, one could select from a number of works; for example, one had achoice between Westurland and Brenner, Fischer and Stewart, Levtzion andMazrui and others. This reflects to what extent the African continent and,in particular, Islam has attracted the attention of scholars who represent avariety of disciplines.A similar group of scholars participated in the conference sponsored bythe Institute of Global Cultural Studies, Binghamton University SUNY, NYon "Islam in Africa" from April 19-22, 2001. This report reflects the overallprogram adopted by the conference and mentions some of the paperspresented.The conference began on Thursday, April 19, 2001. During the two hoursRene Laremont, the deputy director of the Institute, chaired the two publicpresentations by John Esposito and Ali Mazrui, respectively. Esposito's topicfor that evening was "Islam in a Global Perspective: A Wider View" andMazrui's was "Islam and Cultural Globalization in Africa." Esposito coveredseveral issues. He started his presentation with autobiographical notes abouthow he got involved with Islam and Muslims. He then examined the developmentoflslamic resurgence movements; highlighted global perceptions ofMuslims and Islam; tackled the issue of the supposed Islamic "threat";responded to Huntington's Clash of Civilizations (Foreign Affairs 1993, andNY 1996); and reflected - in passing - upon Pipes' harmful articles andNewsweek's negative reports. He concluded with comments on the twinprocesses of"lslamization" and "kafirization" and briefly explained how theyimpacted upon the concepts of democracy, pluralism, and minorities.In Ali Mazrui's presentation, two types of globalization were pointedout: economic and cultural. The first type has deepened the divisions and ...
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Sodiq, Yushau. "Gender and Islam in Africa." American Journal of Islam and Society 29, no. 4 (October 1, 2012): 87–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v29i4.1178.
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Gender and Islam in Africa is a great contribution to the scholarship onAfrican women. The contributors, all of whom come from different disciplines,seek to elevate the status of women by promoting gender equality,human rights, and democracy in androcentric African societies. They appealfor more women to participate in the reshaping and reforming of women’sroles; assert that women were part of Africa’s development; and maintainthat male religious scholars who interpret Islamic religious texts in a way designedto relegate women to second-class status, as opposed to Islam, are theprimary cause of women’s predicaments. This work is divided into threemajor sections: “Women Re/produce Knowledge,” “Re/constructing Women,Gender, and Sexuality,” and “Shari‘ah, Family Law, and Activism.” The contributorscite many examples of female scholars, among them Nana Asma’uand Malama Aishatu Dancandu, and their production of knowledge beforeand after colonialism.
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Bunza, Aliyu Muhammadu. "Islamic Literacy and Scholarship in African Languages: The Case of Hausa in West Africa." Dunɗaye Journal of Hausa Studies 4, no. 01 (April 30, 2024): 70–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.36349/djhs.2024.v03i01.009.
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Language is the main instrument in the wider spread and documentation of Islam and Islamic history in Africa and beyond. Historical development and rapid spread of Islam in African societies were historically accredited to African languages. The historic contact of the first Muslim generations with the Ethiopian emperor opens up the gate for the socio-linguistic development of translating Islamic dogma and messages into African languages. The Hausa factor in West African Islam is well noted in the writings of the early Muslim scholars. African linguistics contributions enhance the converts' literacy and develop a strong community of scholars of the highest historical relevance in the history of Islam in the African context. Africa is the home of about 2000 languages, Nigeria is with more than 556 languages, having Hausa leading the race with about 150 million speakers was rated as number 11 out of 7500 languages in the modern world as of 2022. Interestingly, about 85% of the Hausa native speakers are Muslims and about 69 percent of the Nigerian Muslim scholars are either Hausa natives or hausanized through Islamic activities in Hausaland. Thus, the spread of Islam in Africa was the handwork of African languages and not by the sword as alleged by the observers. My contact with Muslim scholars of various regions in Hausaland justified that, the technique of identification and naming Arabic alphabets are the same across the regions. In addition, the Ajami writing styles are the same. Hundreds of books and manuscripts are of the same orthography. These gave me the courage to investigate how it helps Islamic scholarship in the West African regions. This paper aims to study the role of Hausa Muslim scholars in the translation, naming, and adaptation of the 28 Arabic alphabets into the Hausa language which led to the innovation of Hausa Ajami writing and subsequent development of scholarship in the Hausaland. The paper would critically look into the Hausa-Arabic battle of alphabets treatment and the role of mother tongue in Islamic scholarship activities in West Africa Islam, with special emphasis on Hausa-speaking communities of West Africa.
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Du Plessis, Hester. "Oriental Africa." Tydskrif vir Letterkunde 45, no. 1 (February 16, 2018): 87–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/2309-9070/tvl.v.45i1.4465.
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Arab culture and the religion of Islam permeated the traditions and customs of the African sub-Sahara for centuries. When the early colonizers from Europe arrived in Africa they encountered these influences and spontaneously perceived the African cultures to be ideologically hybridized and more compatible with Islam than with the ideologies of the west. This difference progressively endorsed a perception of Africa and the east being “exotic” and was as such depicted in early paintings and writings. This depiction contributed to a cultural misunderstanding of Africa and facilitated colonialism. This article briefly explores some of the facets of these early texts and paintings. In the first place the scripts by early Muslim scholars, who critically analyzed early western perceptions, were discussed against the textual interpretation of east-west perceptions such as the construction of “the other”. Secondly, the travel writers and painters between 1860 and 1930, who created a visual embodiment of the exotic, were discussed against the politics behind the French Realist movement that developed in France during that same period. This included the construction of a perception of exoticness as represented by literature descriptions and visual art depictions of the women of the Orient. These perceptions rendered Africa as oriental with African subjects depicted as “exotic others”.
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Kurniawan, Riyan, Hera Tarisa, and Pristi Suhendro Lukitoyo. "Syekh Yusuf Al-Makassari: Berawal dari Pengasingan Hingga Menjadi Tokoh Penyebar Agama Islam di Afrika Selatan." Jurnal Ilmiah Dikdaya 13, no. 1 (April 7, 2023): 133. http://dx.doi.org/10.33087/dikdaya.v13i1.404.
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In South Africa at this time, the majority of Muslims are in the Western Cape, Natal and Transvaal regions with a diverse population ranging from Malays, Indonesians, Indians to South African Indigenous people. . Syekh Yusuf was a pioneer in the spread of Islam in South Africa, the spread of Islam carried out by Syekh Yusuf was carried out by preaching in secret to foster a sense of fate regardless of anything.
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Agbere, Dawud Abdul-Aziz. "Islam in the African-American Experience." American Journal of Islam and Society 16, no. 1 (April 1, 1999): 150–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v16i1.2138.
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African-American Islam, especially as practiced by the Nation oflslam, continuesto engage the attention of many scholars. The racial separatist tendency,contrasted against the color blindness of global Islam, has been the focal pointof most of these studies. The historical presence of African Americans in themidst of American racism has been explained as, among other things, the mainimpetus behind African-American nationalism and racial separatism. Islam inthe African-American Experience is yet another attempt to explain this historicalposition. Originally the author's Ph.D. dissertation, the book spans 293pages, including notes, select biographies, indices, and thirteen illustrations. Itstwo parts, "Root Sources" and "Prophets of the City," comprise six chapters; there is also an introduction and an epilogue. The book is particularly designedfor students interested in African-American Islam. The central theme of thebook is the signifktion (naming and identifying) of the African Americanwithin the context of global Islam. The author identifies three factors thatexplain the racial-separatist phenomenon of African-American Islam:American racism, the Pan-African political movements of African-Americansin the early twentieth century, and the historic patterns of racial separatism inIslam. His explanations of the first two factors, though not new to the field ofAfrican-American studies, is well presented. However, his third explanation,which tries to connect the racial-separatist tendency of African-AmericanMuslims to what he tern the “historic pattern of racial separatism” in Islam,seems both controversial and problematic.In his introduction, the author touches on the African American’s sensitivityto signification, citing the long debate in African-American circles. Islam, heargues, offered African Americans two consolations: first, a spiritual, communal,and global meaning, which discoMects them in some way from Americanpolitical and public life; second, a source of political and cultural meaning inAfrican-American popular culture. He argues that a black person in America,Muslim or otherwise, takes an Islamic name to maintain or reclaim Africancultural roots or to negate the power and meaning of his European name. Thus,Islam to the black American is not just a spiritual domain, but also a culturalheritage.Part 1, “Root Sources,” contains two chapters and traces the black Africancontact with Islam from the beginning with Bilal during the time of theProphet, to the subsequent expansion of Islam to black Africa, particularlyWest Africa, by means of conversion, conquest, and trade. He also points to animportant fact: the exemplary spiritual and intellectual qualities of NorthAmerican Muslims were major factors behind black West Africans conversionto Islam. The author discusses the role of Arab Muslims in the enslavement ofAfrican Muslims under the banner of jihad, particularly in West Africa, abehavior the author described as Arabs’ separate and radical agenda for WestAfrican black Muslims. Nonetheless, the author categorically absolves Islam,as a system of religion, from the acts of its adherents (p. 21). This notwithstanding,the author notes the role these Muslims played in the educational andprofessional development of African Muslims ...
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Triaud, Jean-Louis, and Aziz A. Batran. "Islam and Revolution in Africa." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne des Études Africaines 21, no. 1 (1987): 93. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/485093.
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Ngom, Fallou, and Mustapha H. Kurfi. "ʿAjamization of Islam in Africa." Islamic Africa 8, no. 1-2 (October 17, 2017): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/21540993-00801008.
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Stith, Charles R. "Radical Islam in East Africa." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 632, no. 1 (October 22, 2010): 55–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716210378676.
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Haron, Muhammed. "Islam, Democracy, and Public Life in South Africa and in France." American Journal of Islam and Society 25, no. 1 (January 1, 2008): 151–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v25i1.1507.
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During 3-5 September 2007, scholars associated with University of Witwatersrand’sDepartment of Anthropology and key members of the Johannesburg-based Institute of French Studies in South Africa explored ways toengage South African and French scholars in forms of cooperation. Toaddress this event’s focus, “Muslim Cultures in South Africa and France,”the organizers brought along the School of Social Sciences and Humanities(University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg) and the Institut d’Etudesde l’Islam et des Societes du Monde Musulman (Ecole des Hautes enSciences Sociales [EHESS]) to partner with them.The theme, “Islam, Democracy, and Public Life in South Africa and inFrance,” identified three basic objectives: to re-imagine Islam as an objectof academic enquiry, explore the epistemological dimensions of the study ofIslam, and foster scientific networks. The organizers highlighted a key question:“How do Muslims employ their religion to explain and clarify theirposition and role in public life in South Africa and France?” and identifiedthree focus areas: The Status ofMinority Religions: The Case of Islam; ReligiousIdentity - Political Identity; and Trans-nationalism/regionalism.The “Southern Africa” panel, chaired by Aurelia Wa Kabwe-Segatti(French Institute of South Africa [IFAS]), consisted of Alan Thorold’s (Universityof Melbourne) “Malawi and the Revival of Sufism,” SamadiaSadouni’s (Wits Institute for Social and Economic Research [WISER])“Muslim Communities in South Africa,” Liazzat Bonate’s (Eduardo MondlaneUniversity) “Leadership of Islam in Mozambique,” and Eric Germain’s(EHESS) “Inter-ethnic Muslim Dialogue in South Africa.” Sadouni examinedsuch crucial concepts as religious minorities and extracted examplesfrom both countries. Thorold, who analyzed Sufism’s revival in Malawi,relied on the work of ErnestGellner. Some participants, however, argued thathis ideas have been surpassed by more informed theoretical scholarship.Bonate reflected upon the differences that played out within northernMozambique’s Muslim communities vis-à-vis the government. Germain,who explored early Cape Muslim social history, provocatively argued thatmuch could be learned from this community’s make-up and attitude. Asexpected, he was criticized for sketching a romantic picture.The “Media and Power” panel, chaired by Eric Worby, featured GabebaBaderoon’s (post-doctoral fellow, Penn StateUniversity’sAfricana ResearchCenter) “Islam and the Media in South Africa.” She traced how Islam ...
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Deny Irawan, Mohammad. "ISLAM WASATIYYAH: REFLEKSI ANTARA ISLAM MODERN DAN UPAYA MODERASI ISLAM." TAJDID: Jurnal Ilmu Ushuluddin 16, no. 2 (January 20, 2018): 111–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.30631/tjd.v16i2.57.
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Diskursus tentang Islam moderat di dunia akademik mulai mencuat ke permukaan. bagaimana tidak? ketegangan yang muncul di Timur tengah, stagnanisasi perkembangan islam di Afrika hingga islamophobia di Eropa sangat berperan penting dalam kemunculan wacana islam moderat yang ditawarkan muslim di Indonesia. Islam di Indonesia memang memiliki kecendrungan berbeda dibandingan komunitas muslim di beberapa negara. Azyumardi Azra dalam sesi perkuliahan berulang kali mengungkapkan pentingnya pengembangan corak muslim yang diperagakan di Indonesia. Sebagai negara dengan mayoritas muslim terbesar di dunia, Indonesia juga memeragakan peranan penting dalam membuat citra Islam sedikit bergeser dari setnimen keekrasan berujung kekerasan ke Islam yang memiliki cara pandang cinta damai namun tetap berada dalam bingkai Islam.
Discourse on moderate Islam in the academic world began to stick to the surface. How come? the emerging tensions in the Middle East, the stagnantization of the development of Islam in Africa to Islamophobia in Europe play an important role in the emergence of moderate Islamic discourse offered by Muslims in Indonesia. Islam in Indonesia does have a different tendency than the Muslim community in some countries. Azyumardi Azra in a lecture session repeatedly expressed the importance of developing a modeled musical style in Indonesia. As a country with the largest Muslim majority in the world, Indonesia also demonstrates an important role in making the image of Islam slightly shifted from a set of sentiments of violence-endowed violence to Islam that has a peaceful love outlook but remains within the framework of Islam.
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Khan, Aftab A. "Islam and Ethnicity in Africa and the Middle East." American Journal of Islam and Society 8, no. 2 (September 1, 1991): 356–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v8i2.2637.
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This three-day seminar, sponsored by the State University of New Yorkat Binghampton's Schweitzer Chair in Humanities, the South Asian and AfricanStudies Program, the Department of African Studies, and the African AmericanInstitute, discussed the African experience, the Middle East experience, andcrosscultural comparison.The opening presentation was made by Ali Mazrui, who holds theSchweitzer Chair in Humanities at Binghampton. He discussed the interactionof Islam and ethnic cultures in Africa and pointed out that Islam and ethnicityare essentially contradictory concepts, one being a universalist and the othera particularist view of society. "But," according to him, "Islam has becomeethnicized and ethnicity tends to become Islarnized." The resulting tensionscan be overcome only by a strong sense of human solidarity, such as theone which the Prophet talked about when he said that nobody excels in faithunless he loves for his brother what he loves for himself ...
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NAKAO, Seiji. "The Recognition of Islam and Its Application in French Colonial Administration." Journal of African Studies 2016, no. 90 (2016): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.11619/africa.2016.90_1.
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West, Gerald O., and Tahir Fuzile Sitoto. "Other Ways of Reading the Qur'an and the Bible in Africa." Postscripts: The Journal of Sacred Texts, Cultural Histories, and Contemporary Contexts 1, no. 1 (April 28, 2005): 47–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/post.v1i1.47.
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This article explores how religion possesses and is possessed by Africans. It does this by recognising both the power of religion to configure and of Africans as agents who reconfigure what they encounter in their African contexts. The central question of this article is how placing African agency and context in the forefront reconfigures talk of Islam and Christianity in Africa. The question is taken up through an analysis of two African religious leaders, Shaykh Ahmadu Bamba from West Africa and Isaiah Shembe from South Africa.
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Salem, Ahmed Ali. "The Crown and the Turban." American Journal of Islam and Society 15, no. 2 (July 1, 1998): 141–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v15i2.2188.
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The Crown and the Turban is a new, valuable, and controversial contributionto two debates. First, it is a part of the debate on Africa's triple heritage: Africantradition, Islam, and Christianity. Second, it contributes to the debate on "secular"versus "religious" governance.For the first debate, the author argues that Muslims in West Africa are part oftwo encounters. First, they encounter the indigenous people and societies andparticularly their traditional religions and political institutions. Second, theyencounter Europeans who colonized and still indirectJy dominate West Africa.The reason for tension, the author claims, is what he calls "Islamic politicalism"and Muslim militancy on one hand and African tolerance and European secularismon the other.However, African Muslims are in an advantaged position compared toAfrican Christians. African Muslims are indigenous and Islam is considered anAfrican religion. Moreover, African Muslims demonstrate a political confidence based on an authentic tradition and long experience of Muslim rule in precolonialWest Africa (p. 1).Nevertheless, the author argues that Africa offers a fresh opportunity to theadherents of the two missionary faiths, i.e., Islam and Christianity, vis-his thepluralist challenge of indigenous societies. Muslim and Christian Africans arealready favored relatives in the African household but without the prodigal rightor presumption to dispossess it or each other (p. 181).For the second debate, the author argues that Africa offers the promise, andthe attendant hazards, of formulating and resolving the most crucial of debatesfor religious modernization: the debate on secular versus religious governance(p. 182). In the fmal analysis, the author approves and defends the secular governanceas opposed to the religious one ...
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Fisher, Humphrey J. "The Juggernaut's apologia: conversion to Islam in black Africa." Africa 55, no. 2 (April 1985): 153–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1160299.
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Opening ParagraphThis story begins with Robin Horton's thoughtful and stimulating article ‘African conversion’, published in Africa in 1971. My own ‘Conversion reconsidered’ followed in 1973. This was in part a response to Horton, though concentrating upon Islamic conversion, which had been only a supporting feature in Horton's chiefly Christianity-based argument. I also explored a little the possibilities for Muslim/Christian comparison in black Africa, a fruitful and promising field which has not figured prominently in the subsequent discussion, but to which I return briefly towards the end of the present article. Horton's own rely (‘On the rationality of conversion’, in 1975) being essentially rather acid in tone, it seemed best at the time to let the matter rest, which I did.
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Wicaksono, Herman. "Sejarah dan Penyebaran Islam di Asia dan Afrika." Rihlah: Jurnal Sejarah dan Kebudayaan 8, no. 1 (June 27, 2020): 46–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.24252/rihlah.v8i1.13235.
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This study tries to reveal and remind us about part of the struggle of our predecessors in spreading Islam to various parts of the world. In this case, the author chose Asia and Africa these two regions are not only the biggest continents, but also both continents were the center of Islamic civilization in the past before finally Islam was also introduced in other continents or countries in the European region, America and Australia. In essence, this study wants to reveal how the spread of Islam - especially in Asia and Africa - is clear evidence of how Islam is easily accepted by all groups without dressing on ethnicity, race, class, skin color, nation, and state. This study was written using the library research method, which means that all data contained in this study are sourced from documents related to this theme. Kajian ini mencoba untuk mengungkap dan mengingtkan kita akan sebagain perjuangan para pendahulu kita dalam menyebarkan ajaran Islam ke berbagai penjuru dunia. Dalam hal ini penulis memilih Asia dan Afrika dengan alasan selain kedua wilayah tersebut merupakan dua benua terbesar di dunia, kedua benua tersebut merupakan pusat peradaban Islam pada masa lalu sebelum akhirnya Islam juga mulai diperkenalkan di benua-benua atau negara-negara lain di wilayah Eropa, Amerika, dan Australia. Pada intinya, kajian ini ingin mengungkap betapa penyebaran Islam –khususnya di Asia dan Afrika– merupakan bukti nyata betapa Islam mudah diterima oleh semua kalangan tanpa memandan suku, ras, golongan, warna kulit, bangsa, dan negara. Kajian ini ditulis dengan metode kajian pustaka (library research) yang artinya seluruh data-data yang ada pada kajian ini merupakan data yang bersumber dari dokumen-dokumen yang terkait dengan tema ini.Kata kunci: Asia, Afrika, Islam, penyebaran, sejarah.
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Süsler, Buğra, and Chris Alden. "Turkey and African agency: the role of Islam and commercialism in Turkey's Africa policy." Journal of Modern African Studies 60, no. 4 (December 2022): 597–617. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x22000349.
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AbstractThe concept of ‘agency’ and its role in capturing the dynamics between Africa and external actors feature increasingly in the African IR scholarship. Over the past decade, Turkey has become an increasingly prominent actor in Africa, strengthening political, cultural and economic ties with African states and providing humanitarian aid and development assistance. In this paper, we examine Turkey's relationship with Africa from the point of view of African agency and ask ‘How much and what kind of agency can we identify by examining the way in which Turkey approaches African states?’ The conventional understanding of the concept of African agency defines it in materialist terms and emphasises its transactional nature; it does not adequately explain incidents of enhanced outcomes for Africans in their relationship with Turkey. We argue that an under-examined aspect and a vital source of African agency lies within the discourses of Turkish policy which provide an enabling source of policy space for negotiation for Africans. We demonstrate that the notion of Muslim kinship in Turkish discourses not only distinguishes Turkey from most of the other external powers engaging with the continent but also enables African interlocutors to negotiate enhanced outcomes.
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Bartholomew, Craig. "The Challenge of Islam in Africa." Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 6, no. 1 (1994): 129–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jis199461/27.
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At present, Islam is the fastest growing religion in the world. In Africa, as elsewhere, militant, fundamentalist Islam is at the heart of this contemporary resurgence. Perhaps the major characteristic of resurgent Islam is its quest to establish states govemed by the Sharia'ah law. There is no sacred/secular dichotomy, and each area of life is taken seriously in terms of Islamisation, With its inherent opposition to the secular privatisation of religion, resurgent Islam presents a challenge to Christians to explore the relationship between their own faith and all areas of life and think through the implications of societal pluralism in an integral Christian way.
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Sirriyeh, Elizabeth, and Mervyn Hiskett. "The Course of Islam in Africa." Journal of Religion in Africa 26, no. 4 (November 1996): 440. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1581843.
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Glover, John, Nehemia Levtzion, and Randall L. Pouwels. "The History of Islam in Africa." International Journal of African Historical Studies 33, no. 2 (2000): 411. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/220683.
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Bartholomew, Craig. "The Challenge of Islam in Africa." Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 6, no. 1 (1994): 129–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jis199461/27.
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At present, Islam is the fastest growing religion in the world. In Africa, as elsewhere, militant, fundamentalist Islam is at the heart of this contemporary resurgence. Perhaps the major characteristic of resurgent Islam is its quest to establish states govemed by the Sharia'ah law. There is no sacred/secular dichotomy, and each area of life is taken seriously in terms of Islamisation, With its inherent opposition to the secular privatisation of religion, resurgent Islam presents a challenge to Christians to explore the relationship between their own faith and all areas of life and think through the implications of societal pluralism in an integral Christian way.
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Saunders, Janice M., Nehemia Levtzion, and Randall L. Pouwels. "The History of Islam in Africa." Sixteenth Century Journal 32, no. 3 (2001): 905. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2671596.
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Hamès, Constant. "The History of Islam in Africa." African Affairs 100, no. 398 (January 1, 2001): 158. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/afraf/100.398.158.
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Hale, Sondra. "Islam in Africa: Particularisms and hegemonies." Reviews in Anthropology 27, no. 1 (January 1998): 57–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00988157.1998.9978189.
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Alexander, J. "Islam, archaeology and slavery in Africa." World Archaeology 33, no. 1 (January 2001): 44–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00438240120047627.
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Gerhart, Gail M., Nehemia Levtzion, and Randall L. Pouwels. "The History of Islam in Africa." Foreign Affairs 79, no. 5 (2000): 150. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20049946.
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Haynes, Jeffrey. "Islam and democracy in East Africa." Democratization 13, no. 3 (June 2006): 490–507. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13510340600579433.
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Sonn, Tamara. "Middle East and Islamic Studies in South Africa." Middle East Studies Association Bulletin 28, no. 1 (July 1994): 14–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026318400028443.
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Although muslims make up less than two percent of South Africa’s total population, they are a well-established community with high visibility. In 1994 South Africans will celebrate 300 years of Islam in South Africa. The introduction of Islam to South Africa is usually attributed to Sheikh Yusuf, a Macasser prince exiled to South Africa for leading resistance against Dutch colonization in Malaysia. But the first Muslims in South Africa were actually slaves, imported by the Dutch colonists to the Cape mainly from India, the Indonesian archipelago, Malaya and Sri Lanka beginning in 1667. The Cape Muslim community, popularly but inaccurately known as “Malays” and known under the apartheid system as “Coloureds,” therefore, is the oldest Muslim community in South Africa. The other significant Muslim community in South Africa was established over 100 years later by northern Indian indentured laborers and tradespeople, a minority of whom were Muslims. The majority of South African Indian Muslims now live in Natal and Transvaal. Indians were classified as “Asians” or “Asiatics” by the apartheid system. The third ethnically identifiable group of Muslims in South Africa were classified as “African” or “Black” by the South African government. The majority of Black Muslims are converts or descendants of converts. Of the entire Muslim population of South Africa, some 49% are “Coloureds,” nearly 47% are “Asians,” and although statistics regarding “Africans” are generally unreliable, it is estimated that they comprise less than four percent of the Muslim population. Less than one percent of the Muslim population is “White.”
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Salau, Mohammed Bashir. "RELIGION AND POLITICS IN AFRICA: THREE STUDIES ON NIGERIA." Journal of Law and Religion 35, no. 1 (April 2020): 165–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jlr.2020.15.
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Until the second half of the twentieth century, the role of religion in Africa was profoundly neglected. There were no university centers devoted to the study of religion in Africa; there was only a handful of scholars who focused primarily on religious studies and most of them were not historians; and there were relatively few serious empirical studies on Christianity, Islam, and African traditional religions. This paucity of rigorous research began to be remedied in the 1960s and by the last decade of the twentieth century, the body of literature on religion in Africa had expanded significantly. The burgeoning research and serious coverage of the role of religion in African societies has initially drawn great impetus from university centers located in the West and in various parts of Africa that were committed to demonstrating that Africa has a rich history even before European contact. Accordingly scholars associated with such university centers have since the 1960s acquired and systematically catalogued private religious manuscripts and written numerous pan-African, regional, national, and local studies on diverse topics including spirit mediumship, witchcraft, African systems of thought, African evangelists and catechists, Mahdism, Pentecostalism, slavery, conversion, African religious diasporas and their impact on host societies, and religion and politics. Although the three works under review here deal with the role of religion in an African context, they mainly contribute to addressing three major questions in the study of religion and politics: How do Islam and other religious orientations shape public support for democracy? What is the primary cause of conflict or religious violence? What strategies should be employed to resolve such conflicts and violence?