Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Islam and peace'

The growing number of terrorist attacks waged by Islamic fundamentalists has led to an increasing desire to understand the nature of jihad. These attacks have led to a renewed sense of urgency to find answers to such questions as why these attacks occur, and who they are waged against. Towards this end I turn to examine the political philosophy of four Muslim theologians. Specifically I look at the political philosophy of Sayyid Qutb, Shah Walai Allah Dihlawai, Ibn Rushd (Averroes), and Muhammad Sa'id al-Ashmawy. I find that the notion of jihad is very inconclusive. Furthermore, the question of jihad revolves largely around the question of whether or not individuals can be reasoned with, and secondly whether religion should be compelled upon individuals.

Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Stabilization and Reconstruction))--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2005.<br>Thesis Advisor(s): Aurel Croissant, Michael Malley. Includes bibliographical references (p. 101-109). Also available online.

This study examines the argument that Islam is far removed from violence in any form. It also delves into the discussion that many of the terrorist activities that have been carried out in America have much to do with homegrown terrorism than those related to Islam. At the center of this research is the Ahmadiyya Muslim Community which sees itself as an authentic form of Islam attuned to American values and offering a concise and rational version of Islam. This study explores the various outreach initiatives and activities of the Ahmadiyya that supports the counter-narrative that Islam does not condone violence. Following the various engagements and activities by the Ahmadiyya that are conducted both online and physically with the Hispanic and African community in Miami, the study concludes that the counter-narrative of Islam by the Ahmadiyya is far from the violence perpetrated in its name.

Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, September 2006.<br>Thesis Advisor(s): Alice Lyman Miller, Tuong Vu. "September 2006." Includes bibliographical references (p. 73-78). Also available in print.

This research explored Indians' definitions of peace and their solutions for peace between Hindus and Muslims in Gujarat, India. The study also focused on peacebuilding efforts after the Hindu-Muslim violence in Gujarat in 2002.Members of a local NGO collaborated on the project by acting as gatekeepers in the field. Semi-structured interviews were conducted in Hindi with twenty-nine adult men and women (20 to 64 years old) from both the Hindu and Muslim communities. To develop an understanding of the social context of each community, the researcher initiated conversations and walks around the communities with three key informants and she also conducted participatory mapping of the communities.Data analyses of the transcribed interviews was performed by two coders using the Grounded Theory approach in the target language, i.e., Hindi. Four main themes emerged: (1) descriptions of the community, (2) perceptions of relationships Hindus and Muslims, (3) peace and solutions for peace, and (4) hopes for the future. Smaller specific categories were captured under these broader themes.Based on the data analyses, analytic matrices representing the relationships between these categories and the two main research questions were generated. These matrices were developed drawing from data obtained during participants' interviews, conversations with key informants, the researcher's field observations, participatory mapping, and the available literature.Relying on the conceptual frameworks generated from the data, participants' definitions of peace and their solutions for peace in their community were elaborated. Participants' defined peace as the absence of both direct (e.g., physical violence) and structural (e.g., unemployment, crime rates) violence. Further, their solutions for peace incorporated direct (e.g., absence of physical violence) and structural (e.g., opportunities for employment) peacebuilding as ways- to promote non-violence in their communities. The analytic matrices derived from this study provided strong evidence to suggest participants' definitions of peace and their solutions for peace could contribute to peacebuilding between Hindus and Muslims in the communities in Gujarat targeted for this project. Implications for employing peacebuilding strategies to resolve conflict between other individuals are offered, as are recommendations for investigating solutions designed to facilitate peace and limitations of this study.<br>Department of Counseling Psychology and Guidance Services

Conflict over the Caliphate after the assassination of the third Caliph, ʿUthmān b. ʿAffān (d. 35/656), has remained a matter of serious concern amongst the Muslim academia and intellectual circles. This conflict resulted in schism among Muslims and caused two series of civil wars. These wars seem to have been a conflict of approaches (theological, socio-political and tribal) towards the Caliphate. ʿAbd Allāh b. ʿUmar (610 – 73/693), a famous companion of the Prophet, opted for an approach distinct from the prevailing various approaches. Besides his meritorious active role in restoration of peace and harmony, Ibn ʿUmar is a prominent scholar too. His command over the traditional Islamic disciplines (tafsīr, ḥadīth, fiqh, sīrah, tārīkh, etc) is exemplary. His life, traditions, viewpoints, and activities are prominently highlighted in the Islamic literatures. Despite the mention of Ibn ʿUmar in many sources reporting his peace promoting efforts, however, there is no comprehensive analytical research focusing on his role for the restoration of peace and harmony, its impact upon contemporary people and legacy in post-Ibn ʿUmar period. There seems to be a gap which this study aims to fill through a critical analysis of his views, activities and dealing with fitan through different measures. This dissertation deals with three aspects of Ibn ʿUmar’s life. First, the positive role that he played during the period of fitan. On the ground of the extensive Islamic literature in Arabic, English and Urdu languages, an attempt has been made to examine the nuances of his approaches to fitan through a chronological study of his life. Second, the impact of Ibn ʿUmar’s role during post-Ibn ʿUmar period. Based on the analysis of the comments on his approaches in fitan and on the comparison of his views with that of Ahl al-Sunnah, an effort has been exerted to measure his influence on later Muslim generations. Third is the leadership model that Ibn ʿUmar offers. On the account of the analysis of his leadership moments specially in fitan times and its comparison with leadership styles, it is aimed to examine his leadership style. Thus, this study argues that with his thoughts and leadership in the times of fitan, Ibn ʿUmar left deep impression on future generations.

Islam is the world's fastest growing religion. It is known to have an abundant and very rich amount of knowledge found in the Qur'an and the teachings of Prophet Muhammad, and as such, this religion has tremendously contributed not only to Muslim societies but also to the West. One aspect of this contribution explicated in this thesis is its contribution to the field of Conflict Resolution. The primary purpose of this study is to unearth the tradition of peace and conflict resolution that comes out of the religion of Islam, which is unknown to many Muslims today. In this study, existing literature in the field is examined, and a qualitative exploration is carried out, in order to formulate a better understanding of the dynamics of the Qur'an, hadith and other documents of Islam, as they relate to peace and conflict resolution. Utilizing a mixed methods approach, data collected for this study came from two sources: the existing literature regarding Islam and conflict resolution and the participants (Imams and religious scholars of Islam) interviewed through a questionnaire. To begin with, the thesis introduces the fundamentals of Islam and major concepts of the faith. It proceeds with Qur'anic and hadith injunctions on peace and conflict, and how those divine revelations as believed by Muslims, were applied by Prophet Muhammad and his early followers. This work is concluded with the opinions and interpretations of the scholars regarding the original question of this study and the matters discussed in the literature review. The thesis deals with the teachings of the Qur'an and only investigates and analyzes historical events from the lifetime of Prophet Muhammad and the early caliphate of Islam. In the process, to further explore the concept of conflict resolution in Islam, interpretations of Muslim scholars and imams are included in this document review of the sacred texts of Islam. Some questions addressed in this research are, how might this knowledge be valuable to Muslims today in these times of great turmoil involving the Muslim world after September 11? Where do the primary sources of Islam, the Quran and the hadith, stand as far as peace and conflict are concerned? And most importantly, what does Islam have to teach about conflict resolution?

In 1918, Serbs, Croats and Slovenes established a kingdom called "Yugoslavia." Serbs were considering this state as the state of Serbs. Bosnia Hercegovina's community or political powers did not help the establishment of Yugoslavia. The official ideology considered Muslims as the heir of the Ottoman occupiers in the Balkans. In the first Yugoslavia, Bosnian Muslims were under pressure and they were attacked by Serbs who had the official support of the administration. In time those attacks turned into ethnic cleansing. Bosnian Muslims were pushed out of the government bureaucracy and their lands.

In early 2001, as I began exploring the role of religion in conflict, I came across a declaration by a then little-known leader, Osama bin Laden, and his fellows. That declaration was of the World Islamic Front for Jihad Against Jews and Crusaders. Many analysts now see it as one of the founding documents of al Qaeda, the amorphous terrorist umbrella group. The purpose of the declaration was to issue a fatwa that, because United States troops were stationed in the holy Arabian peninsula and threatened Muslims, particularly in Iraq, it was every Muslim's duty 'to kill the Americans and their allies - civilians and military - ... in any country in which it is possible to do it'. Of course, the first thing that struck me, as an American, was that here was a group that wished to kill me solely because of my birthplace. They did not seem to care that I might not support specific actions of my government, even if I supported that government generally. Nor was there any discussion of whether methods other than violence might be more useful in persuading my fellow citizens as to the justice of their cause. I wondered, as a student of peace studies, what I could do in the face of such seemingly implacable hatred. The second thing that struck me about the declaration was its language. I noticed, in particular, a certain flourish that one does not often find in political analysis. The image that 'nations are attacking Muslims like people fighting over a plate of food' has always stayed in my mind because the simple image has such rhetorical power. I also noticed, in accordance with my research interests, the use of religious teachings as a justification for violence. Yet poetic rhetoric and religious dogma were not the only contents of that declaration. Bin Laden and his fellows made coherent political points. They cited as examples of the harm caused by the United States: the post-Gulf War presence of US troops in Saudi Arabia, 'dictating to its rulers [and] humiliating its people;' the continued bombing of Iraq 'even though all [Saudi] rulers are against their territories being used to that end;' and, finally, the way that these actions contributed to the security of Israel by weakening Arab nations. Thus, beneath its religious expression the declaration contained political points with which I could engage. Now, as I categorically oppose the use of violence, I unreservedly reject the conclusion of the fatwa. Moreover, I do not assume that a single statement is evidence of this group's true intent. It may very well be the case, as analysts more versed in their politics than I have argued, that al Qaeda's real goal is the establishment of an Islamic caliphate. Its affiliation with Afghanistan's Taliban certainly supports this argument. In spite of these things, though, their use of political arguments meant they were trying to reach an audience that cared about such things. I could address that audience as well, and try to propose different courses of action that would address the same concerns. Thus, I could step outside of my original framework, in which I envisioned implacable hatred, and argue for nonviolent ways of addressing the issues. Yet the religious idiom of the declaration was also an important factor. Given that the declaration addressed Muslims as Muslims, by only trying to argue political points with them I might alienate people for whom the religious language meant a great deal. Already in my research I had come to the conclusion, drawing on R. Scott Appleby's The Ambivalence of the Sacred, that the people best placed to show the peaceful potential of a religion are believers in that religion. I am not, however, religious. Thus, this conclusion left me with no recourse in the face of the religious aspects of conflict. I began to wonder what role a nonreligious - or, as I came to think of myself, a secular - person could play in peacemaking when religion is an element of a conflict. Moreover, I saw that different seculars would have different reactions to bin Laden's arguments. Some would reject the message because of the religious medium. Some, like I first did, would perceive the sociopolitical elements but continue to ignore the religious language. Others, as I also briefly did, might consider the religious element but leave out the issue of their own secular nature. Yet no perspective provided a good model for what I, as a secular, might do. Thus, the goal of my thesis became to analyze the various models of secularity, find the most beneficial principles, and construct from these a model for secular best practice. That Osama bin Laden's words should catalyze this thesis brings me to two important points. First, this is not a thesis about Islam. If a disproportionate number of the examples that I use throughout the thesis focus on Islam, this should not indicate that Islam deserves special attention concerning conflict and violence. Rather, the focus here is always on secularity and secular responses to religion in situations of conflict. However, particularly after September 11th, the largely secular policy and scholarly establishments of Europe and North America have produced a great deal of material concerning Islam. Thus, while I sought out more diverse sources dealing with secularity, I often used the religion most commented on by secular sources as an exemplar. That leads to the second point, which is that this is not a thesis about terrorism. Given its scope and the place of religion in it, most obvious case study to use in this thesis is the 'war on terror' - which I call such for ease of use, as that is what the Western media generally call it, not because I think it is an adequate designation. I will cover this topic in the final chapter, but because the thesis is about peace and violence in conflict, and not about specific forms of violence, it will not figure elsewhere. Because this thesis is concerned with violence and, specifically, with the promotion of peace, it has an overt prescriptive element. This stems in large part from my Peace Studies background. Peace Studies entails a normative commitment to pursue peaceful situations through nonviolent means. Thus, at several points I actively enjoin readers to take or not take certain types of action because, by my analysis, that is the best way to promote peaceful relationships. More generally, by the title of this thesis, I ask readers to 'rethink secular and sacred' - both what these terms mean, and more importantly how they relate to one another. In particular, this goal leads me to avoid discussing the concept of tolerance. Tolerance is often held to be a virtue by those who seek to promote nonconfrontational religious interaction. However, as many other writers have pointed out, the word 'tolerance' itself stems from physiological and biological studies, where it means the ability to withstand negative factors, such as poisons or drugs. Thus I find that its social meaning is essentially negative, denoting forbearance of what one finds repugnant. While in a very limited sense I feel that tolerance is necessary, it is only as a first step to actively engaging with what one might at first find off-putting.

Pourquoi certains crimes d’État ou de masse sont-ils jugés au sortir d’un régime autoritaire ou d'une guerre civile, tandis que d'autres épisodes de violence voient leur traitement judiciaire en suspens ? Pourquoi passe-t-on parfois par des procédures ou institutions dites de « réconciliation » ? Ces dernières constituent-elles des formes de contournement de la justice ? La thèse tente de répondre à ces questions à l'aune d'un cas de violence survenu en 1984 en Indonésie. Tranchant avec un climat national souvent qualifié d'impunité des auteurs suspectés de violations graves passées, la « tragédie de Tanjung Priok » n'est pas restée sans suites. En 2003, cinq années après la démission de Suharto, quelque quinze militaires qui avaient été déployés sur les lieux lors du massacre furent jugés pour « crimes contre l'humanité » devant un tribunal national ad hoc des droits de l’homme. Or, une charte de « réconciliation », dite charte d'ishlah, se référant au droit islamique, signée avant le procès par les accusés et une partie des victimes, a déclenché une controverse et suscité l'embarras des acteurs institutionnels. Pour comprendre les enjeux de cette « réconciliation », ce travail fait dialoguer une revue comparative des mécanismes de justice transitionnelle à l'échelle internationale, avec un portrait de l'Indonésie en transition et une reconstitution historique des scènes-clés et polémiques ayant marqué l'ensemble d'une l'affaire qui s'étend sur plus de vingt ans. La thèse se démarque des descriptions surplombantes des lendemains de violence en insistant sur les dynamiques locales à l’œuvre sur une temporalité longue, à partir de sources variées (entretiens, tracts, procès, presse), depuis la contestation souterraine de la violence sous Suharto jusqu'aux années 2000. L'approche ici développée se distingue néanmoins des analyses centrées sur le déterminisme des structures pour mettre en lumière les effets de concaténation générés par la mondialisation des pratiques de justice transitionnelle<br>Why are some state or mass crimes judged in courts after a civil war or the fall of an authoritarian regime, while other episodes of violence see their judicial treatment suspended ? Why do they sometimes go through so-called “reconciliation” procedures or institutions? Are these forms of circumvention of justice ? This thesis is an attempt to answer these questions in the light of a case of violence in 1984 in Indonesia. In full contrast with a national climate often referred to as impunity of suspected perpetrators of serious past violations since the transition, the “tragedy of Tanjung Priok” has not remained without judicial consequences after the fall of Suharto in 1998. In 2003, about fifteen soldiers who were deployed on the scene during the bloody events were charged and tried for “crimes against humanity” before a national ad hoc human rights court. However, a charter of “reconciliation”, called ishlah charter, referring to Islamic law, signed before the trial between suspected perpetrators and some of the victims sparked off a controversy and the embarrassment of institutional actors. To understand the stakes of this “reconciliation”, this work makes an extensive review of the evolutions of transitional justice mechanisms on an international scale dialogue with a portrait of Indonesia in transition and a historical reconstitution of the key scenes and the controversies that have arisen over the course of this whole affair, which extends over more than twenty years. Thus, this thesis departs from disembodied descriptions of post-violence in order to insist on local dynamics at work on a long temporality, this being based on manifold sources (interviews, tracts, trials, press), from underground contests of State violence during Suharto's era up to the 2000s. Yet, it should also be distinguished from analysis in terms of determinism of structures and, conversely, puts the stress on the concatenation effects generated by the globalization of practices of transitional justice

This paper argues that a State can reconstruct it’s own politics in such a way that allows for more reliance on conflict resolving international organizations and institutions and can reduce the need for military force and/or power politics. Accordingly, the complexities of the security dilemma can be reduced or eliminated. I utilize a single case study approach that analyzes the 2010 territorial conflict known as the ‘Isla Calero’ dispute between Costa Rica and Nicaragua. Using both an inductive approach and semistructured interviews, this paper analyzes how the dispute was settled without the use of power politics. It is argued that Costa Rica was able to halt the cycle of the security dilemma through their decision to demilitarize. Moreover, I argue that Costa Rica’s approach is relevant and applicable to other states and could contribute to successful conflict resolution between States without the use of power politics.

碩士<br>真理大學<br>宗教學系碩士班<br>96<br>Muslim world is going through critical junctions and has witnessed unprecedented waves of violence, sabotage and terrorism. As a consequence, it has attracted world attention on the need to grapple the problem of terrorism. Anti-Islamic activities, however, have manipulated the situation. They have given derogatory projection to the magnanimity of Islam. Resulting of some prejudices, they have accused Islam of being a religion of terrorism. This is indeed unfortunate and tragic, as the accusation reflects sheer ignorance of Westerners towards Islamic teachings. It is also tantamount to the refutation of Islamic tenets. Islam has been the pioneer of humanism and benevolence. An illegitimate murder of any human soul is forbidden in unequivocal and categorical terms. In addition, Islam has also enshrined superb and supreme values, affection, cooperation, justice and moderation in the daily life of Muslims. This thesis thus represents a modest endeavor to project Islamic values and teachings. In particular, it demonstrates that Islam is identifiable with peace. Terrorism is a concept alien to Islam, and understanding Islam in terroristic context is in fact, an absolute misunderstanding of Islam. This thesis also incorporates impelling evidences based on the most important two sources of Islamic teachings, the Glorious Quran and Sunnah of Prophet Muhammad (Peace be upon him). Islam is also the champion of peace. It advocates no terrorism in any form or manifestation. To provide illuminations to the multifarious ideas expressed in this thesis, necessary information is provided with scholastic skills. Brevity and comprehensiveness are blended in Islamic ethics. Apart from that, the thesis also attempts to trace and analyze the ideological roots of Islamic extremism, violence and terrorism at this time; giving the reader the chance to understand how those roots help al-Qa’ida and other terrorist groups prepare and sell a narrative that justifies indiscriminate killing in the name of God. Jihad, or waging war, for the sake of Allah and to raise the banner of Islam is a doctrine of crucial importance. In no event, however, it is explicable in terms of terrorism. The thesis has made detailed analysis on the variance of the two concepts, Jihad and terrorism. It has highlighted the true teaching of Jihad. Likewise, it has also castigated the viciousness of terrorism. As a result, this thesis refers to a range of first-hand materials written by genuine scholars in each specific filed of Islamic studies, analyzing a variety of topics, including terrorism, the origin of Islamic extremism, violence and suicide attacks, peace, tolerance, and Jihad

M.A.<br>Coming to terms with the challenge of modernity has been a major concern for Muslim scholars. Faced with the reality of the global system of nation states, and the question that the challenges of secularism, democracy and religious pluralism pose for a traditional understanding of Islâm, many contemporary Muslim scholars have sought to develop new visions of their faith in order to engage seriously with these concerns. This dissertation looks at the writings of the Indian âlim, Sayyid Abul Hasan `Ali Nadwi, who has developed an incisive approach to the challenges of da`wah and dialogue Muslims globally and Indian Muslims particularly are faced with. This study examines how he as a member of the Muslim minority in India, has sought to present Islâm in terms that are intelligent to the modern mind, as well as making it possible for Muslims in India to attempt to create a balance as loyal citizens of the state, on the one hand, and as practising believers of their religion, on the other. Furthermore this vision is given a global dimension for Muslims living in the West where the challenges are not dissimilar from the Indian context.<br>Prof. J.F.J. van Rensburg

Spiritan Life No. 03 -- 1991 August -- Mission Sources Justice and Peace Number 3 -- CONTENTS -- Foreword -- (pg 5) -- This is Where We Came From, by Maurice Gobeil -- (pg 9) -- From Carrick-on-Suirto Rome, by Desmond Arigho -- (pg 19) -- Refugees in Southern Africa, by Frans Timmermans -- (pg 25) -- Algeria A Missionary Spirituality in an Islamic Context, by Rene You -- (pg 37) -- Mission "ad gentes" and Traditional Religions, by David Regan -- (pg 55) -- The Terminology and Significance of Evangelization, by Chukwuwa Okoye -- (pg 65) -- Education for a Global Justice, by Eugene Hillman -- (pg 81) -- Pentecostal Expansion in Brazil: A Question for Formation, by Antonio Gruyters -- (pg 93) -- The 500th Anniversary of The Evangelization of the Americas and the Spiritan Chapter 1992, by Bill Headley, David Regan and Maurice Gobeil -- (pg 103) -- Spiritan Life Reviews -- (pg 109) -- Other Spiritan Publications -- (pg 113)

Depuis la fin de la guerre froide, on note que le rôle de la religion s’est grandement accru dans l'élaboration des visions du monde et dans la fragmentation globale, en partie en étant impliquée dans certains violents conflits. Cette situation se reflète en particulier dans la politique ethno-religieuse du Nigéria. La passation du pouvoir des militaires aux civils en 1999 a été accompagnée de violents conflits entre chrétiens et musulmans. Ces conflits constituent l'une des crises les plus graves auxquelles le Nigéria est aujourd’hui confronté. Au cours des dernières années, les émeutes interreligieuses sont devenues des événements de routine au Nigéria. Face à cette situation, quelles contributions les milieux éducatifs nigérians ont ils apportées? Même si depuis le début des années 1980s le domaine de l’éducation à la paix a vu naitre un nouveau mouvement de réforme visant à directement analyser les problèmes de la violence, ce mouvement de réforme n’a guère touché le milieu de l’éducation supérieure au Nigéria, que ce soit dans ses institutions religieuses ou non-religieuses. Elle laisse les élites éduqués avec peu de formation formelle pour comprendre les causes de cette violence et en particulier les solutions alternatives à y apporter pour contribuer à plus de relations pacifiques au Nigéria. A partir de la théorie et méthodologie de la praxéologie, la présente thèse entend combler cette double lacune. Elle présente le contexte nigérian et les détails d’un curriculum interreligieux d’éducation à la paix élaborée pour les leaders religieux nigérians. Elle permet de mieux comprendre le rôle que le discours religieux joue dans la banalisation de la majeure partie de la violence actuelle. Elle met l’emphase en particulier sur les besoins de mieux former les leaders religieux grâce à une éventuelle dissémination d’un curriculum d’éducation à la paix interreligieuse adaptée à la réalité multi-religieuse nigériane et, en particulier, à sa longue histoire des conflits interreligieux. Ce curriculum est fondé sur les conceptions religieuses de la paix provenant des traditions yoruba, musulmanes et chrétiennes. Il vise à favoriser des relations interreligieuses qui soient compassionnelles, spirituelles, pacifiques et pleines de succès entre toutes les diverses communautés de croyants au Nigeria. Le curriculum couvrira une période intensive d’un an et, en guise d’exemple, sera appliqué au département de science des religions de l’Université d’Ibadan. Cette thèse postule que l'élaboration d'un curriculum interreligieux d’éducation à la paix pour les leaders religieux au Nigeria réduira, à long terme, la violence religieuse grandissante au Nigéria, en abordant les tensions entre les populations traditionnelles, musulmanes et chrétiennes et en permettant aux artisans religieux de la paix de créer des îlots interreligieux de paix ainsi que de participer activement dans la découverte de moyens de réduire la violence récurrente.<br>Since the end of the Cold War, we have witnessed the increasing role religion plays in shaping worldviews as well as global fragmentation, part of which through being directly involved in violent conflicts. This situation is no better reflected than in the ethno-religious politics of Nigeria. Since the transition from a military to a civilian regime in 1999, violent conflicts between Christians and Muslims continue to erupt and constitute one of the gravest dangers facing Nigeria. In the last few years, interreligious riots have even become routine events in Nigeria. What have Nigerians done about this situation, especially in educational circles? Although since the early 1980s the field of Peace Education has developed a new educational reform movement aimed at addressing directly problems of violence, this reform has hardly reached Nigerian higher education (both religious and non-religious institutions of higher learning). It has left the educated elites with little formal educational training to understand the causes of this violence and especially how to provide alternatives for more peaceful relations within Nigeria. Using a praxeological theory and method, this dissertation addresses this doubly bleak situation by presenting the context for and the details of an interreligious curriculum for peace education for religious leaders in Nigeria. Understanding the role religious discourse plays in fostering much of the current violence, this thesis focuses in particular on the needs to educate better religious leaders through the eventual dissemination of an interreligious curriculum for peace education adapted to the Nigerian multi-religious reality and long history of interreligious conflicts in particular. This one-year curriculum builds upon religious Yoruba, Islamic and Christian conceptions of peace, with the goal of creating a safe, caring, spiritual, peaceful and successful interfaith relationship between all Nigerian religious communities. It is contextualized for use as an example in the Department of Religious Studies at the University of Ibadan. This thesis argues that the development of an interreligious curriculum for peace education for religious leaders in Nigeria will, in the long term, reduce the growing religious violence in Nigeria, by addressing the tensions between Traditional, Christian and Muslim populations and by enabling religious peacemakers to create interreligious islands of peace as well as to actively participate in finding ways to reduce the on-going violence.

“Paz: do desejo à prática” é um estudo desenvolvido em torno do conceito de paz. Sendo uma das grandes aspirações do ser humano, a dificuldade de a alcançar indicia que nela convergem algumas questões que não são de fácil resposta. No pensar comum, paz é antónimo de guerra, mas esta é uma definição pobre. Ao longo deste Relatório, procura-se, então, entender de que formas o Homem contemporâneo busca a paz. Algumas propostas convergem no yoga e no reiki, práticas presentes, também, nas escolas portuguesas. Contudo, a religião cristã defende que pensar a paz num plano horizontal (entre todas as criaturas), pressupõe, antes de mais, uma paz vertical, entre o céu e a terra, entre Deus e a humanidade, porque desta dependem todas as outras formas. Mas como se educa para a paz? De que forma é que a educação pode potenciar uma cultura de paz nas escolas e, em último plano, na sociedade? Estas e outras questões são equacionadas no último capítulo onde se propõe uma lecionação da Unidade Letiva “Paz Universal”, do programa de Educação Moral e Religiosa Católica.<br>“Peace: from desire to practice” its a study that aims at refleting on the concept of peace. Being one of the great aspirations of the human being, the difficulty of achieving it indicates that in it converge some questions that aren’t easy to answer. In general, peace is an antonym of war, but this is a poor definition. Throughout this Report, we try to understand in which ways the contemporary mankind seeks a peace. Some proposals converge on yoga and reiki, present practices in portuguese schools. However, the Christian religion defends that, thinking about the peace on a horizontal plan (among all creatures) presupposes, first and foremost, a vertical peace, that is, between heaven and earth, between God and humanity, because all other forms depend on it. But how can we educate for a peace? In which ways the education can foment a culture of peace in school and afterwards in society? This and other questions are considered in the last chapter, whereby a lecture about the Teaching Unity "World Peace" from the subject of Catholic Moral and Religious Education.

The diploma thesis deals with the terrorism and war, their meaning in the globalised world and with the possibility of ethical justification of violence. Theoretical part delineates terrorism, its terminology and political and social environment. It describes kinds and methods of terrorism, its history and some of the terrorist organizations with their goals. The thesis also compares terrorism and war in the parts where they intersect. In the next chapters it presents original ethical theories which would be supported by the moral assessment of violent enforcing of interests. There is explained the term of just war, its basic principles and obligatory attributes. Practical part characterize three chosen actual conflicts: the Al- Qaeda attacks on the United States from 11th September, 2001, Chechnya war for its autonomy and current factual occupation of Iraq by allied forces. Legitimate setting in the sense of ius ad bellum, the right to defend by the use of violence, was not mostly deconstructed. In the area of ius in bello, the right in the war, the hypothesis was not verified and the particular violent action did not fulfill some of the basic principles of just war.