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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Islam and politics – Nigeria'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 2 February 2022

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1

Kirwin, Matthew. "The Socio-Political Effects of Nigerian Shari’a on Niger." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2004. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1090266448.

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2

Mahdi, Hauwa. "Gender and citizenship : Hausa women's political identity from the Caliphate to the Protectorate /." Göteborg : Göteborg University, 2006. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb409440286.

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3

Okonkwo, Chukwuka Celestine. "Tackling Political Islam in Nigeria-Lessons from the Islamic Visions of Maulana Wahiduddin Khan." Bulletin of Ecumenical Theology, 2007. http://digital.library.duq.edu/u?/bet,3052.

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4

Paden, John. "ISLAM AND DEMOCRATIC FEDERALISM IN NIGERIA." Bulletin of Ecumenical Theology, 2002. http://digital.library.duq.edu/u?/bet,2468.

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5

Johnson, Perry Lee. "How vulnerable is Nigeria to Islam extremism?" Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/5646.

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This thesis investigates the conditions under which a society endorses or is compliant with extremist ideology. Using social movement theory and literature on drivers of violent extremism, the thesis focuses specifically on the potential for religious extremism in Nigeria. Nigeria is particularly important because it is the most populated country in sub-Saharan Africa and it is where both Christianity and Islam, the world's two largest religions, converge. Nigeria also illustrates one of the clearest examples of religion being used politically and the potential for extremism that this presents. Examining Nigeria will test the specific conditions that make a state vulnerable to extremist ideology and offer insights into reducing the expansion of extremist religious groups within similar societies.
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6

Adeniyi, Adesoji Oyedele Abimbola. "The politics of Bitumen Development in Nigeria." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.522928.

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7

Inuwa, Muhammat Nura. "Oil politics and national security in Nigeria." Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/5049.

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In the last two decades, the federal government of Nigeria has employed several strategies in an effort to resolve the ongoing crisis in its Niger Delta Region. Two main approaches were adopted concurrently by both military and civilian regimes within the period of study, diplomatic and non-diplomatic. Unfortunately, both strategies failed to resolve the crisis. This thesis explains why the strategies failed, arguing that combination of an overly high military with low civil counterinsurgency strategies during the military regimes of 1990-1999 allowed an excessively repressive approach that did not only fail to end the crisis but eventually fuelled it to transform agitation into insurgency. In addition, the civilian regimes of 1999-2009, which engaged low military and relatively high civil counterinsurgency strategies, have also not been able to resolve the crisis. The study hence suggests a moderate approach comprising of both strategies; a professional military approach with moderate civil counterinsurgency strategies, and adopting measures that would assist the government to isolate its counterinsurgency strategies from political groups' interference, and resist responding to all pressures and complaints likely to sabotage its strategies.
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8

Zovighian, Diane. "Clientelism and Party Politics| Evidence from Nigeria." Thesis, Georgetown University, 2018. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10826911.

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This dissertation provides an explanation for the workings of clientelism and some preliminary insights on the conditions under which it can recede.

First, I provide evidence from Nigeria on the “loyal-voter anomaly” (Stokes et al. 2013, 66): I show that political parties tend to target clientelistic transfers to partisans, whose votes should already be secure, rather than to swing voters, whose votes are up for grabs. Second, I develop a theory of strategic safe-betting to explain the disproportionate targeting of partisans. This theory puts the emphasis on risk mitigation, an aspect of clientelistic relations that existing explanations tend to overlook. I argue that clientelistic transfers are risky and expensive endeavors, and that loyal voters represent a safer bet for political parties: their voting behavior is indeed easier to influence, predict or, in a best-case scenario, monitor. This is due to their close ties to the operatives of the party machine, as well as their deeper embeddedness in networks of control through which parties exert influence and gather information on voters before and during elections. Third, I provide preliminary insights on the demise of clientelism. I show that macro developments—in particular urbanization and economic development—that increase the weight of swing voters make clientelistic transfers riskier and provide incentives for parties to develop programmatic promises during elections.

The dissertation builds on original quantitative and qualitative empirical evidence from the most populous sub-Saharan African country, Nigeria. It draws on observational and experimental survey data to provide a quantitative analysis of the determinants and workings of clientelism at the individual level. It also builds on selected archival documents and in-depth key informant interviews to develop a qualitative narrative of the historical roots of clientelistic partisan pacts in Nigeria and the mechanisms that sustain and break them in contemporary politics.

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9

Costain, Marc D. Anderson Mark A. "The banality of Islamist politics /." Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Jun%5FCostain.pdf.

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10

Huzen, Kent Bob. "Politics of Islamic Jihad." Thesis, University of Canterbury. Social and Political Sciences, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/3504.

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This thesis argues among other things, That the concept of jihad, which represents a form of striving and endeavour-often misinterpreted in the literature as 'holy war'- is rooted in the Qur'anic ideals and interpretations (ijtihad). However it can be extremely variable when 'applied' to Muslim societies in the course of history. Thus for example, the Greater and Lesser Jihads might be subject to a number of different interpretations when applied to Muslim societies deriving from a (a) historical experiences and/or circumstances; (b) theological or philosophical debates; (c) differing religio-political elite formations; and (d)strategic assesments of threats and/or dangers to Islam. We demonstrate the multifaceted and variable characteristics of jihad through the use of a 'Jihadist Wheel'. In the case of modern jihadist organizations, which we examine, reference to the Qur'an as a source of ideological guidance and inspiration has sometimes given way to what is referred to in the literature as a 'strategic' assesment of the realities confronting Islam. Often, as the case of Iraq, this might lead to excessive violence and accusations of Islamic terrorism. From an analytical standpoint this thesis argues that 'jihadism' and 'terrorism' are two differnt construct in terms of motivation and goals. However the variability of the jihadist concept when applied by Muslims under varying conflictual circumstances (i.e. threats and/or response) can sometimes add to confusion surrounding the meaning of the term and of course its identification with 'holy war' or 'terrorism'. It is hoped that this thesis will at least add some light to the current debate in the literature over the anatomy of jihadism, whils seeking to provide an analytical framework for the identification and application of different forms of jihad based on the Qur'anic exegesis.
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11

Misra, Devika. "Religious resurgence : Islam in Malaysia, Hindutva in India /." Thesis, Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 1999. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B21240693.

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12

Adeel, Liaqat. "The politics of Islam in a postcolonial state Pakistan /." Canberra, 1996. http://erl.canberra.edu.au/public/adt-AUC20060531.163022/.

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13

Nwanaju, Isidore Uchechukwu Chibuzo. "Christian-Muslim relations in Nigeria : a historical-theological reflection upon the mutual co-existence of Christians and Muslims /." Nijmegen : [s. n.], 2004. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb40070447p.

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14

SIST. "Politics, Social Change and the Church in Nigeria." Kingsley's, 2007. http://digital.library.duq.edu/u?/spiritanbook,10670.

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Table of Contents -- General Introduction -- (p. v) -- One: A welcome address -- (p. 1) -- Two: Keynote address -- (p. 5) -- Three: Fully Catholic, Fully Political: Exploring the Biblical Grounds for active Christian participation in politics -- (p. 15) -- Four: Factors that Militate against the active involvement of Christians in politics and societal transformation in Nigeria -- (p. 16) -- Five: The Church and the State in Nigeria: Partners in Dialogue towards a better Nation -- (p. 75) -- Six: Elections of Selection, Ethnic and Money Politics in Nigeria: Lessons from the past towards a better tomorrow -- (p. 101) -- Seven: Art, Media and Lterature as Catalyst of Socio-Political change: The Nigerian Experience and the role of the Church -- (p. 119) -- Eight: The Church as an Alternative Society: A Critical Examination of Ecclesiastical Structures, Leadership and Prophetic witness in Nigeria today -- (p. 137) -- Nine: Diocesan Justice and Peace Departments and their Contributions as agents of Conscientization, Education and Motivation of Christians for Political Responsibility and other Civic Duties -- (p. 183) -- Communique -- (p. 199) -- Contributors -- (p. 203 -- Symposium Co-ordinators -- (p. 206)
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15

Marshall, Ruth A. "The Politics of Pentecostalism in Nigeria : 1975 - 2000." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.504113.

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16

Kukah, Matthew Hassan. "Religion and politics in northern Nigeria since 1960." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.418365.

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17

Ejizu, Chris I. "ETHICS OF POLITICS IN NIGERIA: THE CHRISTIAN PERSPECTIVE." Bulletin of Ecumenical Theology, 1989. http://digital.library.duq.edu/u?/bet,1359.

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18

Melayu, Hasnul Arifin. "Islam and politics in the thought of Tjokroaminoto." Thesis, McGill University, 2000. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=33304.

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Hadji Oemar Said Tjokroaminoto (1882--1934) was one of the leading Indonesian Muslim political figures in the early twentieth century. He was one of the prominent leaders in Sarekat Islam. Beginning in 1912, when he firstly joined Sarekat Islam, Tjokroaminoto devoted alt of his attention to the development of this organization as well as to the political movement in general at that time. This thesis deals with a number of Tjokroaminoto's conceptions of Islam and politics, which reflect his involvement in the political discourses of his time, especially with Communist and secular nationalist groups. His life and his works as well as the political conditions of his time are discussed in order to trace the sources that inspired his vision. In his political ideas, Tjokroaminoto expressed his conceptions of the worth of Indonesian people, socialism and education, as well as the way in which all these ideas are interrelated. His ideas on Islam, which are mainly inspired by his aspiration to create a united Indonesian Muslim community, were highly influential and provided a relatively early definition as to what political Islam should encompass. These ideas are more clearly expressed in his conceptions of the separation between Islam and politics, nationalism, pan-Islamism and the Ummah. Finally, his discussion of Islam and politics marked a new stage in the self-awareness of Indonesians. As such, his ideas were of key importance to the formulation of the movement's goals and its strategies.
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19

Fiddian-Qasmiyeh, Elena. "Gender, Islam and the Sahrawi Politics of Survival." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.517121.

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20

Merati, Simona E. "Russia's Islam: Discourse on Identity, Politics, and Security." FIU Digital Commons, 2015. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/1840.

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Despite the long history of Muslims in Russia, most scholarly and political literatures on Russia’s Islam still narrowly interpret Muslim-Slavs relations in an ethnic-religious oppositional framework. In my work, I examine Russia’s discourse on Islam to argue that, in fact, the role of Islam in post-Soviet Russia is complex. Drawing from direct sources from academic, state, journalistic, and underground circles, often neglected by Western commentators, I identify ideational patterns in conceptualizations of Islam and reconstruct relational networks among authors. To explain complex intertextual relations within specific contexts, I utilize an analytically eclectic method that appropriately combines theories from different paradigms and/or disciplines. Thanks to my multi-dimensional approach, I show that, contrary to traditional views, Russia’s Muslims participate in processes of post-Soviet Russia’s identity formation. Starting from textual contents, avoiding pre-formed analytical frames, I argue that many Muslims in Russia perceive themselves as part of Russian civilization – even when they challenge the status-quo. Building on my initial findings, I state that a key element in Russia’s conceptualization of Islam is the definition, elaborated in the 1990s, of traditional Islam as part of Russian civilizational history, as opposed to extremist Islam as extraneous, hostile phenomenon. The differentiation creates an unprecedently safe, if confined, space for Islamic propositions, of which Muslims are taking advantage. Embedded in debates on Russian civilization, conceptualizations of Islam, then, influence Russia’s (geo)political self-perceptions and, consequently, its domestic and international policies. In particular, Russian so-far neglected Islamic doctrine supports views of Islamic terrorism as a political and not religious phenomenon. Hence, Russia interprets both terrorism and counterterrorism within its own historical tradition, causing its strategy to be at odds with Western views. Less apparently, these divergences affect Russian-U.S. broader relations. Finally, in revealing the civilizational value of Russia’s Islam, I expose intellectual relations among influential subjects who share the aim to devise a new civilizational model that should combine Slavic and non-Slavic, Orthodox and Islamic, Western, and Asian components. In this old Russian dilemma, the novelty is Muslims’ participation.
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21

Mbachirin, Abraham T. Davis Derek. "The responses of the church in Nigeria to socio-economic, political, and religious problems in Nigeria a case study of the Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN) /." Waco, Tex. : Baylor University, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/2104/4874.

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22

Rodman, Emma. "Mahdi and me revolution and messianism in Iran, Sudan and the imaginary domain /." Diss., Connect to the thesis, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10066/1233.

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23

Harjanto, Nicolaus Teguh Budi. "Islam and Liberalism in Contemporary Indonesia: The Political Ideas of Jaringan Islam Liberal." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2003. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1070464571.

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24

Angerbrandt, Henrik. "Placing Conflict : Religion and politics in Kaduna State, Nigeria." Doctoral thesis, Stockholms universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-120386.

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Decentralisation and federalism are often said to mitigate conflict by better meeting the preferences of a heterogeneous population and demands for limited autonomy. But it is argued in this thesis that this perspective does not sufficiently address the ways in which conflict-ridden relations entangle processes across different scales ‒ local, regional as well as national. The aim of this thesis is to explain how it is that while decentralisation may contribute to national stability, it may simultaneously generate local conflict. This problem is analysed through a conflict in Kaduna State in north-central Nigeria where there have been outbreaks of violence between Hausa-Fulani Muslims and Christians of different ethnicities since the 1980s. Christian ethnic groups claim to be excluded from state benefits, while Muslim groups claim that Christians have undue influence over the state bureaucracy. The conflict feeds off ethnic and religious mobilisation. Expanded local political space further fuelled the conflict following the decentralisation that came with the shift from military to civilian rule in 1999. Decentralisation in Nigeria implies that the authorities should be associated with the majority ethnicity or religion in a specific territory. A localisation of politics accordingly raises the stakes in identity-based conflicts, especially as control of local institutions is necessary for inclusion in wider political processes. In Kaduna, this has led to demands for separating the state on a religious and ethnic basis. Actors make use of “scalar politics” to conform to or challenge boundaries set by the state. Social relations are associated with different boundaries.  Accordingly, decentralisation triggers conflicts on an identity basis, involving contestation over the hierarchy of scales. While national struggles between ethnic and religious groups may be subdued, conflicts play out locally as decentralisation in Nigeria makes religion and ethnicity a powerful tool for political mobilisation.

At the time of the doctoral defense, the following paper was unpublished and had a status as follows: Paper 2: Manuscript.

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Werthmann, Katja. "Nachbarinnen." Universitätsbibliothek Leipzig, 2016. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:15-qucosa-210668.

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Muslimische Frauen in Nigeria sind »eingeschlossen«, aber nicht eingesperrt. Was bedeutet das aus ihrer Sicht? Die Ethnologin Katja Werthmann untersuchte während eines sechzehnmonatigen Feldforschungsaufenthaltes in Kano, der größten Stadt Nordnigerias, zentrale Aspekte des Alltagslebens dieser Frauen. Die Arbeit beschäftigt sich vorwiegend mit Frauen an der Schnittstelle zwischen Tradition und Moderne, Arm und Reich, Abhängigkeit und Autonomie. Individuelle und kollektive Strategien im Umgang mit kulturellen Normen und gesellschaftlichen Realitäten stehen im Vordergrund dieser Studie. Katja Werthmann betrachtet Frauen im islamischen Afrika nicht aus eurozentrischer Perspektive als homogene Gruppe, sondern als konkrete, handelnde Personen in einem komplexen sozialen Umfeld.
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Werthmann, Katja. "Nachbarinnen: die Alltagswelt muslimischer Frauen in einer nigerianischen Großstadt." Brandes & Apsel, 1997. https://ul.qucosa.de/id/qucosa%3A13920.

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Muslimische Frauen in Nigeria sind »eingeschlossen«, aber nicht eingesperrt. Was bedeutet das aus ihrer Sicht? Die Ethnologin Katja Werthmann untersuchte während eines sechzehnmonatigen Feldforschungsaufenthaltes in Kano, der größten Stadt Nordnigerias, zentrale Aspekte des Alltagslebens dieser Frauen. Die Arbeit beschäftigt sich vorwiegend mit Frauen an der Schnittstelle zwischen Tradition und Moderne, Arm und Reich, Abhängigkeit und Autonomie. Individuelle und kollektive Strategien im Umgang mit kulturellen Normen und gesellschaftlichen Realitäten stehen im Vordergrund dieser Studie. Katja Werthmann betrachtet Frauen im islamischen Afrika nicht aus eurozentrischer Perspektive als homogene Gruppe, sondern als konkrete, handelnde Personen in einem komplexen sozialen Umfeld.
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27

Adeel, Liaqat, and n/a. "The politics of Islam in a postcolonial state: Pakistan." University of Canberra. Information, Language and Culture Studies, 1996. http://erl.canberra.edu.au./public/adt-AUC20060531.163022.

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During the last one year, while working on this thesis, I have been asked several times as to how Islam or Islamic fundamentalism makes a communication thesis. The answer is simple: my concern is not Islam as a religion or fundamentalism as a religious or political movement but the way Islam is defined and fundamentalism presented. In the age of communication reality is not just what we see or sense but what we are shown and made to perceive. It would be no exaggeration to suggest that today our dependence on the communication networks is such that even for something that happens in front of us we need interpretations to fully comprehend it. Thus reality without interpretations, in most cases, has come to carry little meaning. Our perception of reality today is not based on our individual experiences only. It is, in fact, the sum total of the reality plus interpretations by the 'public arenas' such as education institutions, mass media, the civil service, parliament, the courts, industry, the research and scientific community, political parties etc. (Cracknell, 1993: 4). This study deals with the interpretations of Islam and Islamic fundamentalism by the Muslim as well as western public arenas. Throughout this thesis I use the word 'Islam' not as a religion but as a symbol of political power and cultural identity. Because, I believe that Islam as a faith is a personal and spiritual matter that for majority of the Muslims, like the believers of any religion, need not be compared with any other religion unless to prove it superior. But as a symbol of political power and cultural identity Islam does need interpretations and has been interpreted in many different ways. What triggered my interest in yet another interpretation was that what I had seen in Pakistan and what I felt the West thought of Muslim societies had no logical connection. For instance, there is a widespread belief in the West that Muslim societies are deeply religious and Islam guides every aspect of the Muslims' life. The reality that I have seen and experienced in Pakistan society, which is ninety-six per cent Muslim, is that few, very few indeed, Muslims may be willing to die or kill for Islam, but will not live according to Islam. The people of Pakistan, in their day-to-day life, are as secular as the people of any other part of the world. They have all human virtues and vices that human beings are capable of anywhere in the world. But still there is no denying the fact that Pakistan, or for that matter any underdeveloped society, is different from the industrialised West. How and why are they different is what I have investigated in this thesis. I have no hesitation in admitting that except for the discrepancy in the reality that I had seen in Pakistan and its perception that I noticed in the West, I had no clear idea about the subject. But I have always believed, as Sartre has said somewhere, that the honourable thing about reading is to let yourself be influenced. I claim to have started this thesis with an open mind, but I do not claim to be an objective writer, unless objectivity is seen as nothing but to be honest to one's self as well as others. All of us live with our subjectivity that is influenced by our individual and collective objective conditions. Most of us are content to live with what we have learnt during our formative phase in life. Some of us are not. I belong to the latter tribe. Through the years I have unlearnt many a thing about religion, culture and human beings that I had learnt from my family, school and society, to accommodate more ideas, opinions and concepts, not less. That process still continues. One thing that I have learnt in life, and which I shall cherish forever, is that human beings must not be frozen in their cultural, religious and social categories; they must not be seen as good and bad without an understanding of their environment.
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Dahlan-Taylor, Magfirah. "Beyond Minority Identity Politics: Rethinking Progressive Islam through Food." Diss., Virginia Tech, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/37730.

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In this dissertation, I analyze the challenges of speaking about religion, ethics, and politics as a Muslim in America beyond the language of minority identity. I investigated the different ways Muslims negotiate the demands of Islamic dietary laws in their everyday lives by collecting primary data gathered through interviews with Muslims from different localities. The answers given by the participants in this study speak to more than the particular issue of how Muslims understand and carry out the demands of Islamic dietary laws given the reality of living in a country where Muslims are a minority group. They reflect a discourse on Islamic dietary laws that is framed primarily within the language of exclusive privatized religious identity and individual consumerism. In this dissertation, I seek to propose a different discourse on Islamic dietary laws, one that is characterized by greater inclusivity and challenges the language of exclusive privatized religious identity and individual consumerism.
Ph. D.
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29

Horrocks, John. "Moderate Islam : a contradiction in terms or a political force for the 21st century? /." St Andrews, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/149.

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30

Olomojobi, Yinka. "Explaining the dynamics of Islam and conflict : the case of Northern Nigeria." Thesis, Lancaster University, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.618311.

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Nigeria has a complex ethno-religious profile. Thanks to the British colonial administration, a myriad of individual groups professing various faiths and belonging to different ethnicities have found themselves in a tense, un settled and competitive political system. Unsurprisingly, there have been several attempts to undermine the profile of the state. In spite of these consistent challenges, what is striking, however, is that the Nigerian state has not disintegrated. What explains the persistence of the Nigerian state on the face of these assaults? Traditionally, critics have suggested that the federal structure in Nigeria is responsible for deflating some of the attacks against the state. I, however, propose that the success of the Nigerian state is not only due to the prevalence of a federal structure of governance but also due to the inclusive identity provided by religion. In particular, I explore the role of Islam in an ethnically charged context such as northern Nigeria. While making a cross-regional study of conflict behaviour spanning over the past 60 years in northern Nigeria, I underscore that while primordial identities are key factors responsible for violent upsurge, in those areas where people are bound together by Islam the conflict is less likely to occur. Furthermore, this study showcases that Islam in northern Nigeria acts as a double edged sword as it unites and divides in equal measures. From this particular standpoint, this thesis explains and evaluates the symbiotic relationship between Islam and conflict-prevention. This study argues that the variant of Islam in northern Nigeria is unique as it has become a source for communal unity rather than a source for conflict amongst Muslims in northern Nigeria. In particular, it analyses the conflict behaviour of Muslims and their pursuance of the concept of religious nationalism within a deeply divided and (dis-)united society. This thesis attempts to explore the position of Islam in the conflict dynamics in northern Nigeria. The backbone of this thesis is derived mainly from primary sources through extensive field work, sample questionnaires, semi-structured interviews, participant observation, focus group discussions (FGDs) and interaction with the actual actors in the research arena.
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31

Cusano, Christopher. "Iran: Islam and Political Participation." Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2004. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/435.

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This item is only available in print in the UCF Libraries. If this is your Honors Thesis, you can help us make it available online for use by researchers around the world by following the instructions on the distribution consent form at http://library.ucf
Bachelors
Arts and Sciences
Political Science
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32

Kane, Ousmane. "Les mouvements islamiques et le champ politique au nord du Nigeria : le cas du mouvement izāla à Kano." Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 1993. http://www.theses.fr/1993IEPP0012.

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Dans un contexte de bouleversements sans précédent, qui ont pour noms : urbanisation, diffusion d'une rente pétrolière, décolonisation et constructions d'Etats centralisés, sont nés dans le monde arabe de nombreux mouvements sociaux d'inspiration islamique. Peut-on considérer les mouvements sociaux islamiques nord-nigérians comme la traduction symbolique de bouleversements similaires à ceux qui ont affecté le monde arabe ? Tel est le sens de l'interrogation qui sous-tend cette thèse qui s'efforce d'étudier les effets sur les imaginaires sociaux des transformations économiques et sociales liées à la diffusion de la rente pétrolière au Nigeria. L'auteur fait valoir que le mouvement social islamique Izala qui intéresse particulièrement cette thèse exprime des aspirations à l'individualisme que véhicule auprès de certaines couches sociales le fait urbain
Against the background of profound upheavals (population growth, diffusion of the oil manna, decolonisation and the building of centralised States), the arab world witnessed the emergence of several islamic social movements during the last few decades. To what extend could we argue that the rise of islamic social movements in Nigeria followed the same pattern? Such is the rationale behind this research. The author investigates the social transformations related to the transition from agrairian economy to petroleum economy in Nigeria in order to shed light on the rise of islamic social movements. He argues that the Izala movement which is particularly dealt with here expresses aspirations towards indivualism to be found among some actors in the northern Nigerian urban context
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HASHIM, WAHID HAMZA. "THE IMPACT OF MODERNIZATION ON MIDDLE EASTERN POLITICS." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/184061.

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This study analyzes various perspectives of modernization theory in some Middle Eastern countries and examines the impact of modernization, both in its western and eastern formula, on the legitimacy and stability of these countries. It also examines those external factors that influenced these countries' internal and external policies. The study's major hypothesis is that Modernization + Secularization = Instability, whereas Modernization - Secularization = Stability in Middle Eastern Islamic countries. Secularization is a component of both the western and eastern paths; consequently, a Middle Eastern country that attempts to modernize and secularize along either of these paths is doomed to instability. The hypothesis suggested herein is analyzed in regard to twelve Middle Eastern countries. The principal conclusions are that the collapse of the Shah's regime in 1979 was a direct result of his western and secular policies; Egypt's political and economic instability was a result of its unsuccessful oscillation between west and east; Lebanon's limited experience with liberal democracy was a failure because of internal secularization and sectarian politics, and external interference by foreign powers; the instability of the Ba'athist regimes of Syria and Iraq is a consequence of their secular socialist policies; and South Yemen's Marxist-Leninist policies were a major cause for its unstable political regime. Even though Libya's Third International Theory of Modernization, based on an Islamic framework, seems to generate political stability for Qadhafi's regime, his latest adoption of Marxist-Leninist ideology may delegitimize his rule; on the other hand, the latest external pressures by the United States and Western European powers on Libya have legitimized Qadhafi's rule and boosted his popularity, for the time being. In contrast, Algeria's pragmatic socialism has been carefully tailored to its Islamic tradition and therefore has resulted in one of the major stable political systems in the Middle East. Contrary to the pessimist modernization theorists who predict the demise of the traditional monarchies when attempting to rapidly modernize, modernization in Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, Jordan, and Morocco seems for the most part to have been accompanied by political stability due to their exclusion of the secular component of the western path.
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34

Bonura, Carlo J. "Political theory on location : formations of Muslim political community in Southern Thailand /." Thesis, Full text available, 2003. http://images.lib.monash.edu.au/ts/theses/bonura.pdf.

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35

Belt, David Douglas. "Framing Islam as a Threat: The Use of Islam by Some U.S. Conservatives as a Platform for Cultural Politics in the Decade after 9/11." Diss., Virginia Tech, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/51128.

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Why, in the aftermath of 9/11, did a segment of U.S. security experts, political elite, media and other institutions classify not just al-Qaeda but the entire religion of Islam as a security threat, thereby countering the prevailing professional consensus and White House policy that maintained a distinction between terrorism and Islam? Why did this oppositional threat narrative on Islam expand and even degenerate into warning about the “Islamization” of America by its tiny population of Muslim-Americans—a perceived threat sufficiently convincing that legislators in two dozen states introduced bills to prevent the spread of Islamic law, or sharia, and a Republican Presidential front-runner exclaimed, “I believe Shariah is a mortal threat to the survival of freedom in the United States and in the world as we know it”? This dissertation takes these puzzles as its object of inquiry. Using a framework that conceptualizes discourses and their agents as fundamentally political, this study deepens the literature’s characterizations of this discourse as “Islamophobia,” the “new Orientalism,” the “new McCarthyism,” and so on by examining how it functioned politically as a form of cultural politics, and how such political factors played a role in its expansion in the decade after 9/11. The approach is syncretic, blending Foucauldian genealogy with its emphasis on power, a more interpretive Bourdieuan relational sociology, and synthetic social movement theory. First, it examines the discourse at its macro-level, in the historical and structural factors that formed its conditions of emergence; specifically: 1) the culturally-resident political framing structure that rendered this discourse meaningful and credible; 2) the politically-relevant social-structural resources that rendered it influential; and 3) the more historically contingent or eventful political openings or opportunity “structure” that otherwise enabled, supported, or incentivized it. Then, it examines this threat discourse at its micro-level, biographically profiling three of its more influential polemicists, analyzing their strategies of cultural politics. The study concludes that this threat discourse functioned as a distinctive strategy by the more entrepreneurial segments of the U.S. conservative movement, who—in the emotion-laden wake of 9/11—seized Islam as another opportune site to advance their ongoing project of cultural politics.
Ph. D.
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36

Onomake, Umoloyouvwe Ejiroghene Ovbije. "Elite exchanges : the cultural politics of Chinese business in Nigeria." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2017. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/69510/.

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37

Nereid, Camilla Trud. "The Turkish Identity Politics of Modernization: Islam and the West." Doctoral thesis, Norges teknisk-naturvitenskapelige universitet, Institutt for historie og klassiske fag, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:no:ntnu:diva-15741.

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38

Anderson, Mark A., and Marc Costain. "The banality of Islamist politics." Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/1179.

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Approved For Public Release; Distribution is Unlimited
Political Islam has emerged as an unambiguous threat to liberal and Western-leaning regimes throughout the world. Public discourse has focused on the Islamic nature of this challenge, emphasizing the cultural characteristics of the threat. In contrast, this thesis argues that Political Islam is essentially a political challenge. Further, states can and do dictate the political space available to Islamists. In order to illustrate this argument, Indonesia and Algeria serve as case studies. These two culturally, economically and ethnically diverse nations share a predominance of Muslim adherents. Each nation has struggled with Political Islam. Yet, the consequences of state policy have profoundly differed. Recent innovations in political science theory are employed to provide a uniform structure of comparison between the two case studies. The thesis concludes that states make a choice whether to play offense or defense against their political opposition. When states choose the offensive, using targeted, preemptive repression to subsume the political space, they are successful. When states choose the defensive, using indiscriminate, reactive repression to foreclose political space, they are failures. This thesis implies that states, far from being hapless victims of fervently religious movements, can exercise a broad array of policy options to compete with Political Islam.
Major, United States Marine Corps
Lieutenant Commander, United States Navy
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39

Watson, Ruth. "Chieftaincy politics and civic consciousness in Ibadan history, 1829-1939." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.287518.

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40

Ezegbobelu, Edmund Emeka. "Challenges of interreligious dialogue between the Christian and the Muslim communities in Nigeria." Frankfurt, M. Berlin Bern Bruxelles New York, NY Oxford Wien Lang, 2009. http://d-nb.info/997488859/04.

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41

Saad-Ghorayeb, Amal. "Hizbu'llah : politics and religion /." Londres : Pluto Press, 2002. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb38942056z.

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42

Ahmodu, Elizabeth Eleojo. "Religious disturbances in Nigeria a guide to sources of information /." Zaria : Institute of Education, Ahmadu Bello University, 1989. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/25627848.html.

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43

Nuristani, Ahmad Yusuf. "Emergence of ulama as political leaders in the Waigal Valley, the intensification of Islamic Identity." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1992. http://books.google.com/books?id=LsZ2AAAAMAAJ.

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44

Linn, Rachel. "Islamists in the Arab Spring : the Tunisian and Moroccan movements' response to increasing pluralism." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.648206.

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45

Lozowy, Dominique. "L'impact socio-politique du discours islamiste en Tunisie." Thesis, McGill University, 1993. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=68117.

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Despite the social reforms led by Bourguiba during his presidency, the state of Tunisia, as modern as it was, gave way to a thriving Islamic revival movement to such an extent that during the '80s their activities disturbed Tunisia's political life. The years between 1986 and 1991 were marked by open conflict between the regime and the Islamists. Since this conflict was an ideological one, the population was influenced only marginally by its outcome. Perhaps the concerns of the Islamists were not involved enough with those of most Tunisians. An analytical approach to Tunisian Islamist thought reveals that political matters, inspired by Islamic teachings as well as secular ones, formed its ideological basis. The ideological needs of the population were not a priority. Being easily influenced by mainstream thought, Tunisians were easily conditioned by the state and the mass media to reject any form of Islamism.
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46

Jombo, Augustin B. (Augustin Bolsover). "Nigerian Politics: A Case Study of Military Coups." Thesis, North Texas State University, 1986. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc500341/.

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This study surveys the issue of military coups in Nigerian politics. An attempt is made to explain the causes of coups d'etat. To this end, Thompson's thesis of military grievances has been rigorously employed to explain the occurrences of military coups in Nigeria. The Thompson thesis asserts that coups occur because the military is aggrieved. A study of the opinions of expert observers familiar with Nigerian politics confirmed that four out of the six military coups occurred due to problems emanating from the Nigerian military establishment. Although military grievances such as its political positions, resource bases, ethnicity, and factions within the military caused most coups, there is sufficient evidence that societal factors like economic crises, election decisions, and the need for reforms also encouraged the military to overthrow governments in Nigeria.
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47

Smith, Mark Patrick. "Northern identity and the politics of culture in Nigeria, 1945-1966." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.416356.

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48

Ikiebe, Richard. "The press, national elections, and the politics of belonging in Nigeria." Thesis, University of Westminster, 2017. https://westminsterresearch.westminster.ac.uk/item/q509x/the-press-national-elections-and-the-politics-of-belonging-in-nigeria.

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Nigeria, today, more or less operates under an intricate web of antagonistic ethnic colonies engaged in all-against-all, low-burning feuds everywhere across the land, nurturing puzzling existential questions. This study seeks to validate the notion that the press may have played a significant role in the promotion of the ethno-regional culture that has dominated Nigeria’s post-colonial politics. Studies on the effects of newspaper press have long established the significant role of the press in statecraft; however this study seeks to understand how the newspaper-press became complicit in the forging of a dysfunctional post-colonial political culture that makes identity politics a central electoral feature. In order to provide a historic understanding of ethnicised politics, the study deploys content analysis of nine newspapers over six federal elections from 1959 to 2011. But to unlock the present day construct of belonging, the study uses in-depth elite interviews with leading academics, politicians, and press owners and managers. The study finds that the press did indeed help to construct ethnicised political culture and identities. It directly links strong elite ethno-regional exclusionist politics with the press. However, the press neither acted alone nor was it always a willing accomplice. Press owners sold the soul of the press to service their own political interests, being often in cohort with political elites through common ethnic interests and power pursuit. Data from the study have forced fresh attention on the newspaper-press as an instrumentalised, predominantly urban-based elite-to-elite medium, and not in any measurable way a mass medium. The study proves that, in reality, Nigeria does not have a populist press. The study concludes with a proposition that the forum function of the press could still be deployed, from an agonistic perspective, to counter antagonism and re-imagine a more democratically productive ethno-federalist nation.
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49

Ukachukwu, Chris Manus. "New Testament Theological Foundations for Christian Contribution to Politics in Nigeria." Bulletin of Ecumenical Theology, 1989. http://digital.library.duq.edu/u?/bet,1417.

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50

Makinde, J. A. Kayode. "L'islam en pays Yoruba : religion et politique." Bordeaux 1, 1989. http://www.theses.fr/1989BOR1D031.

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Dans ces deux tomes de nombreuses theses traditionnelles et modernes ont ete evoquees et analysees pour determiner les origines et la date d'arrivee sur le territoire de l'islam dans l'espace geopolitique de la culture yoruba au nigeria ses debuts historiques a partir du xviiie siecle, son developpement et sa situation actuelle. Des theses qui ne font pas l'unanimite parmi les differentes ideologies et laiques et religions. Parmi les facteurs qui ont marque l'islam dans son developpement trois sont particulierement remarquables et determinants : sa collaboration et ses conflits avec la religion traditionnelle, la concurrence du christianisme et sa rencontre politique avec l'occident par voie de la colonisation independance. En conclusion, la these defendue est que ces facteurs ont marque l'islam yoruba d'une facon particuliere qui fait que sa manifestation est plus tolerante, une approche significative de l'attitude generale des yoruba vis-a-vis de la religion par rapport au reste du pays
In these two volumes, several theories both traditional and modern were evoked and analysed in order to determine the origins and the time of the arrival of islam within the geopolitical space of yoruba culture in nigeria - its historical beginnings in the 18th century, its development and its present status. These theories are no doubt controversial and disputed by the various religions and secular ideologies. Three remarkable factors have been particularly determinan in the development of islam: its collaboration and conflits with traditional religion, the tough competition with christianity, and the impact of the collision with the west through colonisation and independence. In conclusion, the main argument of this work is that yoruba islam has been so marked and influenced by these various facteurs as to make its manifestation more tolerant compared to other parts of the country, a rather revealing approach to which is representative of the yoruba approach to religion as a whole
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