Relevant bibliographies by topics / Islam and secularism – Iran

Contents

  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers
  6. Reports

Academic literature on the topic 'Islam and secularism – Iran'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 9 February 2022

Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles

Select a source type:

Consult the lists of relevant articles, books, theses, conference reports, and other scholarly sources on the topic 'Islam and secularism – Iran.'

Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.

You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.

Journal articles on the topic "Islam and secularism – Iran"

1

Parray, Tauseef Ahmad. "Islam, Secularism, and Liberal Democracy." American Journal of Islam and Society 27, no. 3 (July 1, 2010): 95–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v27i3.1307.

Full text
Abstract:
Islam, Secularism, and Liberal Democracy analyzes the theoretical relationshipbetween religion and democracy, specifically Islam’s relationshipwith liberal democracy. It discusses the relationship between Islam,Muslim-majority societies (viz., Iran, Turkey, and Indonesia), and liberaldemocracy in a way that advances theory and practice regarding their relationsand this relationship is the immediate focus of this study, and the conclusionshave a much broader applicability in illuminating the theoreticalrelationship between religion, secularism, and democracy in general, and incontributing to the development of a liberal-democratic theory for Muslimsocieties in particular. The author’s primary methodological approach is historical and comparative.Drawing on insights and lessons from western political theory andhistory, he examines the relationship between liberal-democratic developmentand religion both theoretically and in the context of the Muslim world.The three countries mentioned above are presented as case studies as ameans to reinforce the theoretical claims. The book consists of four chaptersfollowed by a conclusion, endnotes, a bibliography, and an index ...
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
2

Dastmalchian, Amir. "Political Islam, Iran, and the Enlightenment: Philosophies of Hope and Despair." American Journal of Islam and Society 28, no. 3 (July 1, 2011): 148–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v28i3.1246.

Full text
Abstract:
Political Islam, Iran, and the Enlightenment is Mirsepassi’s latest treatisethat focuses on the Iranian intellectual and political climate. Mirsepassiis concerned to show the German and French intellectual influences of Islamistintellectuals as they search for an appropriate response to modernity.With Iran taken as a case study, Mirsepassi’s discussion is intended to underminethose analyses of Muslim political aspirations which deem theseaspirations to be inherently anti-Western. Comprising an introduction andseven chapters, Mirsepassi’s work speaks to those researchers in a range ofsociopolitical disciplines concerned with coming to grips with intellectualdevelopments in the Muslim world. The book might also interest thoseinterested in understanding the impact of continental philosophy on theMuslim world. Although the emphasis is on Iran, an attempt is made inthe final chapter, especially, to broaden the discussion by dealing with theIndian experience of modernity.According to Mirsepassi, the Muslim understanding of modernity andsecularism was influenced by the specific visions of modern society heldby Kemal Ataturk and the “Shah of Iran” (presumably the ambitious RezaShah). These two figures were in turn influenced by the antireligious fervorof French secularism. The attempt of Muslim intellectuals, therefore, toestablish a correct vision of society was informed by the radical Counter-Enlightenment figures of German and French philosophy. Furthermore,Muslim intellectuals overlooked Western visions of modern society whichwere not antireligious. Political Islam, Iran, and the Enlightenment, therefore,constructs a narrative that leads to examining the experience of British-style secularism in India. Mirsepassi’s fear is that a lack of appreciationof the European heritage of Islamists ‒ who Mirsepassi sees as intellectuallyand politically totalitarian and as representing all Muslims ‒ will leadto the sidelining of two groups from within the Muslim world. These twogroups are the quietist ulama and the reformist intellectuals, the latter ofwhich offer Mirsepassi the hope of an Islamic response to modernity thatis consistent with democratic principles ...
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
3

Zaidi, Ali Hassan. "Reason, Freedom and Democracy in Islam." American Journal of Islam and Society 21, no. 1 (January 1, 2004): 102–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v21i1.1815.

Full text
Abstract:
While the public role of intellectuals in North America, and perhaps in theWest more generally, is declining, one may hazard to say that their roleremains significant in the Muslim world, judging by the number of intellectualswho have been censored in Muslim societies. Iran, in particular,has a strong tradition of public intellectuals, the latest of whom isAbdolkarim Soroush, a vocal critic of the post-revolutionary clericalregime. An official in the early years of post-revolutionary Iran, he hassubsequently been harassed and censored for arguing that secularism is the best way to guard against the abuse of power. Since Soroush hasquickly gained a following both inside and outside Iran, the editors are tobe commended for editing and translating his wide-ranging ideas andmaking them accessible to the English reading public.The editors’ introduction contextualizes Soroush’s work by locatinghim within a current of Iranian enlightened-religious intellectuals, and,more generally, in a current of Muslim reformist thought that includes thelikes of Muhammad Iqbal and Ali Shariati. Chapter 1, an interview withSoroush, reveals the major influences on the development of his thought,while the remaining 11 chapters are a collection of his essays, lectures,and speeches. Most of this material consists of lectures that he deliveredin the early 1990s. Chapters 2, 4, and 6-9 represent the core of his ideason the limits of religious knowledge, secularism, and the mutual dependenceof freedom and critical reason. The remaining chapters nicelyround out the book with topics ranging from a defense of critical reason,science, and freedom to the differences between the educational model ofthe traditional religious seminary versus the modern university.Chapter 2 presents Soroush’s theory of the contraction and expansionof religious knowledge. Here, he makes the controversial (at least in thepost-revolutionary Iranian context) argument that while religion andsacred scriptures may be flawless and constant, the interpreters of religionare not. Hence, Soroush argues that traditional Islamic knowledge needsto be treated like any other branch of knowledge, “as incomplete, impure,insufficient, and culture-bound” (p. 32) ...
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
4

Dar, Showkat Ahmad. "Naser Ghobadzadeh, Religious Secularity: A Theological Challenge to the Islamic State." ICR Journal 7, no. 1 (January 15, 2016): 144–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.52282/icr.v7i1.294.

Full text
Abstract:
This book is an important - though controversial - addition to the discourse surrounding Islamic political thought. It traces its lineage to the debate advocating a separation of religion and politics. By putting this politico-religious discourse into a new oxymoronic term, ‘religious secularity’, the author attempts to construct another theological challenge to the concept of an Islamic state. Hailing from Iran, Dr. Naser Ghobadzadeh (currently a Research Fellow at the Institute for Social Justice, the Australian Catholic University), examines Islamic politico-religious discourse in the context of his homeland. Briefly reviewing the political struggles Muslims have faced during the second half of the twentieth century while trying to fulfil their aspirations of establishing an Islamic state, he attempts to describe the parallel Iranian quest for a democratic secular state. Being aware of the varied definitions and understandings of the term ‘secularism’, he intentionally uses the term ‘secularity’ to clarify the distinction between the emerging discourse in Iran and the conventional understanding of secularism as a global paradigm. This discourse, according to the author, was first developed following a series of articles written by Abdulkarim Soroush in 1989, in which the latter emphasized a separation of religion from religious knowledge (p.25). The author ignores, however, the Sunni scholar, Shaykh Ali Abdul Raziq, who, in his book entitled al-Islam wa usul al-Hukm (1925), held the same view. This might be because of the author’s focus on Shi'ite political thought.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
5

Abdolmohammadi, Pejman. "Remarks on the Origins of Secularism and Nationalism in Iran." Eurasian Studies 13, no. 1-2 (October 17, 2015): 153–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24685623-12340008.

Full text
Abstract:
Mirzā Fatḥʿalī Āḫūndzāde (1812-1878) is one of the most important thinkers and intellectuals of the 19th century in Iran. He started to develop a critical perception of political Islam, giving rise to a new current of thought based on Persian nationalism, secularism and constitutionalism. This article, after a brief introduction of the political and historical context of the 19th century, will analyse the political thought of Āḫūndzāde, highlighting some fundamental elements of his ideas and reflections such as enlightenment, nationalism, constitutionalism, the relationship between religion and politics, and the importance of individual liberties and civil rights. Āḫūndzāde was able to combine the Western enlightenment with the Persian pre-Islamic history and identity, creating, for the first time in the Iranian modern history, a new current of thought based on secularism and nationalism. This article will also show how Āḫūndzāde’s thought influenced the political evolution of Persia from the mid of nineteenth century until today, highlighting some important historical events of Persia such as the Constitutional Revolution, Riḍā Šāh’s reign, Muṣaddiq’s government and the political movements of today’s Iranian civil society.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
6

Madaninejad, Banafsheh. "Religious Secularity." American Journal of Islam and Society 33, no. 3 (July 1, 2016): 99–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v33i3.920.

Full text
Abstract:
Naser Ghobadzadeh’s Religious Secularity presumes that Muslim thinkers nolonger consider an Islamic state as the desired political system. This aversionto a theocratic state is perhaps felt most by those Iranian reformist thinkerswho have had to operate in such a state since the 1979 Islamic revolution. Theauthor claims that in its place, the Muslim world has devised a new theoreticalcategory called “religious secularity,” which allows for a religiously secularstate to, at least theoretically, present itself as an alternative to an Islamic one.He defines this religiously secular attitude as one that refuses to eliminate religionfrom the political sphere, but simultaneously carves out a space for secularpolitics by narrowly promoting only the institutional separation of religionand state.He claims that this concept has two goals: to (1) restore the clergy’s genuinespiritual aims and reputation and (2) show that Islam is compatible withthe secular democratic state. In Iran, rather than launching overt attacks againstthe theocratic state, this discourse of religious secularity has created a more“gentle, implicit and sectarian manner in challenging the Islamic state.” Unlikein pre-revolutionary times when there were both religious and non-religiousideologies vying for an audience, Ghobadzadeh suggests that in Iran today,“the alternative discourses are religious and concentrate on liberating religiousdiscourse from state intervention.”The author pays homage to Abdullahi An-Na’im and claims to be usingIslam and the Secular State: Negotiating the Future of Shari‘a (2008) as aconceptual framework. As far as subfields within political science go,Ghobadzadeh’s Religious Secularity is also similar in form to NaderHashemi’s Islam, Secularism, and Liberal Democracy (2009) and, as such,can be considered a work of theoretical comparative political science ...
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
7

Soltani, Ebrahim K. "Conventional Secularism and the Humanization of Islam: Theory and practice of religious politics in Iran." Journal of the Middle East and Africa 9, no. 2 (April 3, 2018): 195–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21520844.2018.1499910.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
8

Monshipouri, Mahmood. "Political Science." American Journal of Islam and Society 14, no. 4 (January 1, 1997): 99–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v14i4.2222.

Full text
Abstract:
Adopting an issue-oriented approach toward understanding Islamic andWestern political thought, Professor Abdul Rashid Moten places these two tradition'swithin historical and contemporary contexts. Moten's book thereby providesa comparative analysis of key issues, including Islamic research methodology,Islamic law, Islamic political and social order, strategies and tactics ofvarious Islamic movements, and the link between Islam and politics.In chapter 1, Moten examines the secular domination of Muslim thought andculture, arguing that secularism was imported into the Muslim world throughthe efforts of a Westernized elite. He adds that no such secular state had everexisted in the Muslim world. This owes much to the fact that there was (is) nocommon ground between Islam and secularism (p. 7). With secularism camenationalism, liberal political institutions, and the pursuit of a capitalist economicsystem. Nationalism, Moten notes, wedged its way into the Muslim world,dividing it into new nation-states and client states (p. 12). Since independence,secularism has failed to meet the socioeconomic and political needs of Muslimsocieties. The rising tide of Islamic revivalism against secular regimes inAlgeria and Turkey demonstrates disenchantment with the shattered secularistdreams in the Muslim world (p. 16).Chapter 2 attempts to scrutinize the inherent link between Islam and politics.The pillars of Islam, Moten writes, go beyond moral and spiritual upliftment;they entail both practical and symbolic significance in all aspects of life. InIslam, ethics sets the tone for politics, and the rules of political behavior originatefrom ethical norms. Political life cannot be separated from the broaderframework of the religious and spiritual life (p. 21 ). Islamic rulers have hardly,if ever, emphasized the separation of religion and politics. Since the nineteenthcentury, Islamic modernists and revivalists have debated the nature of this separation.The reemergence of Islam in Muslim politics and societies in the lastquarter of the twentieth century has pointed to a distinct Islamic order and thereawakening of Muslim identity. Moten cites, among others, Iran and Pakistanas examples of such a renaissance (p. 30). However, he fails to examine the divisiveeffects of lslamization programs in Pakistan (under Zia al-Haqq) and othercountries such as Sudan.The comparison between Western and Islamic methods of political inquiry isthe subject of close scrutiny in chapter 3. Moten maintains that the Islamic conceptionof polity is based on profound religious-cultural grounds and that religionand polity form an organic unity (p. 37). Likewise, ethics and politics are ...
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
9

Ahmad, Refat Sayed. "Religion and the state in Turkey and Iran: a comparative overview†." Contemporary Arab Affairs 7, no. 1 (January 1, 2014): 36–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2014.880281.

Full text
Abstract:
The question of the relationship between religion and the state in the Islamic world is as old as Islam itself. The experiences of Turkey and Iran during the past 30 years qualify among the most instructive applications of the relationship. In these two cases, the interaction between the systems of governance, on the one hand, and the Islamic cultural and legislative heritage, on the other, represents a common factor, whereas they differ in terms of the doctrinal reference on which each of these experiences is based. They also differ in perspective, application mechanisms and their relations with the West. The present research can be encapsulated, in broad outline, under five main headlines which raise questions more than provide answers: (1) the historical background of the relationship between religion and the state in the Turkish and Iranian models; (2) the effect of the ascent of revolutionary Islam in Iran, after the revolution of 1979, on the problematic of state–religion relations; (3) from ‘well-being’ to ‘justice and development’: limitations and prospects of a historical compromise between religion, secularism and the state; (4) points of controversy and commonalities in the Turkish and Iranian experiences from the 1980s to the end of 2012; and (5) looking into the relationship of each of these two models with the Arab Spring revolutions: are they determinants of these revolutions or investing in their development?
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
10

Wani, Gowhar Quadir. "Islam and Democracy after the Arab Spring." American Journal of Islam and Society 36, no. 1 (January 17, 2019): 91–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v36i1.860.

Full text
Abstract:
The debate on Islam and democracy is one of the most heated in academia,engaging both Muslims and non-Muslims, normative and analytic approaches.It also takes place on two levels: political-theoretical determinationsof the compatibility or incompatibility between Islam and democracy,and empirical discussions over how much Muslims (or Muslim societies)have modernized or resisted modernization. These debates have yieldeda vast literature, to which the present book under review is a significantaddition. It presents an overview of the historical developments regardingIslam and democracy and anticipates future trends in seven major countries:Turkey (Chapter 2), Iran (Chapter 3), Pakistan (Chapter 4), Indonesia(Chapter 5), Senegal (Chapter 6), Tunisia (Chapter 7), and Egypt (Chapter8). The book also includes an introductory chapter (Chapter 1) and a conclusion(Chapter 9).The introduction provides a literature review and brief overview of thedevelopments that served as immediate causes of Arab Spring in variouscountries. Various analysts have cited factors including a ‘youth bulge’ (amajority of the population in the Muslim world is comprised of citizensunder 30), poverty, unemployment, repressive monarchial regimes, andthe mass provocative events of self-immolation (as of Bouazizi in Tunisia)or killing (as of Khalid Said in Egypt) or torture (as of graffiti artists inSyria). Other analysts are of the opinion that the Muslim countries wereat last catching up to the rest of the democratic world. This book considersthese factors, presenting a critical assessment of Huntington’s equation ofmodernization with secularization and his equation of rejecting secularism ...
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
More sources

Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Islam and secularism – Iran"

1

Ahmadoghlu, Ramin. "Nationalism, Secularism, and Islam: Azerbaijani Turks in Azerbaijan and Iran." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1468337156.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
2

Rahmani, Tabar Mohsen. "La protection pénale des libertés et droits fondamentaux de la femme. : Étude comparée Iran-France." Thesis, Montpellier 1, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014MON10050.

Full text
Abstract:
Nous observons des différences significatives au sein de la protection pénale des libertés et droits fondamentaux de la femme entre l'Iran et la France. Ces dissemblances sont issues de divergences fondamentales dans la définition des concepts bâtisseurs des droits de l'Homme, basée sur les perceptions du monde selon l'Islam et la laïcité. Ces divergences influent sur la mise en œuvre juridique des droits de l'homme et de la femme au niveau international et national. La France a réaffirmé ses engagements vis-à-vis de la Déclaration DHC par l'adoption de celle-ci dans le Code constitutionnel français. Elle a adhéré à la majorité des textes internationaux et régionaux concernant les droits fondamentaux de l'Homme, la prévention des violences faites aux femmes et la discrimination à l'égard des femmes. Elle s'est engagée à appliquer les traités internationaux ratifiés et à les absorber en droit interne à travers le mécanisme prévu par le Code Constitutionnel. En Iran, selon le Code Constitutionnel, toutes les lois doivent être compatibles avec les prescriptions islamiques. Nous avons étudié l'incompatibilité avec l'Islam de certains droits proclamés dans la DUDH et dans d'autres textes internationaux, notamment la Convention sur l'élimination de toutes formes de discriminations à l'égard des femmes. Le droit pénal comparé franco-iranien, à l'égard de la protection pénale de la femme, permet d'identifier clairement la politique criminelle dans la lutte contre les violences faites aux femmes et la discrimination à travers les incriminations et les réponses punitives à cet égard
We observe significant differences in the criminal protection of fundamental rights and freedoms of women between Iran and France. These dissimilarities are derived from fundamental differences in the definition of concepts of human rights based on the perception of the world in Islam and secularism. These differences affect the legal implementation of the human rights of women in the national and international level. France has affirmed its commitment to the DDHC by its adoption in the French constitutional bloc. It has acceded to most international and regional instruments on human rights, prevention of violence against women and discrimination against women. It is committed to implement the ratified international treaties and to internalize through the mechanism provided by the Constitutional Code. Iran claimed the Constitutional Code; all laws must be consistent with Islamic requirements. We studied the incompatibility of Islam with certain rights enshrined in the UDHR and other international instruments including the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women. The French Criminal Law in relation to Iranian penal protection of women clearly identifies the criminal policy in the struggle against violence against women and discrimination through criminalization and punitive responses in this regard
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
3

Magalhaes, Margaux. "Les Etats-Unis, la Turquie et l’UE. Du soutien américain aux ambitions européennes d’Ankara au délitement de la relation triangulaire (1993-2017)." Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019USPCA051.

Full text
Abstract:
Depuis la fin de la guerre froide, les Etats-Unis militent en faveur de l’intégration de la Turquie à l’UE et deviennent, sous la présidence Clinton, les plus ardents défenseurs de la cause turque, avant même Ankara. Comment expliquer ce positionnement de la superpuissance mondiale, elle qui n’appartient pourtant pas au continent européen et ne dispose pas d’un pouvoir décisionnel dans l’UE ? Cet activisme s’explique par la mutation des enjeux et des défis au XXIe siècle : résurgence éventuelle de la Russie, influence iranienne dans le monde musulman, montée de la menace djihadiste ou « choc des civilisations » prédit par Huntington. Pour y faire face, Washington regarde l’alliance de l’UE chrétienne à la Turquie musulmane comme une stratégie préventive : l’adhésion d’Ankara, outre son aspect symbolique qui permettrait de contrer la rhétorique des djihadistes tout en signalant aux musulmans vivant en Europe qu’ils ne sont pas étrangers au continent, ferait de la Turquie un modèle pour l’ensemble de son voisinage et une force de projection occidentale dans le monde musulman. L’UE, grâce à son pouvoir normatif, est indispensable à cette fin : sans elle, la démocratie ainsi que le libéralisme politique et économique pourraient-ils s’implanter en terre d’Islam ? Sans elle, la Turquie restera-t-elle un Etat laïc ancré à l’Occident ? Les attentats du 11 septembre 2001 propulsent cette stratégie au sommet des priorités des administrations Bush : elle s’intègre désormais dans leur Freedom agenda. Si la survenue des printemps arabes en 2011 aurait dû rendre indispensable l’ancrage de la Turquie à l’UE afin de s’assurer qu’elle puisse influencer les événements en propageant les valeurs occidentales auprès de ces populations en quête de démocratie, l’Amérique cesse pourtant progressivement son militantisme envers une adhésion qui devient chimérique. Au lieu de souder l’alliance entre les Etats-Unis, la Turquie et l’UE, les printemps arabes auront fissuré les fondations déjà écornées de ce partenariat, si bien qu’à la fin du mandat d’Obama, la relation triangulaire est déliquescente
In the aftermath of the Cold War, the US has asserted a strong lobbying in favor of Turkey’s accession to the EU, and became the first supporter of this integration, before Ankara itself. How could we explain the US involvement since it doesn’t belong to the European continent? The new world order brought new challenges for the 21st century. Therefore, such an integration was perceived as a preventive strategy by Washington to deter upcoming threats facing the West, such as Russian resurgence, Iranian influence in the Muslim world, jihadism, or the « clash of civilizations ». Indeed, it would help bridging the growing gap between the West and the Muslim world by uniting under the same roof Christian countries within the EU, and the former Caliphate. It would also enable Turkey to be a Western projection force in its neighborhood — stretching from the Balkans to the Middle East — by becoming a model. To do so, Turkey has to become more liberal politically and economically. However, would it be possible without European prospects? From a US perspective, the normative power of the EU is necessary to see Turkey succeeding in proving that Islam, secularism and democracy are compatible and to spread Western values in its neighborhood while anchoring Ankara firmly in the West. 9/11 reinforced the significance of this strategy, which got integrated into the Freedom agenda and the global war on terror. Therefore, supporting Ankara’s accession became a top priority of Bush administrations. Barack Obama maintained this policy, even though the US lobbying slowed down, since it appeared this integration might never occur. The Arab awakening could have been the perfect occasion to bring closer together Turkey and the EU so that Ankara could become the model Arabs were calling for. However, instead of strengthening the US-Turkey-EU relations, those events damaged their alliance, which was already strained. At the end of Obama’s presidency, this triangular relation seemed on the verge to collapse
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
4

Mohamadi, Omid. "Modernity, secularism, and the political in Iran." Thesis, University of California, Santa Cruz, 2017. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10244526.

Full text
Abstract:

In the last decade, theorists in anthropology and other disciplines have vigorously critiqued commonplace distinctions between secularism and religion. Highlighting how secularism is a form of Western epistemology, such theorists have argued this distinction is deeply problematic because it obscures secularism’s historical, political, and cultural particularity.

My dissertation argues Iran is well situated to engage in this debate because its political terrain brings into relief how discussions of secularity and religiosity often fall back on an irresolvable dichotomy wherein secularism is defended without qualification or religious authoritarianism is ignored altogether. In an effort to move out of this impasse, my dissertation critiques the presumed neutrality of secularism without defending a thoroughly undemocratic Islamic Republic.

Through an examination of three sites within Iranian politics since 1979, I show how alternatives to both secularism and undemocratic forms of Islam are already present in Iran. The first site that I explore is the contemporary Iranian women’s movement, specifically the One Million Signatures Campaign, which seeks full gender equality within the laws of the Islamic Republic. I argue that the internal logic of rights and a specific set of socio-political conditions that arose out of the revolution in 1979 made the newly fostered cooperation between Islamic and secular feminists within this campaign possible. Utilizing critiques of rights by poststructuralist and postcolonial feminists, I arrive at a critical endorsement of women’s rights in Iran that calls for nurturing more radical political imaginaries by not treating rights jurisprudence as the apex of social justice struggles.

My second site focuses on the politics of time and its role in the 2009 post-election uprising as a further example of the porous boundary between secularism and religion in Iran. After surveying the history of Iran’s three dominant calendars and the forty-day mourning cycle of Shi’ite Islam in the last century, I argue the Islamic Republic is founded on temporal simultaneity, a non-secular organization of time wherein past, present, and future are enfolded into one dynamic moment. I conclude that during the 2009 uprising, protesters initiated a crisis of legitimacy for the regime by reconfiguring temporal markers that comprise this symbolic foundation of the contemporary Iranian state.

My final site is the visual culture in the Islamic Republic as well as Western understandings and depictions of it. I argue such analyses of artistic production in Iran by Western observers rely on a particular understanding of the state, religion, and art as discrete categories wholly separate from one another. This argument is twofold, the first part of which is a historical survey that shows how the relationship between art and the state in Iran over the last sixty years has been co-constitutive. On the basis of this history, I then explore contemporary Iranian street art, both sanctioned and illicit, to show how this convergence of art and the state has continued to unfold in the Islamic Republic. I show how the boundaries between culture and the state have not calcified under the current regime but remain dynamically in flux, albeit different ways than in the previous historical epoch.

Lastly, I trace how the politics of secularism and religion both consolidates and frays the public/private divide within these three sites. Given this fact, the question of what to do with secularism and religion in Iran is ultimately a question of what to do about the divide between the private and public spheres. Taking up the issue of the double-bind structuring the public/private divide, I conclude my dissertation by surveying the ethical-politico limitations and possibilities of these alternative political imaginaries in Iran.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
5

Cusano, Christopher. "Iran: Islam and Political Participation." Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2004. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/435.

Full text
Abstract:
This item is only available in print in the UCF Libraries. If this is your Honors Thesis, you can help us make it available online for use by researchers around the world by following the instructions on the distribution consent form at http://library.ucf
Bachelors
Arts and Sciences
Political Science
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
6

Ardehali, Golshid. "Droit et pratique de la convention sur l’élimination de toutes les formes de discrimination à l’égard des femmes de l’ONU de 1979 dans les pays de culture musulmane -l’Égypte, l’Arabie Saoudite et l’Iran-." Thesis, Lyon 3, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013LYO30045.

Full text
Abstract:
Mesurer l’impact des réserves Charia sur l’application des dispositions essentielles de la Convention sur l’élimination de toutes les formes de discrimination à l’égard des femmes (la CEDEF) est l’élément principal de cette étude. À cette fin, le statut juridique de la Femme est examiné, à la lumière des dispositions de la Convention, dans trois pays de culture musulmane (Egypte, Arabie Saoudite et Iran). La présente étude tend à démonter que le statut moindre de la Femme, dans les pays de culture musulmane, est la conséquence de la primauté de l’Islam, en tant que doctrine politico-religieuse, au sein des sociétés civiles. L’étude met l’accent sur l’antagonisme qui existe entre le droit international positif, de nature essentiellement séculaire, et le droit religieux, d’essence divine en vigueur dans la majorité des États de culture musulmane. Elle insiste également sur cette réalité persistante qui consiste, dans de nombreux pays, à nier l’application des droits humains aux femmes, au prétexte de leur incompatibilité avec la loi religieuse supérieure. C’est l’ambition de cette recherche que de proposer que, seule, une séparation nette, de la Religion et du Droit serait à même de garantir l’application universelle et uniforme du droit international de l’Homme et la Femme
Measuring the impact of Sharia reservations on the application of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) is the principal subject of this paper. In this respect, the legal status of women is examined, in the light of the Convention (CEDAW), within three Muslim countries (Egypt, Saudi Arabia and Iran). The present study tries to demonstrate that the lesser status of Muslim women is the result of Islam’s primacy, as a politico-religious ideology, within civil societies. The paper emphasizes on the existing irreconcilable conflict between, the international positive law, essentially of secular nature, and the religious law, mainly of divine nature. This paper also advocates that the persistent denial of basic human rights of women in Muslim countries is mainly due to the incompatibility of those rights with imposed religious norms (sharia law). In it’s ambition this study aims to prove that only a strict separation between law and religion could guarantee the universal application of human rights of men and women
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
7

Nourbakhsh, Younes. "Der politische Diskurs im Iran." Universität Potsdam, 2004. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2006/970/.

Full text
Abstract:
There have been three main phases of political discourse in recent Iranian history.
A paternalistic era was accompanied by a phase of absolutistic rule during the Qagar dynasty. This phase was followed by a forced modernization, when the Shah of Iran expanded his absolutistic rule and established a dictatorship. With the Islamic Revolution of 1979, a new phase of political discourse emerged with a tendency towards religious traditionalism. The author states that religion and democracy are not in opposition. However, there is need for dialogue between the East and the West.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
8

Latif, Nazia. "Women, Islam and human rights." Thesis, University of Newcastle Upon Tyne, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10443/444.

Full text
Abstract:
This thesis explores the position of women in contemporary Muslim societies. It examines whether restrictions placed on them are the result of Islamic edicts and how human rights documents address those restrictions. It looks at the position of women in the areas of family law, political and legal participation and veiling with particular reference to Pakistan and Iran. The thesis begins by exploring how Islamic scripture is used tn endorse opposing views of women. On the one hand is a body of literature, generally termed as conservative, that sees women as intellectually weak and in constant need of male guidance. I argue that this literature is actually based on an inconsistent approach to Islamic sources and show how Muslim women are using alternative, exegetical works and rulings from orthodox and contemporary scholars with classical training as a source of empowerment. Based on the findings of the case studies it is argued that human rights standards, embodied in the International Bill of Human Rights, overlook many aspects of Muslim women's suffering and in particular how their socio-economic status affects their ability to escape abuse suffered at the hands of private, non-state actors. I then contend that both Muslims and human rights advocates must begin by acknowledging that they have failed the plight of Muslim women. Muslims by acting on conservative arguments and human rights advocates by overlooking the reality of women's lives. I argue that both Islam and human rights can work together to empower women but firstly human rights advocates need to take on board the different criticisms levelled at their theory. Muslims also must endeavour to prove the authenticity of their challenges to conservative understandings of Islamic sources by educating at grassroots level and by taking on the task of Islamic scholarship through established centres of Islamic learning.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
9

Tavassoli, Gholam-Abbas. "Islamic movements in Iran." Universität Potsdam, 2004. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2006/969/.

Full text
Abstract:
The modernist Islamic Movement sought to reconcile modern values and Islamic faith and attempted to express these values through an Islamic discourse and to reform political, religious and educational institutions along modernist lines. However, such a movement in the Islamic Republic of Iran raised controversy among the traditional leadership and secular intellectual groups.
The aim of this paper is to discuss how far modernist Islam could progress in an islamic republic with an old tradition.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
10

Ceriello, Caroline K. "Growing Against the Grain: Turkish and Iranian Youth on Religious-Secular Tensions." Thesis, Boston College, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:102341.

Full text
Abstract:
Thesis advisor: Ali Banuazizi
The purpose of this thesis is to demonstrate the explicit societal and underlying political consequences of heavy-handed state measures to cultivate secularism and Islamism in Turkey and Iran respectively. The elites in each country have failed to indoctrinate the majority of the youth, who seek to change the status quo. A brief historical review of each country is provided in order to properly understand their sociopolitical environments. In Turkey, the majority of the educated youth demand the right to exercise their religious rights, including veiling in public spaces. In Iran, on the other hand, the young people refuse to abide by the various rules and government-imposed obligations. In both countries the boundaries between what is a private decision and public obligation is ever shifting. The youth, comprising the largest segment of its population in both countries, possess with enormous power and potential. The elitist status quo, whether supported by Kemalists in Turkey or Islamists in Iran, must ultimately bend to the will of the youth
Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2013
Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: International Studies Honors Program
Discipline: International Studies
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
More sources

Books on the topic "Islam and secularism – Iran"

1

Mirsepassi, Ali. Democracy in modern Iran: Islam, culture, and political change. New York: New York University Press, 2010.

Find full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
2

Mirsepassi, Ali. Democracy in modern Iran: Islam, culture, and political change. New York: New York University Press, 2010.

Find full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
3

Mirsepassi, Ali. Democracy in modern Iran: Islam, culture, and political change. New York: New York University Press, 2010.

Find full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
4

Democracy in modern Iran: Islam, culture, and political change. New York: New York University Press, 2010.

Find full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
5

Qāsimī, Mahdī. Shīʻahʹgarī va tarraqīʹkhvāhī: Naqsh-i ruḥāniyāt dar nahz̤at-i millī-i Īrān. Bethesda, Md: Ibex, 1999.

Find full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
6

Political Islam, Iran, and the enlightenment: Philosophies of hope and despair. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2010.

Find full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
7

Vahabzadeh, Peyman. A guerrilla odyssey: Modernization, secularism, democracy, and the Fadai period of national liberation in Iran, 1971-1979. Syracuse, N.Y: Syracuse University Press, 2010.

Find full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
8

Muḥammadī, Majīd. Sar bar āstān-i qudsi dil dar giruv-i Urfī: Darāmad-i bar jāmiʻih shināsi-yi dīn dar Iran-i muʻasīr. Tihrān: Nashr-i Qatrih, 1998.

Find full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
9

Vahabzadeh, Peyman. A guerrilla odyssey: Modernization, secularism, democracy, and the Fadai period of national liberation in Iran, 1971-1979. Syracuse, N.Y: Syracuse University Press, 2010.

Find full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
10

Secularism confronts Islam. New York: Columbia University Press, 2007.

Find full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
More sources

Book chapters on the topic "Islam and secularism – Iran"

1

Pargoo, Mahmoud. "Khomeini’s revolt against secularity." In Secularization of Islam in Post-Revolutionary Iran, 58–96. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2021. |: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003129608-3.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
2

Pargoo, Mahmoud. "What is Islamic secularity?" In Secularization of Islam in Post-Revolutionary Iran, 1–29. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2021. |: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003129608-1.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
3

Pargoo, Mahmoud. "Pioneers of Islamic secularity." In Secularization of Islam in Post-Revolutionary Iran, 30–57. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2021. |: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003129608-2.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
4

An-Na’im, Abdullahi Ahmed. "Islam and Secularism." In Comparative Secularisms in a Global Age, 217–28. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230106703_13.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
5

Engineer, Asghar Ali. "Islam and Secularism." In The Blackwell Companion to Contemporary Islamic Thought, 338–44. Oxford, UK: Blackwell Publishing Ltd, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9780470996188.ch20.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
6

Saleem, Raja M. Ali. "Islam, Secularism and Constitutions." In State, Nationalism, and Islamization, 31–70. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-54006-1_2.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
7

Elling, Rasmus Christian. "Matters of Authenticity: Nationalism, Islam, and Ethnic Diversity in Iran." In Iran, 79–99. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137112163_5.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
8

Enayat, Hadi. "Secularism, Christianity and Imperialism." In Islam and Secularism in Post-Colonial Thought, 7–20. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-52611-9_2.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
9

Islam, Md Nazrul, and Md Saidul Islam. "Framework: Religion, Secularism, and Democracy." In Islam and Democracy in South Asia, 25–47. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-42909-6_2.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
10

Hellyer, Hisham. "Islam, Islamism, Muslims, and Governance: Beyond “Islam and Democracy”." In The Arab World and Iran, 69–81. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-55966-1_5.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

Conference papers on the topic "Islam and secularism – Iran"

1

KILIÇ, Selami. "BİRİNCİ DÜNYA SAVAŞI’NDA KAFKAS CEPHESİ’NDE BULUNAN ALMANLARIN TELGRAF VE RAPORLARI ÜZERİNE DEĞERLENDİRMELER." In 9. Uluslararası Atatürk Kongresi. Ankara: Atatürk Araştırma Merkezi Yayınları, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.51824/978-975-17-4794-5.71.

Full text
Abstract:
Almanya, 1914 Ağustosu’nda Osmanlı Sultanıyla cihad bayrağı altında ittifak yapıp, İslam dünyasını başta İngiltere olmak üzere düşmanlarına karşı ayaklandırmayı, Müslümanların gazabını bunların üzerine salmayı planladı. Osmanlı Devleti’nin savaşa girişi ve SultanHalifenin tüm Müslümanları “cihad-ı ekbere” daveti üzerine, bunu bir politika ve propaganda malzemesi olarak kullanan Almanya, İslam coğrafyasının her yerinde ihtilal ateşini yakmak, düşmanlarını kendi sömürgelerinde vurmak için harekete geçti. Bu büyük oyunun önemli bir parçası da Kafkasya’da oynandı. Kafkas halklarını isyana teşvik etmek, bölgeyi kan ve ateşe boğmak için Kafkasya topraklarında propagandalar yapan Almanya, bölge ile doğrudan doğruya bir bağlantı yolu kurmayı, isyancılara silah cephane ve nakit para sağlamayı dahası Kafkasya’daki tüm girişimleri kendi kontrolü altında yapmayı amaçlıyordu. Büyük ve kutsal davanın başarıya ulaşması için seferber olan Almanya, bölgeye en sadık ve en güvenilir adamlarını gönderdi. Doğu Anadolu, İran ve Kafkasya’daki Alman asker, diplomat ve ajanların konu hakkındaki yazışmaları, Almanya’nın meseleyi ne kadar önemsediğinin en bariz göstergeleriydi. Tam da bu sıralarda bölgede başlayan Ermeni huzursuzlukları, ihtilal ve isyanları, Ermenilerin Osmanlı Devleti’ne karşı Rusya ile ittifak girişimleri, tüm bu olumsuzluklar karşısında Osmanlı Hükümetinin aldığı birtakım önlemleri de yansıtan söz konusu yazışmalar, diğer birincil kaynaklarla karşılaştırılmalı olarak önemli referans niteliği taşımaktadır.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
2

Pakseresht, Sahar, and Manel Guardia Bassols. "From the so-called Islamic City to the Contemporary Urban Morphology: the Historic Core of Kermanshah City in Iran as a Case Study." In 24th ISUF 2017 - City and Territory in the Globalization Age. Valencia: Universitat Politècnica València, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/isuf2017.2017.5210.

Full text
Abstract:
Sahar Pakseresht¹, Manel Guàrdia Bassols¹ ¹ Department of Theory and History of Architecture. Polytechnic University of Catalonia (UPC). Av. Diagonal, 64908028 Barcelona, Tel:93-4017874 E-mail: sahar.pakseresht@estudiant.upc.edu, manel.guardia@upc.edu Keywords: Iranian city, Kermanshah, urban morphology, Islamic city, urban transformation, Modernisation Conference topics and scale: City transformations, urban form and social use of space Pre-1920 cities in Iran are characterized by a number of features considered to be typical of the so-called “Islamic city”. A set of features are shared by traditional cities where dominated by Islam religion. The notion of “Islamic city”, often criticised for its Eurocentric nature, has guided most studies of these traditional cities. The modernisation process in so-called Islamic cities is crucial due to its serious impacts on the traditional morphology and transformation of their urban structure. We, thus, need more holistic and integrated understanding about changes of these cities derives from the modernisation process. In order to explore the broad and wide-spread changes due to modernisation process in the traditional cities in Muslim world, it is more enlightening if we study second order cities, rather than studying the transformations of major capitals such as Cairo, Istanbul or Teheran, where interventions are goal to approach a more exceptional and rhetorical characters. Therefore, the aim of this paper is to study the historic core of Kermanshah city, to understand the link between urban transformations and social due to modernisation process by tracing it historically. We will focus, particularly, on studying the stages of urban transformation and changes of urban morphology as well as conflict and differences between traditional urban features with the modern ones. For example, we are interested in understanding how traditional morphology and structure of residential and commercial zone are affected by the opening of new and wide boulevards in course of modernisation process, and how these changes influence everyday people life. References Kheirabadi, M. (2000). Iranian cities: formation and development. Syracuse University Press. Clarke, J. I., & Clark, B. D. (1969). Kermanshah: an Iranian provincial city (No. 10). University of Durham, Department of Geography. Bonine, M. E. (1979). THE MORPHOGENESIS OF IRANIAN CITIES∗. Annals of the Association of American Geographers, 69(2), 208-224. Stefano Bianca. (2000). Urban form in the Arab world: Past and present (Vol. 46). vdf Hochschulverlag AG. Habibi, M. (1996). Az shar ta Shahr (de la Cite a la Ville). Analytical review of the city concept and its physical image in the course of time), Tehran: University of Tehran. (In Persian)
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
3

ÖZLÜ, Zeynel, and Enver DEMİR. "MİLLİ MÜCADELE SONRASINDA MİLLİ TARİH ŞUURU OLUŞTURMA ÇALIŞMALARINA BİR ÖRNEK: MUSTAFA KEMAL ATATÜRK’ÜN TARİH ÖĞRETMENİ MEHMED TEVFİK BEY’İN CİHAN HARBİNDE TÜRKLER VE MEZİYETLERİ ADLI ESERİ (1928)." In 9. Uluslararası Atatürk Kongresi. Ankara: Atatürk Araştırma Merkezi Yayınları, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.51824/978-975-17-4794-5.93.

Full text
Abstract:
Milli Mücadelenin başarıyla sonuçlanmasının ardından inkılâp hareketlerine girişen Mustafa Kemal Atatürk’ün bu yöndeki en önemli çalışmalarından biri Türk toplumunda milli tarih yazımı ve milli tarih şuuru oluşturma çabasıdır. Çalışmamızda Milli mücadele sonrasında “Türk Milli Şuuru” nu oluşturmak amacıyla Mehmed Tevfik Bey tarafından kaleme alınan 1928 tarihli “Cihan Harbinde Türkler ve Meziyetleri” adlı eser hakkında bilgi verilecektir. Türk Tarihini ve kültürünü, İslamiyet ve Türklerin İslam dinine girişleri, Türk meşhurları ve eserleri, Türklerin ilim, medeniyet, insaniyet ve İslamiyet’e yaptıkları hizmetler ve Türklerin meziyetleri başlıkları altında tanıtan eserde; Türklerin İlk vatanı olan Orta Asya yaylasının sınırları, İslamiyet öncesinde Türklerin Çin ve Bizans Devletleriyle olan ilişkileri, giyiniş tarzları, silahları, ekonomik faaliyetleri (tarım, hayvancılık, ticaret), servetleri, aile hayatları, hukuk kuralları, itikat ettikleri kuvvetler (toprak, ağaç, su, ateş ve demir), en çok sevdikleri renkler (Vatanısarı, mavi, kırmızı, kara ve beyaz), İslam dinini kabul etmeden önce benimsedikleri inanışlar (Zerdüştlük, Şamanizm, Budizm, Nasturilik, Mani ve Hristiyanlık), diğer medeniyetlerle olan münasebetleri, birçok kültür ve mezhepleri benimsemelerine rağmen asıl olan lisanları Türkçe’yi kullanmaları, yine Türk olmalarına rağmen Arapça ve Acemce dilinde eserler vermeleri ve ilgili dönemlerde yetiştirilen meşhurlar (Mevlana Celaleddin-i Rumi-Mesnevi, Buhari-Sahih-i Buhari, Farabi-Kitab’ül musiki, İmam Gazali-İhya’ul-ulum, Yakut el HamaviMu’cemu’l Buldan, AhmedYesevi- Divan-ı Hikmet vb.), destanları (Ergenekon ve Oğuz), dini merasimleri ve eğlence kültürleri (mersiye, kopuz ve sagu) hakkında bilgi vermektedir. “İslamiyet ve Türkler” başlığı altında; Hazreti Ömer devrinde Türk-Arap ilişkileri, Emeviler ve Abbasiler döneminde Türkler, Türklerin bu dönemde kurdukları devletler (Tolunoğulları, Memlukler, İhşitler, Eyyubiler, Gazneliler, Bulgarlar, Peçenekler, Selçuklular, Akkoyunlular, Karakoyunlular, Osmanlılar) ve bu devletlerin meydana getirdikleri kültür eserleri, savaşları, yaptıkları meslekler (hattatlık, mücellitlik, müzehhiblik, silahçılık, saraçlık, dokumacılık, halıcılık, oymacılık, kakmacılık, çinicilik, mimarlık, askerlik, topçuluk, sedefçilik, çadırcılık, kılıç imali) hakkında bilgi verilmiştir. “Türklerin Hizmetleri” başlığı altında; Türklerin ilim, medeniyet, insaniyet ve İslamiyet’e yaptıkları önemli hizmetler (Abbasilerin bekasını taht-ı temine almaları, kavimler göçüne neden olmaları, hamaset ve şehametleriyle Çinlileri Çin Seddini yapmak zorunda bırakmaları, Avrupa’yı titreten Napolyon Bonapart’a ilk mağlubiyet acısını tattırmaları, muazzam toplar dökerek ve cihanı hayrette bırakacak bir şekilde gemileri karadan deryaya indirmek suretiyle İstanbul’u fethetmeleri, Bizans ordularını Marmara kıyılarına kadar sürüp Anadolu’da Türklüğü temelleştirmeleri, Avrupalı devletler tarafından istila edilmiş olan İstanbul’u ve Anavatanımız olan Anadolu’yu cihanı hayrette bırakacak surette kurtuluşa erdiren ve ardından Türkiye Cumhuriyeti’nin varlığını bütün cihana tanıtmaları vb.) anlatılmıştır. Son olarak “Türklerin Meziyetleri” başlığı altında ise; Türk ırkının başarılarla dolu bir geçmişinin olduğu, Türk ırkının gelenek ve göreneklerinin özellikle lisanlarının ebedi olduğu, Türkler ‘in dünyanın her tarafına dağılmış olmaları (Çin, Sibirya, Hindistan, İran, Irak, El-Cezire, Kafkasya, Suriye, Filistin, Kostantiniyye, Arabistan, Yemen, Mısır, Kuzey Afrika, Avrupa, Baltık, Finlandiya, İngiliz adaları) ve Türk ırkının dünyada mevcut milletler arasında ilmi kuvvet itibariyle en yüksek bir mevkide olduğundan bahsedilmiştir.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

Reports on the topic "Islam and secularism – Iran"

1

Saunders, E. Case Study: Iran, Islam, the NPT, and the Bomb. Office of Scientific and Technical Information (OSTI), April 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.2172/1022875.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
You might also be interested in the extended bibliographies on the topic 'Islam and secularism – Iran' for particular source types:
Journal articles Dissertations / Theses Books
We offer discounts on all premium plans for authors whose works are included in thematic literature selections. Contact us to get a unique promo code!

To the bibliography