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1
Baum, Robert M. "The emergence of a Diola Christianity." Africa 60, no. 3 (July 1990): 370–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1160112.
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Opening ParagraphAfrican religious history in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries has been dominated by the rapid growth of Islam and Christianity. This has been especially true of the Senegambia region of West Africa, which has witnessed the adoption of Islam by approximately 80 per cent of the region's populace and the development of a small, but influential Christian minority. Among the Diola of the Casamance region of Senegal, Islam and Christianity have both enjoyed rapid growth. The approximately half million Diola, however, include the largest number of adherents of their traditional religion within the Senegambian region. They are sedentary rice farmers and are usually described as acephalous peoples. While Muslims and Christians have been in contact with the Diola since the fifteenth century there were few conversions during the pre-colonial era (Baum, 1986). During the colonial era Islam became the dominant religion among the Diola on the north shore of the Casamance river, and Christianity also attracted a considerable following (Mark, 1985). Among the south shore communities neither Islam nor Christianity became important until after the Second World War. Seeing the increased momentum of recent years, many observers are confident that the south shore Diola will follow the northern example and convert to Islam or Christianity. Louis Vincent Thomas, the doyen of Diola ethnographers, described Diola traditional religion as ‘a false remedy to a very real crisis; fetishism will become a temporary response that will be quickly swept away by another attempt, even larger and undoubtedly more profound: Islam and perhaps we could add, Christianity’ (Thomas, 1967: 225; translations are my own, unless otherwise stated).
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Lambert, Michael C. "Violence and the war of words: ethnicityv.nationalism in the Casamance." Africa 68, no. 4 (October 1998): 585–602. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1161167.
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Since 1982 the Mouvement des forces démocratique casamançais has been fighting for the independence of the Casamance region of Senegal. In 1989, when the Mouvement initiated a sustained military campaign, Senegal's official and independent press began to provide intensive coverage of its activities and objectives. This article documents the arguments for and against Casamançais independence as documented by Senegal's press in the year following the resurgence of this conflict. The Mouvement's leadership has consistently maintained that its efforts to win independence for the Casamance are legitimate because France created the Casamance. The French, it argues, never intended the Casamance to be administratively incorporated into Senegal. Conversely, those opposed to the Mouvement have attempted to delegitimise its activities by claiming that it represents the interests of the Jola, just one of the Casamance's many ethnic groups. It is argued that the Senegalese government and other opponents of the Mouvement have attempted to label the independence movement an ethnic movement because of a distinction in African political ideology between nationalism and ethnicity. According to this ideology, nationalism, and other legitimate forms of political mobilisation, should represent a plural constituency. Those that represent the narrow interests of a single ethnic group are not considered legitimate.
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Sane, Hassoum, Tamsire Samb, Abdoulaye Baïla Ndiaye, and Cheikh Tidiane Ba. "Etude De La Diversite Des Termites (Isoptera) Dans Quelques Localites De La Region De Kolda (Haute Casamance, Senegal)." European Scientific Journal, ESJ 12, no. 33 (November 30, 2016): 263. http://dx.doi.org/10.19044/esj.2016.v12n33p263.
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Termites (Isoptera) are invertebrates that play many ecological functions in terrestrial ecosystems, especially in tropical areas. Their impacts on the quality and the fertility of the soil are well known. However, in Senegal termite fauna is still poorly known. Thus, to contribute to the knowledge of termites of Senegal we have conducted a study on their diversity in the region of Kolda (Casamance). Termites were sampled in transects of 100 m long and 20 m wide. Termite workers, soldiers and some time reproductives are collected in vials filled with ethanol 70°. Thirty (30) termite species have been identified. Five of them are new records for Senegal. The four trophic groups xylophagous, fungus-growing termites, harvester or foraging termites and soil-feeding were represented. The fungusgrowing termites are more diversified. According to the types of nests, termites encountered are divided into 3 groups. The more diversified are those that build ground-nest without fungus.
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De Wolf, Joris. "Species composition and structure of the woody vegetation of the Middle Casamance region (Senegal)." Forest Ecology and Management 111, no. 2-3 (December 1998): 249–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0378-1127(98)00347-8.
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Cormier-Salem, M. C. "Environmental changes, agricultural crisis and small-scale fishing development in the Casamance region, Senegal." Ocean & Coastal Management 24, no. 2 (January 1994): 109–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0964-5691(94)90026-4.
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Thomson, Steven. "Revisiting “Mandingization” in Coastal Gambia and Casamance (Senegal): Four Approaches to Ethnic Change." African Studies Review 54, no. 2 (September 2011): 95–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/arw.2011.0033.
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Abstract:“Mandingization,” the gradual process of cultural change whereby Jola peoples of the Casamance region of southern Senegal are becoming more like their Mandinka neighbors, is analyzed in this article as comprising four distinguishable processes: ethnogenesis, ethnocultural drift, ethnic osmosis, and ethnic strategizing. By distinguishing among these four processes and analyzing their interaction, we can understand the dynamics of Mandingization more clearly and also derive insights for understanding ethnic change generally. The current moment of ethnic change in The Gambia includes a resurgence in Karon Jola ethnic identity, but we need to view this process as contingent, not yet accomplished, and a challenge to the pattern of Mandinka dominance in a time of broader social change.
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Deets, Mark. "“Grown-Ups on White Plastic Chairs:” Soccer and Separatism in Senegal, 1969–2012." History in Africa 43 (July 20, 2015): 347–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/hia.2015.25.
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Abstract:I argue that the postcolonial Senegalese soccer stadium became a space for imagining and performing the nation for separatists from the Casamance region who tied their separatist discourse to the fortunes of Casa-Sports, a soccer club based in Ziguinchor. The twin histories of Casamançais soccer and separatism demonstrate the interplay of “space” and “place” in the stadium – constructed originally for defining and controlling the Senegalese nation but commandeered by separatists for subverting it. Non-elite Casa-Sports supporters, however, contested or ignored separatist assertions that supporting Casa-Sports meant supporting separatism, and vice versa. Thus, these non-elites revealed the stadium as a “space-place” for simultaneous, multiple national imaginings.
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Linares, Olga F. "Deferring to Trade in Slaves: The Jola of Casamance, Senegal in Historical Perspective." History in Africa 14 (1987): 113–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3171835.
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An ever-growing literature on West African slavery has, for obvious reasons, tended to concentrate on societies that developed complex forms of domestic slavery and/or were closely tied to the export trade. Three major collections on slavery published in the last ten years deal almost exclusively with such groups. The history of peaples who refused, at least in the beginning, to take captives for the purpose of selling them to outsiders or keeping them for themselves has been ignored. And yet these acephalous groups are very instructive. They illustrate how certain structural features and other cultural preferences may have impeded, or at least retarded, the development of indigenous slaving institutions.This paper discusses the role of slavery in a marginal area of the Upper Guinea coast. Emphasis will be placed on how practices surrounding the acquisition and disposal of captives were embedded in local institutions. Because these practices developed in the context of Africans dealing with each other, and not exclusively in the context of their dealings with the Europeans, they reflected modes of thinking and organizations intrinsic to certain forest groups of west Africa. A comprehensive history of why the Jola of Lower Casamance, Senegal, were slow to develop various kinds of slaving practices emphasizes their resistance to currents of change affecting the political economy of this region before, during, and after the heyday of the Atlantic slave trade.
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Hanson, John H. "Islam, Migration and the Political Economy of Meaning: Fergo Nioro from the Senegal River Valley, 1862–1890." Journal of African History 35, no. 1 (March 1994): 37–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700025950.
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The Muslim social movement known as the fergo Nioro provides a case of popular elaboration of the message of a leader of jihad. Umar Tal's call to holy war led to the conquest of Karta in the mid-1850s, and his call to hijra resulted in the migration of perhaps 20,000 Senegal-valley Fulbe to form a Muslim settler community. In the years after Umar's departure from Karta in 1859, military leaders and others in the Fulbe settler community sent envoys to recruit additional settlers from the Senegal valley. At least 16,000 and perhaps as many as 30,000 Fulbe responded to this recruitment effort and left Bundu, Futa Toro and the lower Senegal valley between 1862 and 1890. Two periods of more massive migration coincided with the residence at Nioro of Amadu Sheku, Umar's son and designated successor. During the late 1860s and early 1870s, a cholera epidemic swept up the Senegal valley, claimed thousands of victims, and encouraged Fulbe to leave the region for Karta. During the mid-1880s, French policies in the Senegal valley, notably the emancipation of slaves and moves to halt Fulbe raids in the lower Senegal valley, influenced the social movement.In both periods of large-scale migration and at other times, the Umarian envoys constructed an appeal which elaborated and even transformed Umar's call to hijra. Umar's insistence on holy war was a dominant theme in all periods, and resonated with the young men who left the valley in hopes of accumulating wealth through warfare. His condemnation of French influence in the Senegal valley was also expressed in the Arabic letters delivered by envoys. Umar's emphasis on the cutting of social bonds was not emphasized, as Fulbe settlers sought to attract relatives and neighbors to the new Fulbe communities in Karta.
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WATSON, RACHEL. "Language as category: using prototype theory to create reference points for the study of multilingual data." Language and Cognition 11, no. 1 (March 2019): 125–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/langcog.2019.9.
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abstractIn this paper I present a framework for the conceptualization of languages based on the prototype theory of categorization proposed by Eleanor Rosch and her colleagues for natural semantic categories. It is motivated by research in the Casamance region of southern Senegal, where a high level of multilingualism in non-standardized varieties is the norm, making accurate description of languages, and thus analysis of multilingual discourse, problematic. I show that languages in this context can be conceived of as categories, of which linguistic features may be more or less prototypical members. Such an approach can form the basis for a more robust method of language description, integrating rich sociolinguistic data, and facilitating more nuanced analysis of multilingual discourse data.
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Bersacola, Elena, Joana Bessa, Amélia Frazão-Moreira, Dora Biro, Cláudia Sousa, and Kimberley Jane Hockings. "Primate occurrence across a human-impacted landscape in Guinea-Bissau and neighbouring regions in West Africa: using a systematic literature review to highlight the next conservation steps." PeerJ 6 (May 23, 2018): e4847. http://dx.doi.org/10.7717/peerj.4847.
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Background West African landscapes are largely characterised by complex agroforest mosaics. Although the West African forests are considered a nonhuman primate hotspot, knowledge on the distribution of many species is often lacking and out-of-date. Considering the fast-changing nature of the landscapes in this region, up-to-date information on primate occurrence is urgently needed, particularly of taxa such as colobines, which may be more sensitive to habitat modification than others. Understanding wildlife occurrence and mechanisms of persistence in these human-dominated landscapes is fundamental for developing effective conservation strategies. Methods In this paper, we aim to review current knowledge on the distribution of three threatened primates in Guinea-Bissau and neighbouring regions, highlighting research gaps and identifying priority research and conservation action. We conducted a systematic literature review of primate studies from 1976 to 2016 in Guinea-Bissau, southern Senegal and western Guinea (Boké Region). We mapped historical observation records of chimpanzee (Pan troglodytes verus), Temminck’s red colobus (Pilicolobus badius temminckii) and king colobus (Colobus polykomos), including our preliminary survey data from Dulombi, a newly established National Park (NP) in Guinea-Bissau. Results We found 151 documents, including 87 journal articles, that contained field data on primates in this region. In Guinea-Bissau, nearly all studies focussed south of the Corubal River, including mainly Cantanhez, Cufada, and Boé NP’s. In Senegal, most of the data came from Fongoli and Niokolo-Koba NP. In Boké (Guinea) studies are few, with the most recent data coming from Sangarédi. In Dulombi NP we recorded eight primate species, including chimpanzees, red colobus and king colobus. Across the selected region, chimpanzees, red colobus and king colobus were reported in eleven, twelve and seven protected areas, respectively. Discussion Our study demonstrates large geographical research gaps particularly for the two colobines. For the first time after more than two decades, we confirm the presence of red colobus and king colobus north of the Corubal River in Guinea-Bissau. The little information available from large parts of the red colobus range raises questions regarding levels of population fragmentation in this species, particularly in Casamance and across northern Guinea-Bissau. There are still no records demonstrating the occurrence of king colobus in Senegal, and the presence of a viable population in north-eastern Guinea-Bissau remains uncertain. While the occurrence of chimpanzees in Guinea-Bissau and Senegal is well documented, data from Boké (Guinea) are sparse and out-of-date. Our approach—the mapping of data gathered from a systematic literature review—allows us to provide recommendations for selecting future geographical survey locations and planning further research and conservation strategies in this region.
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Miles, William F. S. "Conclusions." African Studies Review 47, no. 2 (September 2004): 109–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0002020600030900.
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West African Islam is evolving politically and fast: This much these four rich case studies on Niger, Gambia, Nigeria, and Senegal assure us. How quaint now seems the early postcolonial notion that meaningful separation of mosque and state would remain a bedrock of the independent nation-state in a region of Africa marked by such a strong Muslim presence. Significant inroads into the superimposed European ideal of governance through secular institutions alone had already been made before the events of 9/11 recalibrated our focus on Islam in West Africa. As Mahmud and Villalón show us, partisan democratizing pressures in Nigeria and Senegal had put Shari'a and anti-Mouride Reformism on the the political table well before Osmana bin Laden became a household name. Similarly, the emergence of civil society associations in Niger and Wahhabi proselytizing in Gambia, according to Charlick and Darboe, elevated Islamist movements there prior to the attacks on the Twin Towers and Pentagon. After 9/11, the significance of Islamism in West Africa is of course inescapable: Mahmud's mere reference to a “Nigerian Taliban” inevitably whets curiosity. This response, however, is disproportionate to the group's real impact. It is crucial, in other words, that scholars of West African Islam not fall into the reductio ad al-Qaedum trap of neophyte Africanist students and intelligence analysts.
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Amadou Fall, Adiouma G.R. J. Sarr, Fawrou Seye, Mamour Toure, Raymond D. Ndione, and Mady Ndiaye. "Morphometric characterization of Rastrococcus invadens on four varieties of mango trees (Pout, Thies)." World Journal of Advanced Research and Reviews 9, no. 3 (March 30, 2021): 116–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.30574/wjarr.2021.9.3.0072.
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Rastrococcus invadens (Homoptera, Pseudococcidae) or mealybug is an insect pest of mango and several other fruit trees including citrus. The cochineal is native to Southeast Asia and was first identified in Senegal in Dakar in 1995. Since then, it has been widely distributed throughout the country and more particularly in the two most fruit-producing areas: Casamance and Thies. To properly conduct our study, we chose the four most infested mango varieties namely Kent, Keitt, Sewe and Boukodiekhal. All these populations are from the locality of Pout (Thies region). On each plant we collected 10 people. This allowed us to have a total of 40 individuals. The individuals harvested are coded according to the zone and the type of plant in which they were harvested. This study revealed almost two more or less distinct morphometric groups made up on the one hand by populations from improved varieties (Kent and Keitt) and on the other by those from local varieties (Sewe and Boukodiekhal).
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Eichelsheim, John. "Regionaal Particularisme en Staatsvorming in Afrika: De Diola van Zuid Senegal in hun Relatie Met Dakar." Afrika Focus 7, no. 3 (January 26, 1991): 193–223. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2031356x-00703002.
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Regional Particularism and State Formation in Africa: The Diola in Southern Senegal and Their Relationship with Dakar In the French daily newspaper “Libération” of 819 september 1990 I read : “Reveil de la guerilla en Casamance. Two clashes occurred between the Senegalese army and MFDC guerillas on the 22th of august and the 4th of september; 16 soldiers and 24 guerillas were killed”. A morbid déjà vu. At the end of 1983, as I did my practical training in the town of Ziguinchor, in the south of Senegal, I witnessed some fierce clashes between the same participants, causing the death of some 200 people. How could this be happening in one of the most democratic states of Africa? Didn’t the political arena of some 16 different parties give enough room for oppositional currents? The answer must be negative, in some cases. In this paper I want to show the reader that the articulation of local organizational structures and development policies of a modem state can cause many problems. In this case the typical dynamics of the Diola society in southern Senegal and the specific way of state formation in Senegal after Independence form an explosive mixture. In the first part of the paper a description is given of the dynamics of the Diola society by portraying the organizational structures in Diola villages before the colonial period. Then, in the colonial period, due to new influences as a result of the contacts with foreigners, some local organizational structures are politicized. Among the Diola this process of politicizing took place on a very low level because the Diola society has all the characteristics of a segmentary society. Each village formed an autonomous unit headed by elders. The use of power lays in the hands of a group rather than in the hands of an individual. For this reason the Diola never fully participated in the political arena, not even after Independence. After Independence in 196O the regimes in Dakar tried to impose their authority in all parts of the new state. First Leopold Senghor and then Abdou Diouf strived to form an omnipotent political party. A party in which all regional, ethnic and professional currants would be represented. This became the Parti Socialiste (PS). In the traditionally hierarchically organized societies in the North and the East of the state this was done by encapsulating powerful individuals. Once they joined the party they would bring along many followers or dependants as new members. But in the segmentary Diola society those political leaders did not exist. Therefore some individuals were dropped in the region by the PS to represent the inhabitants. These strangers were given a lot of power in the region. But it should be clear that these “representatives” were not accepted by local people who had the feeling of being colonized for the second time. This time by fellow countrymen from the North For the Dakar regimes, a way to impose their hegemony was connected to the say over land ownership. Since the adaption of the National Lands Act on the 17th of june 1964, all transactions concerning the control over land must be regulated via the local governments. One of the main consequences of this reform is that the state becomes the sole landlord of all the land. This implies that local, mostly ancient, land tenure systems have formally ceased to exist. With the case of the explosive growth of the city of Ziguinchor I show the impact of this reform on the surrounding Diola society. As control over local land is the crux of the organizational structures of Diola society, this new intrusion of the state caused an emotional reaction. Moreover because it was mostly done at random by politicians who had only eyes for their own goals. This being the result of the specific way the state strived for hegemony and attempted to graft new forms of organization on the segmentary Diola society. With explosively results!
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Marsh, Wendell. "Reading with the colonial in the life of Shaykh Musa Kamara, a Muslim scholar-saint." Africa 90, no. 3 (May 2020): 604–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972020000091.
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AbstractThe colonial-era Senegalese Muslim intellectual Shaykh Musa Kamara is best known for his over 1,700-page Arabic-language text about the history and social organization of the greater Western Sahel, Zuhūr al-basātīn fī tārīkh al-Sawādīn (Flowers in the Gardens in the History of the Blacks). Long celebrated by nationalist historiography as proof of an autochthonous historical consciousness and a spirit of tolerance, his status as a point of reference has been renewed in the contemporary context of Islamist political violence in the region. However, these receptions do not account for Kamara's own intellectual project, nor do they exhaust the possible readings of him in the present. In addition to thinking about Senegal in terms that cohere with the modern, Kamara also offers a way of thinking about the Muslim-majority West African country, and the greater Western Sahel more generally, in terms that have emerged from the historical specificity of the region. These include saintly subjectivity, notions of power irreducible to either the religious or the political, and a method of genealogical criticism. Importantly, he developed these ideas at the moment when a consensus about the place of Islam in colonial governance was being elaborated. Revisiting his body of work permits us to consider an analytical language about an African society with deep histories of Islam and an intellectual elaboration that was expressed within and sought to intervene in a colonial context.
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Dahmani, Mustapha, Bernard Davoust, Masse Sambou, Hubert Bassene, Pierre Scandola, Tinhinene Ameur, Didier Raoult, Florence Fenollar, and Oleg Mediannikov. "Molecular investigation and phylogeny of species of the Anaplasmataceae infecting animals and ticks in Senegal." Parasites & Vectors 12, no. 1 (October 22, 2019). http://dx.doi.org/10.1186/s13071-019-3742-y.
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Abstract Background Our study aimed to assess the diversity of the species of Anaplasmataceae in Senegal that infect animals and ticks in three areas: near Keur Momar Sarr (northern region), Dielmo and Diop (Sine Saloum, central region of Senegal), and in Casamance (southern region of Senegal). Methods A total of 204 ticks and 433 blood samples were collected from ruminants, horses, donkeys and dogs. Ticks were identified morphologically and by molecular characterization targeting the 12S rRNA gene. Molecular characterization of species of Anaplasmataceae infecting Senegalese ticks and animals was conducted using the 23S rRNA, 16S rRNA, rpoB and groEL genes. Results Ticks were identified as Rhipicephalus evertsi evertsi (84.3%), Hyalomma rufipes (8.3%), Hyalomma impeltatum (4.9%), R. bursa (1.5%) and R. muhsamae (0.9%). The overall prevalence of Anaplasmataceae infection in ticks was 0.9%, whereas 41.1% of the sampled animals were found infected by one of the species belonging to this family. We identified the pathogen Anaplasma ovis in 55.9% of sheep, A. marginale and A. centrale in 19.4% and 8.1%, respectively, of cattle, as well as a putative new species of Anaplasmataceae. Two Anaplasma species commonly infecting ruminants were identified. Anaplasma cf. platys, closely related to A. platys was identified in 19.8% of sheep, 27.7% of goats and 22.6% of cattle, whereas a putative new species, named here provisionally “Candidatus Anaplasma africae”, was identified in 3.7% of sheep, 10.3% of goats and 8.1% of cattle. Ehrlichia canis and Anaplasma platys were identified only from dogs sampled in the Keur Momar Sarr area. Ehrlichia canis was identified in 18.8% of dogs and two R. e. evertsi ticks removed from the same sheep. Anaplasma platys was identified in 15.6% of dogs. Neither of the dogs sampled from Casamance region nor the horses and donkeys sampled from Keur Momar Sarr area were found infected by an Anaplasmataceae species. Conclusions This study presents a summary of Anaplasmataceae species that infect animals and ticks in three areas from the northern, central and southern regions of Senegal. To our knowledge, our findings demonstrate for the first time the presence of multiple Anaplasmataceae species that infect ticks and domestic animals in Senegal. We recorded two potentially new species commonly infecting ruminants named here provisionally as Anaplasma cf. platys and “Candidatus Anaplasma africae”. However, E. canis was the only species identified and amplified from ticks. None of the other Anaplasmataceae species identified in animals were identified in the tick species collected from animals.
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Harding-Esch, Emma M., Julbert Kadimpeul, Boubacar Sarr, Awa Sane, Souleymane Badji, Mass Laye, Ansumana Sillah, et al. "Population-based prevalence survey of follicular trachoma and trachomatous trichiasis in the Casamance region of Senegal." BMC Public Health 18, no. 1 (July 26, 2017). http://dx.doi.org/10.1186/s12889-017-4605-0.
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Martini, Pauline, and Maud Sarliève. "Fighting Deforestation in Non-International Armed Conflicts: The Relevance of the Rome Statute for Rosewood Trafficking in Senegal." Transnational Environmental Law, August 11, 2021, 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2047102521000200.
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Abstract This article examines rosewood trafficking in the Casamance region of Senegal to determine whether acts of massive deforestation committed in the context of a non-international armed conflict can be prosecuted before the International Criminal Court (ICC) as war crimes of pillage and destruction of property under Article 8(2)(e)(v) and (xii) of the Rome Statute, respectively. It examines two of the main challenges resulting from the application of these provisions to acts of massive deforestation in the light of the ICC Elements of Crimes. Firstly, the article addresses the delicate issue of the establishment of a nexus between these acts and the related non-international armed conflict. Secondly, it discusses whether natural resources may qualify as ‘property’ for the purpose of Article 8(2)(e)(v) and (xii). It then offers avenues of reflection regarding the determination of ownership of these resources to fulfil the requirements of the Rome Statute.
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Britwum, Kofi, and Matty Demont. "Trading off consumer preferences induced by cultural and colonial heritage: Lessons from New Rice for Africa (NERICA) in Casamance, Senegal." Q Open 1, no. 2 (2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/qopen/qoab014.
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Abstract Breeders face the challenging task of tailoring crop varieties to complex consumer preferences shaped through culture and history. The Casamance rice sector in Senegal is an interesting case; while the region is endowed with a 3,000-year-old cultural heritage of African rice domestication, it has also been exposed to century-long colonial import substitution policies, leading to massive influx of cheap, broken Asian rice. Markets have responded to the amalgam of consumer preferences that have emerged as a result of cultural and colonial heritage by offering three standard grades of rice: 100 per cent broken, semi-broken (35–60 per cent broken), and unbroken. To disentangle the trade-off between indigenous and ‘imported’ traits and inform breeding priorities, we conducted framed field experiments with urban women in the Casamance. We assessed consumers’ revealed price premiums for replacing imported, broken Asian rice with three locally produced New Rice for Africa (NERICA) hybrids between African and Asian rice: (i) broken, fragrant NERICA 1; (ii) broken NERICA 4; and (iii) unbroken NERICA 6 featuring medium/bold grain shape. Consumers with genealogical lineages tracing back to the original domesticators of African rice put significantly higher value on locally produced NERICAs relative to immigrants from the north and northeast, who put premiums on ‘imported’ traits such as rice fragrance. Driven by preferences for both broken and unbroken rice, NERICA 6 outcompeted all other varieties as it mimics the grain shape of semi-broken rice while being unbroken. The latter exemplifies how breeders can strike an optimal compromise in the trade-off between cultural and colonial heritage-induced preferences.
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Fent, Ashley. "The anticipatory politics of dispossession in a Senegalese mining negotiation." Journal of Political Ecology 27, no. 1 (September 17, 2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.2458/v27i1.23221.
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The concept of accumulation by dispossession is often mobilized in political ecological and geographical literature, to explain the ways that capitalist accumulation depends on the violent and extra-economic seizure of land and resources. Yet dispossession is also mobilized as a fear about the future, as a way of articulating historical and non-capitalist motivations for land expropriation, and as an avenue for political action. Amid negotiations for a heavy mineral sands mine in the Casamance region of Senegal, narratives of dispossession circulated frequently, even though no mining had yet taken place. Drawing on ethnographic fieldwork and qualitative interviews, this article examines the contentious politics around the proposed mine, which mobilize multiple timescales. In this context, activists and village residents have engaged in an anticipatory politics that is influenced by past and present processes of land occupancy, environmental change, and state disinvestment, and is aimed at contesting potential dispossessions to come, making claims to resources, and securing a place in the imagined future. At the same time, state and corporate actors have engaged in their own anticipatory actions, through environmental impact assessments and other technologies of prediction that minimize, invalidate, or circumvent anti-dispossession movements. This article argues that experiences of and resistances to dispossession are mediated by the folding together of temporal frames and diverse displacements. In particular, it attends to anticipation as a key temporal mechanism through which dispossession is both enacted and contested. As such, it contributes to political ecology by combining materialist conceptions of dispossession and displacement with theorizations of anticipation and the future.Keywords: accumulation by dispossession, anticipatory politics, mining, Senegal
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Eichelsheim, John. "Regional Particularism and the State Formation in Africa: The Diola in Southern Senegal and their Relationship with Dakar." Afrika Focus 7, no. 3 (September 13, 1991). http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/af.v7i3.6118.
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In the French daily newspaper "Libération" of 8/9september 19901 read : "Reveil de la guerilla en Casamance. Two clashes occurred between the Senegalese army and MFDC guerillas on the 22th of august and the 4th of september; 16 soldiers and 24 guerillas were killed". A morbid déjà vu. At the end of1983, as I did my practical training in the town of Ziguinchor, in the south of Senegal, I witnessed some fierce clashes between the same participants, causing the death of some 200 people. How could this be happening in one of the most democratic states of Africa? Didn't the political arena of some 16 different parties give enough room for oppositional currents? The answer must be negative, in some cases. In this paper I want to show the reader that the articulation of local organizational structures and development policies of a modern state can cause many problems. In this case the typical dynamics of the Diola society in southern Senegal and the specific way of state formation in Senegal after Independence form an explosive mixture. In the first part of the paper a description is given of the dynamics of the Diola society by portraying the organizational structures in Diola villages before the colonial period. Then, in the colonial period, due to new influences as a result of the contacts with foreigners, some local organizational structures are politicized. Among the Diola this process of politicizing took place on a very low level because the Diola society has all the characteristics of a segmentary society. Each village formed an autonomous unit headed by elders. The use of power lays in the hands of a group rather than in the hands of an individual. For this reason the Diola never fully participated in the political arena, not even after Independence. After Independence in 1960 the regimes in Dakar tried to impose their authority in all parts of the new state. First Leopold Senghor and then Abdou Diouf strived to form an omnipotent political party. A party in which all regional, ethnic and professional currants would be represented. This became the Parti Socialiste (PS). In the traditionally hierarchically organized societies in the North and the East of the state this was done by encapsulating powerful individuals. Once they joined the party they would bring along many followers or dependants as new members. But in the segmentary Diola society those political leaders did not exist. Therefore some individuals were dropped in the region by the PS to represent the inhabitants. These strangers were given a lot ofpower in the region. But it should be clear that these "representatives" were not accepted by local people who had the feeling of being colonized for the second time. This time by fellow countrymen from the North.For the Dakar regimes, a way to impose their hegemony was connected to the say over land ownership. Since the adaption of the National Lands Act on the 17th of June 1964, all transactions concerning the control over land must be regulated via the local governments. One of the main consequences of this reform is that the state becomes the sole landlord of all the land. This implies that local, mostly ancient, land tenure systems have formally ceased to exist. With the case of the explosive growth of the city of Ziguinchor I show the impact of this reform on the surrounding Diola society. As control over local land is the crux of the organizational structures of Diola society, this new intrusion of the state caused an emotional reaction. Moreover because it was mostly done at random by politicians who had only eyes for their own goals. This being the result of the specific way the state strived for hegemony and attempted to graft new forms of organization on the segmentary Diola society. With explosively results!KEYWORDS: Diola, politics, Senegal, social organisation, state formation, urban development
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Carter, Youssef J. "Black Muslimness Mobilized." American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 36, no. 1 (July 23, 2019). http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajiss.v36i1.159.
Full textAbstract:
The Mustafawi Tariqa is a transnational Sufi Order that was initiated in 1966 by the late Cheikh Mustafa Gueye Haydara (d. 1989) in Thiès, Senegal. Yet, only since 1994 has this specific Sufi network reached westward across the water, bringing American Muslims—many of whom are converts—into the larger network. In the United States, the majority of students who have entered the Tariqa and have declared allegiance (bayah) to Shaykh Arona Rashid Faye Al-Faqir are African-Americans who have inserted themselves religiously, culturally, and pedagogically into a West African Sufi tradition which emphasizes religious study and the practice of dhikr (remembrance of God). Shaykh Arona Faye is a Senegalese religious leader who relocated to the southeastern region of the United States from West Africa to spread the religion of Islam and expose American Muslims to the rich West African tradition of spiritual purification and Islamic piety. At the same time, many of those who are African-American members of this tradition have made it a point to travel to Senegal themselves to strengthen transatlantic ties with West African compatriots and visit sacred burial sites in the small city of Thiès. I examine how two sites of pilgrimage for the Mustafawi—Moncks Corner, South Carolina and Thiès, Senegal—play a part in the infrastructure of Black Atlantic Sufi network. Moncks Corner is the central site in which access to the Tariqa’s most charismatic living shaykh, Shaykh Arona Faye, has worked for the past two decades teaching and mentoring those on the Path. On the other hand, Thiès is the location where the Tariqa’s founder is buried and travelers visit the town in order to pay homage to his memory. I show how these sites catalyze mobility and operate as spaces of spiritual refuge for visitors in both local and regional contexts by looking at how a local zawiyah produces movement in relation to a broader tariqa. By looking at pilgrimage and knowledge transmission, I argue that the manner in which esoteric approaches to spiritual care and the embodiment of higher Islamic ethics via the West African Sufi methodology of the Mustafawi informs the manner in which Muslims of varying African descent inhabit a broader diasporic identification of “Black Muslimness.”