Relevant bibliographies by topics / Islam – Ethiopia – History

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Academic literature on the topic 'Islam – Ethiopia – History'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 17 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Islam – Ethiopia – History"

1

Kabha, Mustafa, and Haggai Erlich. "AL-AHBASH AND WAHHABIYYA: INTERPRETATIONS OF ISLAM." International Journal of Middle East Studies 38, no. 4 (October 25, 2006): 519–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743806412459.

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Islam is a universal religion and culture. Scholars who tend to focus on Islam in specific societies may overlook connections that, over the centuries, were important in shaping various Islamic intercultural dialogs. One case in point is the role of Ethiopia in the history of Islam. Although situated next door to the cradle of Islam, Ethiopia conveniently has been perceived by many Western historians of the Arab Middle East as an African “Christian island,” and as largely irrelevant. In practice, however, the Christian-dominated empire has remained meaningful to all Muslims from Islam's inception. It has also been the home of Islamic communities that maintained constant contact with the Middle East. Indeed, one of the side aspects of the resurgence of political Islam since the 1970s is the emergence in Lebanon of the “The Association of Islamic Philanthropic Projects” (Jamעiyyat al-Mashariע al-Khayriyya al-Islamiyya), better known as “The Ethiopians,” al-Ahbash. Its leader came to Beirut from Ethiopia with a rather flexible interpretation of Islam, which revolved around political coexistence with Christians. Al-Ahbash of Lebanon expanded to become arguably the leading factor in the local Sunni community. They opened branches on all continents and spread their interpretation of Islam to many Islamic as well as non-Islamic countries. This article is an attempt to relate some of the Middle Eastern–Ethiopian Islamic history as the background to an analysis of a significant issue on today's all-Islamic agenda. It aims to present the Ahbash history, beliefs, and rivalry with the Wahhabiyya beginning in the mid-1980s. It does so by addressing conceptual, political, and theological aspects, which had been developed against the background of Ethiopia as a land of Islamic–Christian dialogue, and their collision with respective aspects developed in the Wahhabi kingdom of the Saudis. The contemporary inner-Islamic, Ahbash-Wahhabiyya conceptual rivalry turned in the 1990s into a verbal war conducted in traditional ways, as well as by means of modern channels of Internet exchanges and polemics. Their debate goes to the heart of Islam's major dilemmas as it attracts attention and draws active participation from all over the world.
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2

Kaplan, Steven. "Themes and Methods in the Study Of Conversion in Ethiopia: a Review Essay." Journal of Religion in Africa 34, no. 3 (2004): 373–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1570066041725475.

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AbstractAlthough conversion is one of the major themes in the religious and cultural history of Ethiopia, it has yet to benefit from extensive and systematic comparative discussion. For generations, scholars have worked to deepen our understanding of conversion to both Orthodox Christianity and Islam in the Ethiopian highlands. Recent works, moreover, are noteworthy for their efforts to expand our knowledge of both regions and groups hitherto neglected. Modern Islam, Evangelical Christianity and the religious histories of the peoples of Southern Ethiopia are only a few of the topics that have benefited from scholarship during the past decade. We are, therefore, in an unprecedented position to offer a review of research which, while by no means comprehensive, at least offers broader coverage than was previously possible.
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Drewes, A. J. "Amharic as a language of Islam." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 70, no. 1 (February 2007): 1–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x07000018.

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Amharic, the native language of a large group of the population of central Ethiopia, also functions as a lingua franca among the neighbouring peoples, and has done so for a long time. The language is usually associated with the culture of the politically dominant part of the population, the Christian culture. But it is certain that from the mid-nineteenth century onwards, and probably even before that time, Amharic was used also for Islamic religious texts: poetry composed to spread the basic religious concepts of Islam and songs to be chanted in religious meetings. The first foreign scholar to become aware of this was Enrico Cerulli, who published some examples of Islamic songs in Amharic in 1926. Much more has since been published by Ethiopians. In the 1960s I obtained a small collection of such texts which are discussed in this article.
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Krebs, Verena. "Re-examining Foresti's Supplementum Chronicarum and the “Ethiopian” embassy to Europe of 1306." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 82, no. 3 (October 2019): 493–515. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x19000697.

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AbstractA widely reported story in the historiography on medieval Ethiopia relates how, in the year 1306, an “Ethiopian” embassy visited the court of Pope Clement V in Avignon and offered military aid in the fight against Islam to Latin Christianity. This article re-examines the source – Jacopo Filippo Foresti's Supplementum Chronicarum – thought to document an episode of one of the earliest European–African Christian contacts. It investigates Foresti's own sources, their historiographical transmission history, and the feasibility of relating it to the socio-political entity of Solomonic Ethiopia in the Horn of Africa in the early fourteenth century, concluding that Foresti's information was based on Latin Christian texts, such as the Legenda Aurea and the myth of Prester John, only. The ‘Ethiopian’ embassy of 1306 is thus not borne out by sources and should be dismissed in scholarship, resetting the timeline of official Ethiopian–Latin Christian contacts in the late medieval period.
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Voll, John. "Haggai Erlich.Saudi Arabia and Ethiopia: Islam, Christianity, and Politics Entwined.:Saudi Arabia and Ethiopia: Islam, Christianity, and Politics Entwined." American Historical Review 113, no. 2 (April 2008): 619–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.113.2.619.

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6

Crummey, Donald. "Society, State and Nationality in the Recent Historiography of Ethiopia." Journal of African History 31, no. 1 (March 1990): 103–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700024804.

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Events since 1974 have challenged fundamental assumptions about Ethiopian history, calling in question the country's borders and internal coherence, the nature of its social order, the centrality of its monarchy and Zionist ideology to the maintenance of the polity, and the viability of the peasant way of life. In so doing they challenge a young, but vigorous, historiography, one founded in the 1960s with the creation of a History Department at what is now Addis Ababa University and of an international coterie of scholars. Its early stages were marked by archivally-based studies of Ethiopia‘s international emergence in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries and of trade and politics. Its later stages were marked by a steady growth in the number of contributors and in the emergence of major new themes many of which depend on the use of indigenous sources, both oral and written. Class and class relations; economy, state, and society; the Kushitic- and Omotic-speaking peoples; the use of social anthropology—such are the concerns of contemporary historians of Ethiopia. These concerns inform new work on agrarian issues and on the roots of famine, on urbanization, on the nature of the twentieth-century state, on the revolution itself and on the roots of resistance and social unrest, and on ethnicity. Meanwhile, more traditional work continues to glean insights from the manuscript tradition and to bring to light major new texts both Ethiopian and foreign. The article surveys this material and concludes by noting the persistence of certain limitations—the lack of work on women or on pastoralism, the scarcity of it on Islam, the heavy emphasis on that part of the country lying west of the Rift Valley, and the absence of an integrating synthesis—and the prospective integration of work on Ethiopia into the mainstream of African historiography.
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7

Gnamo, Abbas Haji. "Islam, the orthodox Church and Oromo nationalism (Ethiopia)." Cahiers d'études africaines 42, no. 165 (January 1, 2002): 99–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/etudesafricaines.137.

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8

Desplat, Patrick. "The Articulation of Religious Identities and their Boundaries in Ethiopia: Labelling Difference and Processes of Contextualization in Islam." Journal of Religion in Africa 35, no. 4 (2005): 482–505. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006605774832171.

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AbstractProcesses of contextualization in Islam are constantly raising questions about self-perception and the 'other', thus challenging the concept of an 'authentic' identity and its boundaries. Innovations and their appropriation or rejection currently play a significant role in Harar, an urban community in Eastern Ethiopia where local saints constitute a key element of everyday religious life. Islamic reform movements have been able to enter Ethiopia since the downfall of the socialist regime in 1991 and have been provoking disputes concerning the 'true' Islam, focusing on saints and related 'un-Islamic' practices. The majority of the Harar community has rejected this essentializing tendency, partly because of the influence of a Harari scholar who presides over the Lebanese organization Hasbashiyya. However, the contemporary role of religious networks and the quest for authenticity must be embedded in both the historical and contemporary socio-political context.
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Østebø, Terje. "The Question of Becoming: Islamic Reform Movements in Contemporary Ethiopia." Journal of Religion in Africa 38, no. 4 (2008): 416–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006608x323559.

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AbstractFacilitated by a new (since 1991) political climate, enhancing Muslim opportunities for religious expression, several Islamic reform movements have surfaced in Ethiopia. Under consideration here are the Salafi movement, the Tabligh movement and an Intellectualist revivalist movement, each of which was crucial for the reconfiguration of religious affiliation, and served as a channel in the search for belonging and coherent meaning. Discussing the movements' socio-cultural composition and their particular features, this paper pays attention to how issues of locality interact with translocal ideological currents and affect one another. Of particular interest in the Ethiopian case is the explicit avoidance of any political agenda, a distinct intermarriage with a discourse on ethnicity, where the latter has contributed to complex processes of constructing and demarcating religious- and ethnic-based boundaries. The paper thus seeks to demonstrate the complex interrelationship between global currents and local factors, all contributing to the heterogenisation of contemporary Islam.
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Hassen, Mohammed. "Islam in Nineteenth-Century Wallo, Ethiopia: Revival, Reform and Reaction (review)." Northeast African Studies 7, no. 2 (2000): 147–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/nas.2004.0015.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Islam – Ethiopia – History"

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Ficquet, Éloi. "Du barbare au mystique : anthropologie historique des recompositions identitaires et religieuses dans le Wällo (Ethiopie centrale)." Paris, EHESS, 2002. http://www.theses.fr/2002EHES0123.

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Le Wällo présente une situation originale de coexistence entre musulmans et chrétiens, qui doit être comprise dans une perspective historique profonde. L'Amhara, province-mère du royaume chrétien d'Ethiopie, fut conquis au 16ème siècle par un clan oromo, les Wällo. Ces envahisseurs ont intégré les codes militaires et politiques chrétiens au point de s'immiscer dans les rouages matrimoniaux et stratégiques de cette monarchie. Afin d'échapper à la dissolution complète de leur altérité, les chefferies du Wällo se convertirent à l'islam à la fin du 18 ème siècle. Les rois éthiopiens reconquérirent ce territoire à la fin du 19 ème siècle au nom d'une unité nationale fondée sur la foi chrétienne. Ils échouèrent cependant à réduire la duplicité contestataire de cette frontière intérieure. La tolérance revendiquée aujourd'hui comme ciment de l'identité régionale recouvre les tensions exprimées dans la mémoire collective par un registre pamphlétaire conjurant les discriminations du passé et la peur de l'avenir.
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2

Chekroun, Amélie. "Le" Futuh al-Habasa" : écriture de l'histoire, guerre et société dans le Bar Sa'ad ad-din (Ethiopie, XVIe siècle)." Thesis, Paris 1, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA010699/document.

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Le "Futuh al-Habasa", récit en arabe de différentes guerres menées par l'imam Ahmad depuis le sultanat du "Bar Sa'ad ad-din" contre le royaume chrétien d'Ethiopie entre les années 1520 et 1535/1537, relate notamment comment l'essentiel des territoires chrétiens est passé provisoirement sous domination musulmane au cours de la « conquête de l'Abyssinie » (1531-1543). En analysant cette source endogène unique en son genre, cette thèse vise à proposer un changement de perspective dans la manière dont est abordée l'histoire de l'Ethiopie, an accordant sa pleine place à l'islam éthiopien, au carrefour entre les études éthiopiennes et celles sur l'islam médiéval.L'analyse littéraire du "Futuh al-Habasa" révèle que son auteur, Arab Faqih, rédigea cet ouvrage après l'échec de la « conquête de l'Abyssinie », probablement en vue de convaincre les élites du "Bar Sa'ad ad-din" de repartir à la conquête du royaume chrétien. En faisant appel à la littérature des premiers siècles de l'islam mais aussi à des références plus contemporaines, Arab Faqih réalise ainsi une apologie du "gihad" en présentant l'imam Ahmad comme le modèle du parfait "mugahid".D'autre part l'étude de l'histoire du "Bar Sa'ad ad-din" (1415-1583), des rapports de pouvoir au sein du sultanat et des relations que ce dernier entretenait avec le royaume chrétien voisin, révèle les facteurs internes à cette société qui ont conduit l'imam Ahmad à entreprendre une telle guerre. Le Futuh al-Habasa montre enfin que cette conquête vit l'émergence de nouvelles pratiques de guerre et de nouvelles manières de la penser, et détaille le projet d'une « grande Ethiopie musulmane » qui ne survécut pas à la mort de l'imam en 1543
The Futuh al-Habasa is an Arabic language account of a number of wars initiated by the imam Ahmad from the Bar Sa'ad ad-din sultanate against the Christian kingdom of Ethiopia between the years 1520 and 1535/1537 ; of particular interest is its narrative of the temporary Muslim domination of the majority of the Christian territories during the conquest of Abyssinia (1531-1543). Through analysis of this unique endogenous source this PhD aims to propose a new way to approach th history of Ethiopia by considering the Ethiopian Islam as a full-fledged topic, at the crossroads between the studies on Ethiopia and those on Medieval Islam.The literary analysis of the Futuh al-Habasa reveals that its author, Arab Faqih, wrote this account after the failure of the « conquest of Abyssinia », probably with a view to convince the elites of the Bar Sa'ad ad-din to march on the Christian kingdom once again. Drawing on literature from the first centuries of Islam as well as on more contemporary references, Arab Faqih thus writes an apology of gihad, presenting the imam Ahmad as being an example of the perfect mugahid.On the other hand, studying the history of the Bar Sa'ad ad-din (1415-1583), the power relationships inside the sultanate and its links with the neighbouring Christian kingdom, reveals the factors internal to this society that pushed the imam Ahmad to undertake such a war. The Futuh al-Habasa shows finally that during this conquest, new practices of war and new ways of conceiving it emerged. It also details the project of a « great Muslim Ethiopia » that didn't survive the death of the imam in 1543
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3

Abdulsemed, Mohammed Hamidin. "ʼIntishār al-Islām fī al-Ḥabsha ʼathāruh wa-ʼabaʻaduh." Diss., 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/22280.

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This research comprises a section on preliminary issues, an introduction, four chapters with sub-divisions and a conclusion. Preliminary issues focus on the research proposal. The introduction reviews factors contributing to the concealment of Muslims’ roles in Abyssinia through negligence, selective reportage and duplicitous political dealings. Chapter One tackles the varying definitions of Abyssinia diachronically and then provides valuable social, economic, political, religious and climatic information about the country and its peoples. Chapter Two analyses the varying levels of relations between Abyssinia and the Arabian Peninsula including the ethnic, cultural, linguistic, religious and political ties down the ages. Chapter Three discusses the migration of some of Prophet Muhammad’s companions to Abyssinia and possible reasons for selecting that land for settlement. It details identities of these people, their areas of arrival and domicile; together with a probe into the Christian ruler, Negus’s warm relations with them. Chapter Four overviews Muslim dynasties in Abyssinia: the causes for their formation, prosperity and decline. The bitter conflicts with Christians and followers of traditional religions are also explored; together with outcomes of these for Muslims up to the present. The Conclusion provides a resume of my most important findings.
Religious Studies and Arabic
M.A. (Islamic Studies)
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Books on the topic "Islam – Ethiopia – History"

1

Braukämper, Ulrich. Islamic history and culture in Southern Ethiopia: A collection of essays. Münster: Lit, 2003.

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2

Islam and Christianity in the Horn of Africa: Somalia, Ethiopia, Sudan. Boulder, Colo: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2010.

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3

Erlikh, Ḥagai. Islam and Christianity in the horn of Africa: Somalia, Ethiopia, Sudan. Boulder, Colo: Lynne Rienner Publishers, Inc., 2010.

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Localising Salafism: Religious change among Oromo Muslims in Bale, Ethiopia. Leiden: Brill, 2011.

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5

al-Jawzī, Abū al-Faraj ʻAbd al-Raḥmān ibn ʻAlī Ibn. Tanwīr al-ghabash fī faḍl al-Sūdān wa-al-Ḥabash. Umm Durmān: Dār Jāmiʻat Umm Durmān al-Islāmīyah, 1993.

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Abū al-Faraj ʻAbd al-Raḥmān ibn ʻAlī Ibn al-Jawzī. Tanwīr al-ghabash fī faḍl al-Sūdān wa-al-Ḥabash. al-Riyāḍ: Dār al-Sharīf, 1998.

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7

Østebø, Terje. A history of Islam and inter-religious relations in Bale, Ethiopa. Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell International, 2005.

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8

Suyūṭī. Rafʻ shaʼn al-Ḥubshān. [Cairo]: M. ʻA. al-W. Faḍl, 1991.

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9

Islamic History and Culture in Southern Ethiopia: A Collection of Essays. 2nd ed. Lit Verlag, 2003.

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10

Ahmed, Hussein. Islam in Nineteenth-Century Wallo, Ethiopia: Revival, Reform and Reaction (Social, Economic and Political Studies of the Middle East and Asia). Brill Academic Publishers, 2000.

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Book chapters on the topic "Islam – Ethiopia – History"

1

Boccaccini, Gabriele. "Enochic Traditions." In A Guide to Early Jewish Texts and Traditions in Christian Transmission, 383–416. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190863074.003.0020.

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The period between the fifteenth and the nineteenth centuries is a crucial yet neglected period in the reception history of Enochic traditions. The Enoch books were “lost” in the West; Enoch, however, was anything but forgotten in Christianity, Judaism, Islam, and Hermetic circles. The Christian Cabalists (Pico della Mirandola, Johannes Reuchlin, Guillaume Postel) were the first to actively pursue the search for the lost Enoch. In the mid-sixteenth century with the arrival of the first Ethiopic monks from Ethiopia also came the news that 1 Enoch was there preserved. Rumors about the presence of an Enoch manuscript in the library of Nicolas de Pereics were widespread but proved to be unfounded. While Enoch remained popular in esoteric and visionary circles, the publication of the Greek fragments by Scaliger in 1606 led to the composition of the first scholarly commentaries by Sgambati (1703), Sarnelli (1710), and Fabricius (1713). Eventually, in 1773, James Bruce came back from Ethiopia with four MSS of 1 Enoch. Having emancipated the text from esoteric and magic concerns, contemporary research on Enoch could now begin with the publication, in 1821, of the first English translation of 1 Enoch by Richard Laurence.
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