Academic literature on the topic 'Islam Yemen (Republic)'

The Islamic Revolution of Iran took place in 1789. Undoubtedly, this revolution had repercussions on its peripheral and semi-peripheral countries, and one of the semi-peripheral countries of Iran that were affected by the revolution was Yemen. Yemen changed with the beginning of the Arab Spring and protest movements were formed in it, the content of which was very close to the foundations of the Islamic Revolution of Iran. These protests led to the revolution and eventually to the victory of the Houthi movement in Yemen and the Ansar Allah movement. But what are the consequences of this event in Yemen in Yemen and the Islamic Republic of Iran? The purpose of this study is to check the results of the export of the Iranian revolution in Yemen. The research findings show that the Islamic Revolution of Iran was exported to Yemen and a very close relationship was established between Yemen and the Islamic Republic. The Yemeni revolution has had very positive results for the regime of the Islamic Republic of Iran, like the addition of Yemen to the axis of resistance, resistance to Saudi Islam, etc., but to the results that happened to Yemen itself, we can become independent. Yemen touched on freedom of action in deciding and choosing its destiny. Yemen is embroiled in a bloody war that is still going on, and the living and economic situation of the people in Yemen is worse than before. The method of the present study is qualitative and based on the analytical description.

The article is devoted to the analysis of the features of a rather specifi c project of Islamism promoted by the Islamic Republic of Iran. Iranian Islamism is based on the ideas of Ayatollah Khomeini about the ideal “Islamic state”, in which Islam has close contact with politics, with the government of the country. However, after the death of Ayatollah Khomeini, the country’s new elite became more pragmatic about the mission of spreading the Shi‘ite version of Islam. In particular, emphasis was placed on rapprochement with those countries and groups that showed friendly feelings to Tehran. In many respects this concerned the countries of the Arab region in which the Shi‘a community was present or prevailed. One of these states is Yemen. In particular, Iran’s participation in the Yemeni crisis, in which Tehran is trying to strengthen its own positions and prevent the strengthening of Saudi positions in Yemen by means of the Zaydi group of the Houthi, is being considered.

AbstractThe gradual decline of Zaydī-Shī'ī Islam in Yemen occurred within contexts of state transformation over the past three centuries, culminating in the revolution of 1962 that abolished the imāmate. It has since lost its institutional framework and struggled to define its location in the newly established republic. The republic's commitment to an Islam which transcends the schools of law (madhāhib) has become part of Yemen's nationalist project and of the state's political agenda. At the intersection of nation-building and Saudi Arabia's assertion of its hegemony over the Arabian Peninsula, the Salafī da'wa—consonant with the teachings of the 18th/19th century scholar Muhammad al-Shawkānī—has twinned with Hanbalī-'Wahhābī' doctrine. The establishment of educational institutions and mosques propagating anti-Shī'ī schools of thought have provoked a Zaydī revival movement that gained momentum after Yemen's 'unification' in 1990. The movement has led to increased polarisation between the Zaydīs and the Salafīs, and demonstrated profound tensions among Zaydīs who subscribe to diverse political moralities. The article explores how categories of legitimisation have been modulated, and what recent Zaydī political activism reveals about the conflicting meanings people attach to 'being Zaydī'.

At first sight, the civil war in Yemen seems to be a sectarian conflict between shia and sunni Islam. In contrast, this article explores the political economy dimensions of the conflict. During the 1970s, the northern Yemen Arab Republic has seen the emergence of a middle class based on foreign remittances, thus increased consumption, economic growth and agricultural modernization in particular. An economic crisis and new oil discoveries in the 1980s lead to a turn-around of the relations between the former powerful middle class and the government which was now able to co-opt the opposition. The subsequent inability to find a solution for the economic problems and the consequences of the reunification in the 1990s lead to externally forced neoliberal structural adjustment, including financial austerity, and as a result to social decline. Ansar Allah provided an alternative order and therefore the group was able to mobilize the middle class in opposition to the regime.

Though women’s studies and Islamic studies have not often met in scholarlydiscourse, Gender, Politics and Islam is evidence that they should. Thisbook is a testament to the breadth and quality of scholarship in Muslimwomen’s studies. All of its articles originally appeared in Signs: Journal ofWomen in Culture and Society, of which Therese Saliba, Carolyn Allen, andJudith A. Howard, previously served as editors and associate editors.Saliba’s competent introduction summarizes the articles and promptlydebunks simplistic understandings of Muslim women and their lives, and highlights their diverse and complex engagements with religion, politics,society, and culture. Not only does this introduction speak for and tonuanced understandings of Islam and Muslims, it also links feminist strugglestransnationally and explicitly positions itself against the exceptionalismof Muslim women.Although all nine chapters were previously published, this volumemerits separate publication for several reasons. First, it promotes goodscholarship on Muslim women. Second, it undoubtedly will reach a largeraudience as a collection than as individual articles. This audience includesnot only those outside academia, but also academics who might not normallyread specialized women’s studies journals – many in the field ofIslamic studies, traditionally defined, for example. Moreover, the bookcould be used effectively in teaching Islamic studies and women’s studies;indeed, some of its articles are already being used this way. Though thearticles were not written for a general audience, many could easily appealto the interested nonspecialist.Finally, these serious, scholarly essays complement each other and representa breadth of disciplinary approaches (e.g., literary studies, sociology,history, anthropology, and political science), geographical regions (e.g.,Iran, Pakistan, Palestine, Lebanon, Yemen, Bangladesh, and Canada), andissues (e.g., legal rights, religious rituals, political empowerment, receptionpolitics, and Islamic feminism, among many others). Despite this breadth,each essay speaks extremely well to at least several others and highlightsMuslim women’s strategies and practices of crafting spaces for action andengagement in politics and society.Valentine Moghadem’s “Islamic Feminism and its Discontents:Towards a Resolution of the Debate” provides an overview of Iranianwomen’s many contrasting positions in relation to their rights in theIslamic Republic. She also draws useful comparisons between U.S. liberalfeminists and Iranian Islamic feminists, thereby providing an analysisof current trends, issues, and debates. “The Politics of Feminism inIslam,” by Anouar Majid, continues this inquiry into women crafting afeminist theory and practice that engages Islam. Like Moghadem, he seesa positive side to Iran’s Islamic feminist movement, as it resists “theeffects of global capitalism and contributes to a rich egalitarian polycentricworld” (p. 87) ...

Abstract The Zaydīs in Yemen are the only current within Islam that fostered the continuous transmission and study of Muʿtazilī kalām up to the present time. This article aims to examine the presence and quality of Muʿtazilī kalām in a major Zaydī composition of the 20th century, namely ʿAlī b. Muḥammad al-ʿAǧrī’s (1320-1407/1902-1987) Miftāḥ al-saʿāda, which was completed in May 1952. The Miftāḥ and other works of Zaydī scholars written during the first half of the 20th century provide us with valuable insights into Zaydī-Hādawī scholarship in Northern Yemen prior to the Republican revolution of 1962 and furnish important information about the education of 20th century Zaydī-Hādawī scholars and the contents of their libraries. The wide range of Muʿtazilī and non-Muʿtazilī sources used and quoted in the Miftāḥ sheds light on the distinct impact of various phases of a centuries-old school- and teaching-tradition.

For four decades Saudi Arabia and the Islamic Republic of Iran have vied for influence in the Muslim world. At the heart of this ongoing Cold War between Riyadh and Tehran lie the Sunni-Shia divide, and the two countries’ diverse histories, socio-economic compositions, and claims to exceptionalism. Saudis present their rivalry with Iran stemming from conflict between Sunnis and Shias. But, according to Iran's ruling clerics, their republic is founded on Islamic precepts whereas Saudis’ dynastic rule lacks legitimacy in Islam. This foundational schism has played out in a geopolitical competition for dominance in the region and beyond: Iran has acquired influence in Syria, Iraq and Lebanon, while Saudi Arabia's hyperactive crown prince, Muhammad bin Salman, has intervened in the Yemeni civil war against the Tehran-backed Houthis, and tried to destabilize Lebanon and isolate neighboring Qatar.. In his lucid narrative, peppered with penetrating analysis, Dilip Hiro examines the toxic rivalry between the two nations, tracing its roots to the eighteen-century Arabia, and examines whether the current Cold War in the Islamic world is likely to end in the near future.

The Mauritanian Criminal Code 1983 identified a number of ḥudūd crimes. In 1984, the code was amended to include the death penalty for apostates. In 2008, Maldives adopted a new constitution containing a clause that no law contrary to Islam can be enacted in the Maldives. A new Penal Code was introduced in 2014, yet with regard to ḥudūd, this code has only one section, which makes shariah punishments applicable in the country. The Islamic State of Yemen introduced its Law of Crimes and Punishments (No. 12/1994), as the first ever Penal Code in its history. This code divided crimes into two types: crimes punished with ḥudūd or qiṣāṣ, and crimes punished by the judge’s discretion (taʿzīr). The code then makes provisions for seven ḥudūd crimes.

After Islamic revolutionary movement’s success in overthrowing Iran’s secular Pahlavi dynasty in 1979, Saudi royals felt that full cooperation between their theocratic kingdom and the Islamic Republic would follow. This was not to be. The basic differences between a republic and a monarchy were compounded by the two nations’ contradictory relations with America. The US, the ultimate protector of Saudi Arabia, was decried as the Great Satan by Khomeini. A détente between the two states, forged in 1994, fell apart in 2002. In the renewed rivalry, Riyadh tried to gain an upper hand by stressing Iran as a country of Shias, a minority sect in Islam. Tehran made gains by default in the aftermath of Washington’s disastrous invasion of Iraq in 2003, and as a result of the Riyadh-led diplomatic and commercial blockade of Qatar in 2017. Its strategic alliance with Syria, ruled by an Alawi president, remained intact. In the Yemeni civil war between Iran-backed Houthi rebels, occupying the capital, and the government of Riyadh-based President al Hadi, the conflict remained unresolved. Bin Salman failed to secure the expulsion of the pro-Iranian Hizbollah ministers from Lebanon’s national unity government. Overall, Tehran enjoyed superiority over Riyadh in the Middle East.