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Relevant bibliographies by topics / Islamic Action Front

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Academic literature on the topic 'Islamic Action Front'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 12 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Islamic Action Front"

1

Tobin, Sarah A. "Islamic Neoliberalism for Jordan's Islamic Action Front in Islamic Banking and Finance." Politics and Religion 13, no. 4 (2020): 768–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048320000073.

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AbstractThere is a paradox: why are there so many political and economic Islamic actors in the Middle East but not a large willingness on their part to adopt and promote Islamic banking and finance methodologies? This paper argues that the more vague and ambivalent these actors are on economic policy, the wider their appeal; and, by extension, the more compatible Islamic ideas and ideologies are with neoliberalism. The case of the Islamic Action Front (IAF) in Jordan is given as it has adopted an emphasis on Islamic middle-class values and ethical concerns of neoliberalism in order to gain political support. The case of the IAF demonstrates that there are points of compatibility between the neoliberal economy and Islamist politics. In the calibrations of the relationship between the state and Islamist party politics in line with Islamic neoliberal tenets, this approach ensures enhanced appeal for neoliberal Islamism into the future.

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Powers, Colin. "Run the country like a business? The economics of Jordan’s Islamic action front." Critical Research on Religion 7, no. 1 (2019): 38–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2050303218823244.

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The moral economics of the Islamic Action Front, the partisan wing of the original Jordanian Muslim Brotherhood, is both defined and compromised by internal inconsistency. Similar to others that might be classified as a socially conservative, religiously-oriented political party, the Islamic Action Front pledges a paternalist commitment to the poor only to undermine the already limited prospects of such paternalism through the adoption of charity-based approaches to social welfare and through their more general advocacy for economic liberalization, free markets, capital mobility, and private initiative. How can one best explain both the contradictions constituting the Islamic Action Front’s economics and the political implications contained within such an economic agenda? This article will review the intersection of local class structure, party ideology, and history so to furnish an answer.

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Ababneh, Sara. "Islamic Political Activism as a Means of Women's Empowerment? The Case of the Female Islamic Action Front Activists." Studies in Ethnicity and Nationalism 9, no. 1 (2009): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1754-9469.2009.01026.x.

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El-Said, Hamed, and James E. Rauch. "Education, Political Participation, and Islamist Parties: The Case of Jordan's Islamic Action Front." Middle East Journal 69, no. 1 (2015): 51–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.3751/69.1.13.

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Ahdar, Ahdar. "TINJAUAN KRITIS DAN MENYELURUH TERHADAP FUNDAMENTALISME DAN RADIKALISME ISLAM MASA KINI." KURIOSITAS: Media Komunikasi Sosial dan Keagamaan 10, no. 1 (2017): 19–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.35905/kur.v10i1.582.

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The purpose of this research is to present a historical review and critique of the actions of radicalism on the basis of fundamentalism in Indonesia. This research is motivated by the development of discourse related to fundamentalism and radicalism which is often identified to Islam group with negative connotation in Indonesia. The methodology used in this research is a qualitative descriptive approach with a historical-critical study method. Data were collected through literature studies and related literature of several Islamic organizations consisting of; Darul Islam Or Islamic State of Indonesia (NII); Majelis Mujahidin Indonesia (MMI); Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI); and the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI). The results show that fundamentalism and radicalism is a verbic word whose roots are not contained in the language of Muslims in various Arabic speaking countries. Fundamentalism by term is the assertion of certain religious activists who define religion absolutely and literally. Fundamentalism as a reaction to modernism emerged in the nineteenth century. At that time, modernism appeared very fiery in the United States. In the era of the 1990s, there was a change of format and fundamental strategy in radical Islamic movement in Indonesia. If in previous years this movement runs latently and always confronted by the State so as to generate political fear for Muslims then in the era of the 1990s radical Islamic movement appears openly, as seen in the movement Laskar Jihad, Jamaah Islamiah Ahlussunnah wal Jamaah, Ikhwanul Muslimin, Mujahidin Jamaah, Nurul Fikr, Islamic Defenders Front and Hizb ut-Tahrir Based on the results of research, author concluded that Fundamentalism and radicalism is not a term derived from Islam but the term of Christianity which is today used for Islam. Both fundamentalism and radicalism potentially exist to any group, whether religious, social, or political. It occurs in any religion. Fundamentalism can be a virtue if it is not performed by the action of radicalism. Therefore, the solution to the value of tolerance in fundamentalism is a deep understanding of belief or religion.

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Imad, Abdul Ghany. "A topography of Sunni Islamic organizations and movements in Lebanon." Contemporary Arab Affairs 2, no. 1 (2009): 143–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550910802576213.

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In this data-filled account, the author provides a concise and informative topography of Lebanon's oft-neglected Sunni Islamic movements – dealing with their origins, orientations, founding members and various socio-political and institutional initiatives. Rare details are provided on movements and affiliated institutions – including schools, mosques and media organizations – of the Lebanese tableau where scholarly interest has been dominated by concentration on Ḥizb Allāh. Included are reviews of al-Jamāﺀah al-Islāmīyah (the Islamic Group); Jabhat al-ﺀAmal al-Islāmī (the Islamic Action Front); Ḥarakat al-Tawḥīd al-Islāmī (the Islamic Tawḥīd Movement); Ḥizb al-Taḥrīr al-Islāmī (the Islamic Liberation Party); Jamāﺀat al-Daﺀwah wa al-Tablīgh (the Daﺀwah and Tablīgh Group); Jamﺀiyat al-Mashārīﺀ al-Khayrīah al-Islāmīyah–al-Aḥbāsh (The Association of Islamic Charitable Initiatives); as well as the major Lebanese salafist movements.

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Hidayah, Siti Nurul. "Image Construction of Islamic Defenders Front in the Jakarta Post Online News." Jurnal Humaniora 32, no. 2 (2020): 163. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/jh.37626.

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This study aimed to observe image construction of the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI) based on six articles of the Jakarta Post Online News about the FPI’s protest toward three issues: Ahmadiyah, the arrival of Lady Gaga in Indonesia, and Ahok as the substitute governor of Jakarta. The author qualitatively explored the FPI’s image using Halliday’s systemic functional linguistics (SFL), which defines the types of process in a clause. The author also analyzed the thematic structure of the clause to support the analysis of each type of process. The result was approximately 208 clauses from the six news articles. This study shows that the dominant process in the above-mentioned three issues is the material process. The material process represents 51% in the issue of Ahmadiyah, 41% in the issue of the arrival of Lady Gaga, and 70% in the issue of Ahok as Jakarta’s substitute governor. This material process shows that the Jakarta Post Online News constructed a negative image of the FPI’s by reporting this organization’s action during the protest. In the issue of Ahmadiyah, the FPI was framed as anarchist, while in the issue of Ahok and of Lady Gaga it was represented as protestor. The analysis of thematic structures shows the FPI as the dominant topical theme, which indicates the FPI was the main topic of the articles.

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Çavdar, Gamze. "Islamist Rationality: An Assessment of the Rational Choice Approach." Politics and Religion 5, no. 3 (2012): 584–608. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048312000314.

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AbstractA growing body of literature criticizes the notion that Islamism is sui generis and argues that it could be explained by existing conceptions about human behavior. This approach relies on rational choice theory and its derivatives, characterizing Islamists as rational political actors that engage in cost-benefit analysis and strategic calculation. This article evaluates the explanatory power of this characterization through three case studies, namely the Turkish Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi), the Jordanian Islamic Action Front (Jabhat al-Amal al-Islami), and the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood (Ikhwan al-Muslimun). It argues that although the approach offers explanations for Islamist pragmatism, this characterization has three major limitations: lack of room for ideological change, extreme voluntarism between violence and non-violence, and lack of insight for intra-group gender relations.

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Wahid, Abdul Hakim. "Model Pemahaman Front Pembela Islam (FPI) Terhadap Al-Qur’an Dan Hadis." Refleksi 17, no. 1 (2018): 79–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.15408/ref.v17i1.10199.

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The Islamic Defenders Front (FPI) is very famous for the amar ma'ruf and nahi mungkar movement, and launched the national anti-immoral movement. However their movement always seems to use violence, so there is a presumption that FPI's religious pattern shows the influence of petro Islam that rigidly and textually-dominated with a harsh understanding to the practice of violation on religious values. With the semantic approach to the Habib Riziq’s book entitled Dialog FPI-Amar Ma'ruf Nahi Munkar, this paper prove that the FPI's interpretation to the Qur'an and hadiths which is the reference of their every action, has used a contextual approach, but seems that their understanding is less comprehensive.

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Varisco, Daniel Martin. "Faith in Moderation." American Journal of Islam and Society 25, no. 1 (2008): 113–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v25i1.1493.

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Much that has been written about political Islam emphasizes the negativeimages of suicide bombings, bearded and seemingly blind proponents ofjihad, patriarchal gender ideologies, and intolerance toward non-Muslims.Jillian Schwedler’s comparative study of two “Islamist” political parties inJordan and Yemen, respectively, is a welcome reminder that Muslims arejust as capable of protecting their faith in moderation as anyone else. Herbook provides a valuable record of the historical development of bothJordan’s Islamic Action Front (IAF: Jabhat al-`Aml al-Islami) and theYemeni Congregation for Reform, better known simply as the Islah(Reform) party.A political scientist with first-hand experience in both countries,she has researched the previous literature on each party and conductedover three dozen formal on-the-record interviews with party officials andother relevant individuals (and more than 200 political actors overall, p. 31).The bulk of the interviews were conducted between 1995 and 1998, withfollow-up trips as recently as 2003 ...

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Islamic Action Front"

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Ababneh, Sara. "Islamic political parties as a means of women's empowerment? : the case of Hamas and the Islamic Action Front." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.522830.

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Damon, Shameem. "Internal promotion of Islamic banking offerings at a South African traditional bank: An action research study." University of the Western Cape, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/6145.

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Magister Commercii - MCom (Business and Finance)<br>This master's thesis report is a record of my action research study conducted at a traditional bank in South Africa. The report follows a narrative writing style. It contains my personal learnings and reflections. In it I record my practices aimed at promoting Islamic banking products of a traditional bank. In undertaking this action research, I employed interventions whereby I improved my own learning and behaviour through practice. This action research took place within the customer facing division of a national traditional bank in the Western Cape.

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El, Ouazghari Karima [Verfasser]. "Islamisten im Wandel : Die Islamic Action Front in Jordanien und die An-Nahdha in Tunesien in sich verändernden Kontexten / Karima El Ouazghari." Baden-Baden : Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co. KG, 2014. http://d-nb.info/110761449X/34.

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Ouazghari, Karima el [Verfasser]. "Islamisten im Wandel : Die Islamic Action Front in Jordanien und die An-Nahdha in Tunesien in sich verändernden Kontexten / Karima El Ouazghari." Baden-Baden : Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co. KG, 2014. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:101:1-2016072118469.

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Koprulu, Nur. "Consolidation Of Jordanian National Identity: Rethinking Internal Unrest And External Challenges In Shaping Jordanian Identity And Foreign Policy." Phd thesis, METU, 2007. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/3/12608285/index.pdf.

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This thesis analyzes the impact of two external challenges, the Palestinian dimension and the outbreak of al-Aqsa intifada, and the US war in Iraq in transforming the politics of identity in the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan. The Kingdom of Jordan, created as a part of post-war settlement in 1921, considered as the most &amp<br>#8216<br>artifical&amp<br>#8217<br>among all the states in the Middle East that has been successfully consolidated. Since Jordan was not the ancestral land of Hashemite family, the establishment of the Kingdom of Jordan posited the country at the core of discussions on identity and nation-building. In addition, the identity formation in Jordan offers a case that can easily be found in most parts of the Middle East where multiple sub-state and supra-state identities demarcate and shape the formulation of popular loyalties. Given the historical and political linkage that has closely bound Jordanian and Palestinian entities, Jordanian political history as a separate entity has for the most part coincided with Palestinian national movement. The Palestinian issue has become central to Jordan&amp<br>#8217<br>s politics of identity particularly with Jordan&amp<br>#8217<br>s annexation of the West Bank in 1950 and the incorporation of the Palestinians into Jordanian society. The huge influx of Palestinian community led to the emergence of an &amp<br>#8216<br>ethnic division&amp<br>#8217<br>between the East Bankers (native Jordanians) and the West Bankers (Palestinian origin Jordanians). Since the annexation of the West Bank territories, the Kingdom opted to build a hybrid Jordanian identity to integrate Palestinian descents into Jordan. Jordan has lately caught between two external challenges across its western and eastern borders. The outbreak of the al-Aqsa intifada in 2000 and the US war in Iraq in 2003 have devastatingly transformed Jordan&amp<br>#8217<br>s identity formation. The &amp<br>#8216<br>Jordan First, Arab Second&amp<br>#8217<br>Campaign constitutes regime&amp<br>#8217<br>s primary response to cope with these regional crises. The &amp<br>#8216<br>Jordan First&amp<br>#8217<br>initiative epitomizes a new era in the Kingdom, not only for re-building Jordanian norms and expectations, but also helps to notice the de-liberalizing efforts of the monarchy to contain and demolish any kind of opposition posed by domestic unrest. These two external disturbances will, therefore, help to illustrate that a causal relationship between identity and foreign policy can be drawn in the case of Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan.

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Brooke, Steven Thomas. "Exit, voice, and Islamic activism : organizational fracture and the Egyptian Society of the Muslim Brothers." Thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/ETD-UT-2011-05-3353.

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Under what conditions does the Egyptian Society of the Muslim Brothers (SMB) fracture? The 1996 formation of the Wasat party by a group of former Muslim Brothers has attracted significant scholarly attention, although most studies focus on the ideological differences between the groups. By neglecting the organizational angle these studies are unable to explain why some ideological differences lead to group fracture, and why in the case of the SMB this occurred in 1996 and not before. This paper will argue that the SMB splits when high levels of state repression combine with internal organizational conflict, specifically the lack of stable, consultative internal dispute-resolution mechanisms. Empirical tests charting levels of state repression and SMB internal politics throughout the period 1981-2010, covering variation on the dependent, as well as both independent variables, strengthen the theory.<br>text

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Books on the topic "Islamic Action Front"

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Islamisten im Wandel: Die Islamic Action Front in Jordanien und die An-Nahdha in Tunesien in sich verändernden Kontexten. Nomos, 2014.

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Hamid, Shadi. The Islamic Action Front in Jordan. Oxford University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780195395891.013.036.

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Kirdis, Esen. The Rise of Islamic Political Movements and Parties. Edinburgh University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474450676.001.0001.

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Although regarded as a single community of Islamists, Islamic political movements utilise vastly different means to pursue their goals. This book examines why some Islamic movements facing the same socio-political structures pursue different political paths, while their counterparts in diverse contexts make similar political choices. Based on qualitative fieldwork involving personal interviews with Islamic politicians, journalists, and ideologues – conducted both before and after the Arab Spring – this study draws close comparisons between six Islamic movements in Jordan, Morocco and Turkey. It analyses how some Islamic movements decide to form a political party to run in elections, while their counterparts in the same country reject doing so and instead engage in political activism as a social movement through informal channels. More broadly, this study demonstrates the role of internal factors, ideological priorities and organisational needs in explaining differentiation within Islamic political movements, and discusses its effects on democratisation. In Morocco, this book examines the Movement for Unity and Reform that formed the Party for Justice and Development, and the Justice and Spirituality Movement that eschewed party politics. In Turkey, it examines the National Outlook Movement that is the mother-movement to various Islamic political parties, and the Gülen Movement that has a complicated relationship with incumbent parties. In Jordan, this book examines the Muslim Brotherhood and its political wing the Islamic Action Front Party, and the Quietist Salafis rejecting institutional politics.

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Book chapters on the topic "Islamic Action Front"

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Farhan, Ishaq A. "Islamic Action Front Party." In Modernist and Fundamentalist Debates in Islam. Palgrave Macmillan US, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-09848-1_28.

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Farhan, Ishaq A. "Islamic Action Front Party." In Contemporary Debates in Islam. Palgrave Macmillan US, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-61955-9_28.

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Buttorff, Gail J. "The Islamic Action Front: Between Participation and Boycotts." In Authoritarian Elections and Opposition Groups in the Arab World. Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-92186-0_5.

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Rolandsen, Birgitte Moe. "The Islamic Action Front: Democracy, Islamism and Neo-Fundamentalism." In Fundamentalism in the Modern World. I.B.Tauris, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9780755622696.ch-011.

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"CHAPTER THREE. Islamist Momentum in the Arab World Jordan’s Islamic Action Front and Kuwait’s Islamic Constitutional Movement." In Of Empires and Citizens. Princeton University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9781400845477-007.

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Hiro, Dilip. "Multi-front Cold War between Riyadh and Tehran." In Cold War in the Islamic World. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190944650.003.0013.

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When rebel Houthis, followers of Zaidi Shia code, captured Sanaa in September 2014, and expelled Yemen’s Sunni President Abd Rabbu al Hadi, alarm bells rang in Riyadh. Deputy Crown Prince Muhammad bin Salman led a coalition of friendly states to intervene in the Yemeni civil war in March 2015. This ignited protest by the Shias in Saudi Arabia. Their indignation intensified when, ignoring international appeals for clemency, the Saudi government executed their revered Ayatollah Nimr al Nimr in January 2016. This led to the severance of diplomatic ties between Riyadh and Tehran. In Iraq, whereas Iran dispatched its trained Shia volunteers to fight Islamic Sate in Syria and Iraq (ISIS), Riyadh lent four jet fighters to the Pentagon in Washington’s anti-ISIS campaign. When Riyadh backed Syrian opposition with cash and weapons, Russian President Vladimir Putin sent air force units to Syria, and shored up Assad’s depleted arms arsenal. With Assad’s recapture of Eastern Aleppo, an opposition stronghold, in December 2016, Iran established superiority over Riyadh in Syria. In July 2015, Iran and six major world powers signed an accord on Tehran’s denuclearization program, titled Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA). It won universal approval except by Saudi Arabia and Israel.

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"Challenging the Hashemites: The Muslim Brotherhood and the Islamic Action Front in Jordan." In Religion, Education and Governance in the Middle East. Routledge, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315604992-12.

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Roy, Olivier. "Identity and Values." In Is Europe Christian? Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190099930.003.0008.

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This chapter explores the ‘culture wars’ both in Europe and in the United States. In Europe, ‘values’ have probably never before been mentioned so frequently in discourse and political debates as they have since the 2000s. This trend actually dates to the American ‘culture wars’, which have been going on since the 1970s. The expression ‘culture wars’ denotes the war on values within American society, a war pitting liberal culture, which stands against discrimination and in favour of abortion rights, gun control, and some form of social security, against a ‘Christian right’ led by evangelical Protestants in the southern United States, whose core political issues are the fight against abortion and same-sex marriage, and who oppose gun control, universal health care, immigration, and affirmative action. Things are more complex in Europe because the two fronts do not coincide. In the debate on values, the internal front pits Christian conservatives against secularists of all persuasions, liberals and populists alike; the main issues revolve around abortion and same-sex marriage. The external front, on the other hand, puts the idea of ‘Europe’ in opposition to Islam: the issue is concerned with the cultural antagonism between Muslim immigrants and Europeans and with European societies' fear of becoming ‘Islamized’.

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Saloul, Ihab. "‘Female Martyrdom Operations’." In Martyrdom. Amsterdam University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/9789462988187_ch11.

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Ihab Saloul investigates the phenomenon of ‘female martyrdom operations’ in relation to the issue of women’s agency in society, particularly women’s political participation and gender roles in contemporary Palestinian society. In the context of the conservative social climate promoted by the Islamists through their emphasis on the religious rather than the nationalist dimensions of martyrdom operations, female martyrs had nationalist motivations and aimed at restoring their position as politically active participants in Palestinian society. Three operations in 2002 (Wafa Idris, Dareen Abu Aysheh and Ayat Al Akhras) managed to open up new spaces for women’s participation on the nationalist front and women were indeed accepted as active participants in the military struggle. On a religious level, these three female martyrdom operations represented a significant challenge to the interpreted religious notions of women’s political participation in relation to contemporary Islamic discourse of martyrdom and warfare. A fourth operation (Hanadi Jaradat, 2003) was carried out on behalf of the Islamic Jihad Movement, which justified her operation also from a religious point of view.

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Sidel, John T. "From Thanh Niên to the Indochinese Communist Party (ICP) and the Việt Minh." In Republicanism, Communism, Islam. Cornell University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501755613.003.0011.

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This chapter starts with the introduction of Thanh Niên dissolution as a coherent organization, leaving in its wake a welter of new groupings: an Indochinese Communist Party (ICP), a rival Annamese Communist Party in Cochinchina, and the Annam-based Tân Việt (New Việtnam). The chapter demonstrates the onset, unfolding, and ultimate outcomes of the Việtnamese Revolution, which were shaped by World War II, successive seismic shifts in neighboring China, from the overthrow of the Qing and the warlord era to the rise and fall of the KMT (Kuomintang)-CCP (Chinese Communist Party) United Front, the Japanese invasion and occupation, the civil war, and the establishment of the People's Republic of China. The chapter also highlights the establishment of an armed united front effectively under ICP control but aimed to encompass — or overshadow — a broader array of groups active in southern China, the Việt Nam Độc Lập Đồng Minh (Việtnam Independence League, or Việt Minh). Ultimately, the chapter exemplifies the broader importance of China's role in enabling Việtnamese revolutionary mobilization, from the heyday of Phan Bội Châu through Thanh Niên, and the ICP and the Việt Minh.

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