Journal articles: 'Islamic Coinage'

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Sears, Stuart D. "On Islamic Coinage." Middle East Studies Association Bulletin 34, no. 2 (2000): 200–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002631840004044x.

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Treadwell, Luke. "Qur'anic Inscriptions on the Coins of the ahl al-bayt from the Second to Fourth Century AH." Journal of Qur'anic Studies 14, no. 2 (October 2012): 47–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/jqs.2012.0055.

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This paper asks why early Muslims selected certain Qur'anic passages for inclusion in the legends of their coins. Coinage provides a form of historical documentation which is well suited to the study of the public reception of Qur'anic material because most Islamic coins were dated (either relatively or absolutely) and their place of origin known. This preliminary study begins with the earliest Islamic coinage, concentrating on the epigraphic coinage produced by ʿAbd al-Malik b. Marwān's monetary reforms and the coinage of the ʿAlid pretenders to the caliphate in the ʿAbbāsid period. It discusses the anxieties expressed by some scholars about the exposure of Qur'anic text on coins to contact with persons in a state of ritual impurity. It examines the relationship of the cited texts to their Qur'anic background, proposing an inclusive reading which takes account of the textual, moral and political contexts in which these numismatic legends were used.

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Nixon, Sam, Thilo Rehren, and Maria Filomena Guerra. "New light on the early Islamic West African gold trade: coin moulds from Tadmekka, Mali." Antiquity 85, no. 330 (November 2011): 1353–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00062104.

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Tadmekka, a town at the southern edge of the Sahara desert, has produced good evidence for making gold coins in the ninth–tenth century AD, the first concrete proof of coinage in pre-colonial West Africa. These were produced by melting gold dust or nuggets in ceramic moulds, similar to those used for the first pellet-like coinage of the European Iron Age. The authors suggest these coins were not political statements, but were probably blank and intended to facilitate the busy early Islamic caravan trade to destinations north, south or east. On arrival at the Mediterranean coast, these blank pieces would have been melted down or converted into inscribed coins by the local authorities.

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GRAVE, PETER, ROGER BIRD, and D. T. POTTS. "A Trial PIXE/PIGME analysis of Pre-Islamic Arabian Coinage." Arabian Archaeology and Epigraphy 7, no. 1 (May 1996): 75–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1600-0471.1996.tb00090.x.

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Cizakca, Murat. "The Islamic Gold Dinar – Myths and Reality." ISRA International Journal of Islamic Finance 3, no. 1 (June 15, 2011): 49–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.55188/ijif.v3i1.121.

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Recently, there have been an increasing number of publications and conferences on the re-introduction of the Islamic gold dinar, a coin with pure gold content. The phenomenon could even be construed as a campaign. The proponents of this idea, who are known as denarists and are particularly active in Malaysia, advocate that this country, as well as the whole Islamic world, “urgently” return to the Islamic gold dinar. Their call has gained considerable urgency in view of the latest crisis in the West. But what the denarists are doing is proposing an essentially historical system (coinage was the norm throughout history) without having studied how the system they are proposing actually functioned in history. The main purpose of this article is to fill this vacuum.

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Kennedy, Hugh. "Military pay and the economy of the early Islamic state*." Historical Research 75, no. 188 (May 1, 2002): 155–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2281.00145.

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Abstract This article examines the system of military payment in the early Islamic state (c. 650–900 A.D.) and its effect on the economy. It is argued that early Islamic armies were paid in cash salaries, rather than land grants or kind. This meant that a massive amount of coinage was put into circulation and spent by the soldiers in the markets of the developing towns of the Middle East. The system of military payment played an important part in creating the urban, cash based market economy of the early Islamic world which contrasts so sharply with the land and kind based economies of the contemporary Byzantine empire and Latin West.

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Sears, Stuart D. "Supplement to the Pre-Islamic Coinage of Eastern Arabia. D. T. Potts." Journal of Near Eastern Studies 57, no. 1 (January 1998): 51–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/468604.

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Phillipson, David W. "TRANS-SAHARAN GOLD TRADE AND BYZANTINE COINAGE." Antiquaries Journal 97 (September 2017): 145–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003581517000336.

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It is often argued that northward trade in gold from sub-Saharan West Africa began after the establishment of Islamic control late in the seventh centuryad. This paper questions that conclusion, and suggests that minting at Carthage of the Byzantine gold coins known as globular solidi was related to the acquisition of metal through developing trans-Saharan contacts. Political developments in the late sixth century may have interrupted the supply of gold to Byzantine Carthage; this problem intensified during the following decades when production of globular solidi began. It is suggested that trans-Saharan imports comprised gold that was cast, for export and apparently also for local circulation, at Tadmekka in north-eastern Mali and perhaps elsewhere, into lumps of standardised weight calculated to meet the needs of the Byzantine mint at Carthage. Preliminary archaeometallurgical investigations provide some degree of support for this hypothesis, and further analyses are planned that may identify the sources of the gold minted in seventh-century Carthage. If and when such detail becomes available, it may have major implications for our understanding of the nature and instigation of ancient trans-Saharan connections.

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SOHONI, PUSHKAR. "The Non-issue of Coinage: The Monetary Policies of the Post-Bahmani Sultanates." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 28, no. 4 (September 5, 2018): 645–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186318000214.

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AbstractIn the medieval world of Islamic kingdoms, the Friday sermon in the name of the reigning sultan (khutba) and the striking of coins (sikka) have been thought of as universal declarations of sovereignty. Yet, the sultanates of the Deccan that succeeded the Bahmani kingdom did not strike their own coins for almost a century after they had declared sovereign status. Therefore, two important issues are present here. First, the axiom of sovereign status for Islamic monarchs does have exceptions. Second, the circumstances surrounding the non-issue of coin, by these kingdoms, needs explanation. Similarly, the reasons why they all start to mint their own coins in the last quarter of the sixteenth century is also addressed. Mughal monetary policy is an essential element in this history.

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Meloy, John L. "Islamic History through Coins: An Analysis and Catalogue of Tenth-Century Ikhshidid Coinage." Al-Masāq 23, no. 2 (August 2011): 149–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09503110.2011.580642.

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Kravtsov, Konstantin V. "R.R. Vasmer and His Hand-written Catalogue of Tabarestān drachms." Journal of Persianate Studies 6, no. 1-2 (2013): 143—f. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18747167-12341254.

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Abstract The present article concerns the hand-written catalogue of Tabarestān drachms, composed by the famous Russian orientalist R.R. Vasmer (1888-1938), in the possession of the State Hermitage Museum. The catalogue constitutes an integral part of Vasmer’s hand-written legacy, preserved in the Numismatic Department of the State Hermitage Museum, including 8 volumes of the catalogue of pre-Mongol Islamic coins and 1 volume of the catalogue of Islamic glass weights and stamps The catalogue of Tabarestān drachms (Tabari dirhams) contains detailed descriptions of 129 coins: 23 specimens of which belong to the Dabuyid coinage, and 106 were struck by the ‘Abbasid Governors of Tabarestān. Despite the fact that the catalogue was compiled between 1910 and 1916 it is still unpublished and remains a very important reference for studying the history of Tabarestān’s numismatics, in particular, and early Islamic numismatics, in general.

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Goncharov, E. Yu. "Mirza A. K. Kazembek and Oriental numismatic in Russia." Orientalistica 2, no. 4 (January 16, 2020): 916–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2618-7043-2019-2-4-916-924.

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The article deals with the achievements of A. K. Kazem-bek in the field of Eastern numismatics. It offers updated data on his collection of Eastern coins, provides interesting information about the place of the Eastern numismatics in the Russian University curriculum (the Kazan and St. Petersburg universities). The biography and results achieved by A.K. Kazem-bek are used in the article to discuss some modern and other issues regarding the training of specialists in Islamic coins and coinage.

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SEDOV, A. V., and 'U 'AYDARUS. "The coinage of ancient Hadramawt The Pre-Islamic coins in the al-Mukallâ Museum." Arabian Archaeology and Epigraphy 6, no. 1 (February 1995): 15–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1600-0471.1995.tb00075.x.

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Al-Saaaed, Ziad. "Chemical Analysis of Some Umayyad Dirhems Minted at Wasit." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 42, no. 3 (1999): 351–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568520991208608.

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AbstractThis study deals with the stylistic and chemical analysis of a collection of Umayyad silver coins minted at W®sit in the period between A. H. 90 (A. D. 708) – A. H. 124 (A. D. 741). The stylistic analysis shows that the coins are typical of the post-reform Islamic silver coinage as they were purely Arabic. The x-ray fluorescence results indicate that the coins have a high level of fineness with an average silver content of 94.71%. The results also signify that there had been a clear trend toward the production finer dirhems over time. One may infer a high level of quality control and strict monetary policies adopted by the various govenors of Wasit.

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Pandoman, Agus. "Islamic Financial Infrastructure towards the Establishment of Sharia Central Banks." Formosa Journal of Applied Sciences 1, no. 5 (October 31, 2022): 873–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.55927/fjas.v1i5.1459.

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History notes that America has gotten two giant economic crises both the Great Depression of 1930s and the Financial Crisis of 2008’s. On August 15, 1971 the United States Dollar went down drastically. Without Congressional approval, President Nixon ended the coinage between the United States Dollar and the gold. Consequently the dollar becomes Monopoly Money. After that, the biggest economic boom in history has begun. In 2009, when the economy ran aground, Central Bankers in the world created trillion dollars, yen, pesos, euros and pounds by following a monopoly for bankers.1 The concept has changed to the present time. The distribution of money has become a concept of debt in various forms, including the use of money as a capital instrument. The main contributors to capital in Islamic trade traffic (muamalah) are economic real, not loans (non-loans), actors who direct money used for business capital are concentrated in the form of financing, but after the end of the Gold standard (fiat money), how far the meaning of financing can fulfill justice based on Islamic economics. The concept of the Bank is any camouflage with the money industry, and it is not clear enough, exactly the difference between the Bank and Islamic nuances, because all financial industries are under one container, namely the interest-base central bank. In short, Islamic banking with a financing system, while conventional banking with a loan system. Two different central banks are greatly needed.

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Walmsley, Alan. "Coin Frequencies in Sixth and Seventh Century Palestine and Arabia: Social and Economic Implications." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 42, no. 3 (1999): 326–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568520991208644.

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AbstractLarge scale excavations at the ancient urban sites of Pella and Jarash (Gerasa) in Jordan have produced a statistically viable body of data on coin supply and circulation in Byzantine and early Islamic Palestine and Arabia. A comparison of the copper coins (folles and fractions) recovered at these sites reveals consistent trends, notably a major increase in supply during the reigns of Justin I and especially Justin II. After Justin II (d. 578) there is a marked decline in the supply and circulation of copper coins, even taking into account ß uctuating production levels and quality of folles in the later sixth and seventh centuries. The presence of a greater number of mints suggests no major consignments but only the local circulation of coins. A minor improvement in coinage levels at Pella in the late sixth to early seventh century may re ß ect the growing local strategic importance of the town. Support for this explanation can be seen in the expansion of Pella's Byzantine fort and, soon after, the important battle between the Islamic and Byzantine armies in 635.

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Abolfotoh, Inas S. "Hunting f Factors: An Islamecocritical Analysis of Selected Canadian Hunting Poems." International Journal of English Literature and Social Sciences 7, no. 6 (2022): 254–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.22161/ijels.76.37.

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For food; fur; fat; and fun, humans hunt. The literary analysis of these hunting factors is commonly non-religious being based on secular Ecocriticism. With the coinage of Islamecocriticism (Islamic thought integrated into ecocritical theory), the current study aims at bridging a gap in academia by illustrating the input of Islam concerning hunting through literary criticism. The three angles of Islamecocritical theory: religion, literature, and environmentalism are fused to introduce crucial hunting rulings that govern the relationship between the hunter and the prey. The argument is not based on humans' whims, but it is derived from heavenly wisdom whose goal is the benefit of all creatures. With the development of the discussion, some suggestions and solutions are traced in selected Canadian hunting eco-poems. Though the field of discussion is Canadian, it is intended to be applied to any hunting field.

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Baldassarri, Monica, Gildo de Holanda Cavalcanti, Marco Ferretti, Astrik Gorghinian, Emanuela Grifoni, Stefano Legnaioli, Giulia Lorenzetti, et al. "X-Ray Fluorescence Analysis of XII–XIV Century Italian Gold Coins." Journal of Archaeology 2014 (October 8, 2014): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2014/519218.

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An extensive analytical study has been performed on a large number of gold coins (Norman-Swabian Augustale and Tarì, Grosso of Lucca, Florin of Florence) minted in Italy from the end of XII century to XIV century. The X-ray fluorescence (XRF) technique was used for verifying the composition of the coins. XRF is a nondestructive technique particularly suited for in situ quantitative analysis of gold and minor elements in the precious alloy. The Florins turned out to have a gold content very close to 24 carats (pure gold) although in a couple of cases we observed relatively high concentrations of iron (around 2%) or lead (around 1%). The Grosso of Lucca has a similar composition, with a measured gold content around 97% due to a higher silver percentage (about 2%), with respect to the average Florin. The Augustali analyzed showed, on average, a gold content around 89%. The average gold content of the Tarì analysed is around 72%, with a relatively large variability. The analysis revealed the use of native gold for the coinage of the Florins, excluding the possibility of recycling gold coming from other sources. On the other hand, the variability observed in the compositions of the Tarì and Augustali could suggest the reuse of Islamic and North African gold. The study could shed some light on the sudden diffusion of gold coins in Italy around the first half of XIII century, allowing hypotheses on the provenience of the gold used for a coinage that dominated the economic trades from then on.

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Al Disuqi, Rasha. ""Royall Tyler’s Thee Algerine Captive and the Barbary Orient”." American Journal of Islam and Society 6, no. 2 (December 1, 1989): 376–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v6i2.2691.

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The first problem is constant quotations of distorted Islamic image portrayals,and a one and a half page dialogue without evaluation. If the dialoguedoes anything, it increases hostility between Muslim and non-Muslim withoutproviding a critical Islamic evaluation. Options are: examination of sources,Orientalist roots, Tyler’s erroneous characterization, all with enhancementof Islamic values, correcting the thought process. One option the paper missesis captivity due to piracy- a Western coinage invented to cover up the West’sillegitimate attack of Muslim shores. Historically, the Muslims were on thedefensive from the previous century, when Spain and Portugal raided theirshores and persecuted Moriscos, Moroccans, and Islamic North Africa.America joined later, assuming the Muslims’ guilt. That captivity brings outan awareness of the despotic American slavery system is not the sole valueof Underhill’s experience. That he continues forming erroneous judgementsbased on racial biases is more important. The entire experience provides astroke of Islamic irony. While a Christian fails to judge Islam, Islam’s systemof equality in the eyes of God renders Underhill’s awareness stale, captivitya legend, and blindness of war purpose ignorance. Of course the issue couldbe discussed in more profundity and length. If the Islamic perspective is notbrought out, then, the casual non-Muslim reader may read the paper as anadventure of a romantic nationalist when war was a romantic enterprise. Inthis way, the Islamic thesis is lost. There has to be a definite awareness ofthe historical context of such Orientalist writings. This issue is extremely crucialfor Muslim scholars and sheds light on the purpose of Orientalist works witha political goal. We will not go so far as researching who has created racism,or who has created slavery in the American system, which are equally validpoints for this paper, but we should see the historical milieu of this work.Placement in context helps Muslims understand academic endeavors atmisrepresenting Islam at this point in history.The author’s paper entitled “In Search of the Orient: The Muslim Easton the Contemporary American Literary Scene,’’ published by the InternationalInstitute of Islamic and Arabic Studies is of much hgher quality becauseof covering new ground, although it does not mention an important work bya Muslim scholar, Dr. Layla al-Farsy; “Washington Irving’s Mahomet: A Studyof the Sources.” ...

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Moesgaard, Jens Christian. "Hedeby og den danske kongemagt i 900-tallet – Mønternes udsagn." Kuml 61, no. 61 (October 31, 2012): 111–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/kuml.v61i61.24499.

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Haithabu and the Danish monarchy in the 10th centuryNumismatic evidenceIn the 10th century, Haithabu and its environs constituted a numismatic enclave with its own coinage used by number rather than by weight. This is apparent both from hoards located in the town’s hinterland and single finds from the town itself. In these, local coins – imitations of Charlemagne’s coins from Dorestad – dominate in the form of intact speciments that are neither bent nor tested. At that time in Scandinavia and Baltic area it was the norm to use silver as payment by weight. Ornaments and coins from many different origins were used and these were cut up to give the required weight; the quality of the metal was tested by bending and nicking and pecking. Finds of Islamic dirhams and characteristic balance weights for weighing silver do, however, show that this latter usage of coins also took place in the Schlei area and Haithabu. Unfortunately, it is not possible to determine from the archaeological record whether these two ways of using coins and silver reflect two chronological phases or, alternatively, two coeval parallel spheres of coin usage – one internal with exclusive use of its own coinage and one external with acceptance of silver according to weight, when trading with foreign merchants.Over the past decade, excavations and metal-detector surveys in Haithabu have yielded several speciments of Danish king Harald Bluetooth’s characteristic cross-motif coin from AD 975/980-985/990, which was previously conspicuous by its absence. These new finds show that, in Haithabu, cross-motif coins fulfilled the function of local coinage used by number following cessation of minting of the earlier Carolus-Dorestad imitations. These cross-motif coins must, accordingly, have been struck in Haithabu itself.The distribution of records of cross-motif coins across the rest of Denmark suggests that Harald used this coinage as gifts to his nobles and, accordingly, it symbolises the king. It is not simply happenstance that Christian symbols occupy a prominent position on the coin motif. The coins were used to spread and promote the new religion. Consequently, the king himself must be presumed to have been the issuing power. In turn, this means that the place where the coins were minted – Haithabu – must have been under Danish control at that particular time. So the hypothesis of German rule in Haithabu during the period AD 974-983 is no longer tenable. It also means that the coinage which supplied Haithabu’s well-organised coin economy at that time was under the king’s control. As it is well documented for later periods, the king probably demanded a fee for exchange to this coinage and thereby generated an income.Two small hoards from Nonnebakken in Odense suggest that Harald also controlled coin production in Haithabu prior to AD 975/980. These consist largely of Carolus-Dorestad imitations minted in Haithabu, and their find circumstances suggest that they could represent royal payments in connection with construction of the ring fortress. However, this hypothesis builds on a flimsy foundation. Hopefully, new finds will allow it to be confirmed or refuted. At that time, the minting of Carolus-Dorestad imitations was in a lamentable state both technically and in terms of weight, and Harald’s introduction of the cross-motif coin can be perceived as a reform with the intention of re-establishing the good standard.The sources do not permit us to ascertain whether coinage in Haithabu prior to the 10th century was under the control of the king or the merchants. As mentioned above, the coins were used by Haithabu’s merchants in the town’s well-organised coin economy. There are historical parallels to both the town producing its own coins and to royal control, making it difficult to choose between the two possibilities. The coins found their way to other parts of Denmark but did not achieve a dominant status until around AD 975. The archaeological record also shows that they were simply used here in the same way as any other type of coin in the predominant metal-weight economy. Consequently, the Danish monarchy probably did not favour their overall distribution at this time.Jens Christian MoesgårdNationalmuseet

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Blake, Stephen P. "ŞEVKET PAMUK, A Monetary History of the Ottoman Empire, Cambridge Studies in Islamic Civilization (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000). Pp. 301. $69.95 cloth." International Journal of Middle East Studies 34, no. 1 (February 2002): 134–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743802231062.

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The title of Şevket Pamuk's book is misleading. Far from restricting himself to monetary phenomena—interest rates, coinage, inflation, and availability of specie—the author has chosen to cast his study of money during the Ottoman period (1300–1918) in the widest possible terms. Viewing some of the crucial issues of Ottoman economic and political history through a monetary lens has produced new and interesting insights—in some cases, the result is a revision of old arguments—but on other matters, Pamuk has produced provocative new hypotheses. Furthermore, the book offers a timely addition to the rapidly developing field of global history. Although most of Pamuk's comparative remarks relate to early modern Europe, his study establishes a benchmark against which the analyses of monetary and economic phenomena in the other two early modern Middle Eastern states—the Mughal and the Safavid—can be measured.

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Roza, Veni. "Translingual Negotiation Strategies Used by English Students to Build Classroom Interaction in a Translation Class." Lingua Cultura 13, no. 1 (February 20, 2019): 21. http://dx.doi.org/10.21512/lc.v13i1.5214.

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This research aimed at revealing what kind of translingual strategies that were practiced by the sixth-semester students to build interaction in the translation class. This qualitative research conducted through observing students’ interaction in translation class (using English, bahasa Indonesia, and Minangkabau languages). The researcher finds that four macro strategies proposed by Canagarajah (2013): envoicing, recontextualization, interactional, and entextualization strategies are consciously used by students during communication. Envoicing strategies are used by way of word coinage, foreignization, as well as code switching and code mixing dominantly by students while asking and clarifying information. Recontextualization strategies are done through the use of the feature of linguistic form such formulaic Islamic greeting in Arabic preceding the talk. Interactional strategies used are confirmation check, check, clarification request, and recast. Interestingly more competent students use simplification in communication, and less competent speakers use leveling as entextualizationstrategies. The use of these strategies in speaking helps students (as speakers) to establish classroom interaction.

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Chiarantini, L., and M. Benvenuti. "The Evolution of Pre-Islamic South Arabian Coinage: A Metallurgical Analysis of Coins Excavated InSumhuram(Khor-Rori, Sultanate of Oman)." Archaeometry 56, no. 4 (May 26, 2013): 625–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/arcm.12036.

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Allouch, A., K. Hmina, F. Benyaich, A. Ben-Ncer, and A. Chaabane. "Physico-Chemical and Numismatic Study of Moroccan Silver Coins from the Almohad Dynasty (XII to XIII Century)." Journal of Hunan University Natural Sciences 49, no. 12 (December 30, 2022): 11–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.55463/issn.1674-2974.49.12.2.

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This study obtains information on the constitution of the coinage alloy and the elements of contamination on the surface of archaeological objects. Thus, this work consists of physico-chemical characterization of old coins by MEB coupled with the EDS of 36 Almohade’s dynasty Islamic coins (XII-XIII century). In addition to the physico-chemical analysis of which the data are treated using tools statistical mathematics with the help of software SPSS, the parts being studied were the subject of a historical and numismatic analysis. The results of this work conclude that these silver coins contain: Ag, C, Cu, Mg, O, Si, Al, Au, Cl, Sr, S, Pb and Fe. The analysis also made it possible to dissociate the elements belonging to the original alloy from those, which are not. So we can say that the elements that come primarily from silver-bearing alloys of origin are Ag, C, Cu, Mg, Au, S, Pb and Fe. The other elements are due to different phenomena (corrosion, contamination etc). Let us recall, finally, that in most cases, we notice that a good amount of numismatic, historical, archaeological and mining data is confirmed by the results of the physico-chemical characterization. The novelty of this work lies in the fact that the results can, among other things, be used for improving the methods and techniques of conservation and restoration of these archaeological objects and their development.

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Crafter, Timothy. "Islamic History Through Coins: An Analysis and Catalogue of Tenth-Century Ikhshidid Coinage. By Jere L. Bacharach. pp. xix, 188. Cairo, The American University in Cairo Press, 2006." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain & Ireland 21, no. 2 (April 2011): 213–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186311000095.

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Foss, Clive. "The coinage of the first century of Islam - STEPHEN ALBUM and TONY GOODWIN, SYLLOGE OF ISLAMIC COINS IN THE ASHMOLEAN MUSEUM volume 1: THE PRE-REFORM COINAGE OF THE EARLY ISLAMIC PERIOD (Ashmolean Museum, Oxford 2002; distributed by Spink and Son Ltd., London), ix + 121 pp., 47 pls. of coins (742 specimens) with facing catalogue, 2 maps. ISBN 1 85444 173 6. £60." Journal of Roman Archaeology 16 (2003): 748–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1047759400013799.

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Shatzmiller, Maya. "The Economic History of the Medieval Middle East: Strengths, Weaknesses, and the Challenges Ahead." International Journal of Middle East Studies 44, no. 3 (July 26, 2012): 529–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743812000463.

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One may say that our field has had a respectable crop of scholars engaged in research and numerous important publications to its credit. Past investigations of the agricultural sector have included excellent coverage of taxation systems and tax rates, good coverage of cultivation methods and crops, not very thorough coverage of landholding patterns, and almost no studies of productivity rates. For the manufacturing sector we have very good coverage of manufacturing techniques and good coverage of labor organization and division of labor but little on the productivity rates of individual sectors such as textiles, on apprenticeship and wages for either skilled or unskilled labor, or on the relationship of wages to prices. We have important studies on both regional and long-distance trade and commerce, including on routes and trade-related institutions and on tools of trade such as credit and investment partnerships (qirād/commenda), and related studies regarding urbanization, exchange, and markets. The auxiliary fields of numismatics and archeology have yielded important studies on coinage and minting and on settlement patterns that are likely to improve our grasp of the economic history of the medieval Middle East. We also have at our disposal volumes of statistical data, collected from literary and documentary sources, on prices, wages, commodities, weights, measures, and coins. Several online projects scrutinizing data from primary sources, mainly papyri and Geniza documents, yield more figures, though mostly on the economic history of early Islamic societies. Among the lacunae are studies related to topics such as economic institutions, property rights, standards of living and inequality, GDP estimations, sector productivity, market integration, exogenous shocks, and economic growth.

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Arifin, Syamsul, Syafiq A. Mughni, and Moh Nurhakim. "The Idea of Progress: Meaning and Implications of Islam Berkemajuan in Muhammadiyah." Al-Jami'ah: Journal of Islamic Studies 60, no. 2 (December 19, 2022): 547–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/ajis.2022.602.547-584.

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Muhammadiyah is an Islamic religious organization founded in 1912 that has survived for more than a century in Indonesia. The survival and dynamic development of Muhammadiyah has inspired exploratory studies revealing the concomitant factors behind the proliferation of Muhammadiyah, one of which is the idea of Islam Berkemajuan (progressive Islam). This study relies mostly on the official documents and individual works published before and after the coinage of the terminology in the early 2000s. This study approaches the subject by systematically and critically constructing the historical and theological perspectives. This research shows that Islam Berkemajuan finds its roots in progressivice Islamic discourse among Muslim intellectuals and activists in early twentieth-century Indonesia. The idea of progress then serves as an intellectual response to social, political, and economic plight of Indonesians under Dutch colonial rule. In addition, the idea of progress is also particularly found in the discourse among inner circles of Muhammadiyah to advance the position of Muslims. Islam Berkemajuan was founded on theological grounds. In this, the teaching of Ahmad Dahlan on surah al-‘Ashr and surah al-Ma’un has become a strong inspiration behind Muhammadiyah’s commitment to using religious and rational understanding in teaching and action, developing education, health services, economic development, empowerment, philanthropy, and humanitarian action. [Muhammadiyah adalah organisasi keislaman di Indonesia yang berdiri sejak 1912 dan telah bertahan lebih dari seabad. Keberlangsungan dan dinamika perkembangan Muhammadiyah telah menginspirasi kajian eksploratif yang mencerahkan seiring faktor dakwah Muhammadiyah, salah satunya ide tentang Islam Berkemajuan. Tulisan ini sebagian besar berdasar dokumen resmi lembaga dan publikasi personal tentang Muhammadiyah baik sebelum dan sesudah terminologi ini muncul di awal tahun 2000an. Tulisan ini menggunakan pendekatan sistematis dan konstruktif kritis pada perspektif sejarah dan teologis organisasi ini. Tulisan ini ingin menunjukkan bahwa Islam Berkemajuan berakar pada progresifitas diskursus keislaman diantara intelektual dan aktivis muslim Indonesia awal abad 20. Ide kemajuan kemudian berkembang sebagai respon intelektual terhadap memburuknya sosial, ekonomi dan politik Indonesia dimasa kolonial Belanda. Ide kemajuan juga sebagian berkembang dilingkungan internal Muhammadiyah untuk mendorong posisi muslim Indonesia. Islam berkemajuan juga mempunyai landasan teologisnya dalam ajaran Ahmad Dahlan terkait surah al-‘Ashr dan surah al-Ma’un. Hal ini menjadi inspirasi kuat selain komitmen Muhammadiyah menggunakan agama dan pemahaman rasional dalam ajaran dan aksi, pengembangan pendidikan, pelayanan kesehatan, kesejahteraan ekonomi, pemberdayaan, filantropi dan aksi kemanusiaan.]

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Elayi, J. "D. T. Potts: The pre-Islamic coinage of Eastern Arabia. With an appendix by Rémy Boucharlat and Monique Drieux. (CNI Publications, no. 14.) 119 pp. Copenhagen: Museum Tusculanum Press, 1991. DKr. 370." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 56, no. 2 (June 1993): 357–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x00005589.

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Pirhayati, Mehrnoosh. "A Parallel Corpus-Based Study of Collocations from English to Persian: Criticism, and Resolution." Edulitics (Education, Literature, and Linguistics) Journal 6, no. 2 (December 31, 2021): 47–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.52166/edulitics.v6i2.2488.

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Since, translation was known and identified as a science, by James. S. Holmes in 1994, under the title of “Translation Studies”, its cruciality was revealed and so, more was taken into account by the scholars of this field. Based on him, translation is not just the act of converting words by considering the token of equivalence, but the action that different factors such as, politics, religion, culture, and the like can affect and control it. In fact, from one context to another context, such these meta-textual factors can be different in comparison to each other, or even can be completely in contrast with each other, and consequently can be the causes of particular production as the original text and its translation that can be regarded as it has differences or it is completely different to its original. On the other hand, collocations, as the items that are frequently brought together, are more in the danger of mistranslation. In this regard, this research as comparative, critical, and qualitative corpus-based study was stablished, in order to explore the bad Persian translations performed on the English collocational items, based on the factors of biasness, ideology and power, lack of the skill of coinage, lack of the knowledge of translation strategies like, calque, superficial translation, transliteration, etc…, lack of the knowledge of source/target collocational item/lack of the knowledge of source/target linguistic norm, and lack of target linguistics knowledge, and to present resolutions. To do so, different English materials from different fields were gathered which can be categorized into general English language (GEL), medicine, law, economics and commerce, politics and news, literature, religion, sport, advertisement, engineering, and art, which were translated after the Islamic revolution of Iran. This study benefited from Pirhayati’s (2019) model of TQA and TC and frameworks, and also considered Wouden’s (2004) definition of collocation and Lewis’s (2000) categories of collocational items. Those who may benefit from this research are translation students, translators, and the scholars of TS and language.

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Khromov, Kostiantyn. "One of the ‘New City’ (Shahr Al-Jadid) Copper Coin Types: Reading the Obverse Legend." Ukraina Lithuanica. Studìï z ìstorìï Velikogo knâzìvstva Litovsʹkogo 2021, no. 6 (October 12, 2021): 101–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/ul2021.06.101.

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The article deals with two particular topics of Juchid numismatics. The author examines the legend written in Arabic letters on the obverse of copper coins struck at Shahr al-Jadid, a town once located on the site of nowadays’ Old Orhei settlement (Moldova). Researchers use to attribute the coinage of this type to the final stage of Juchid presence in the region (second half of the 1360s). Silver coins of that period, save for the latest issues (AH 769–770), bear the name of Khan ʿAbd Allah (1363–1370). As for copper coins, all belonging to the same undated type, those were long considered anonymous. Early in the 2000s the Romanian numismatist Eugen Nicolae suggested to see on them the Turkic name ﻗﺘﻠﻐﺒﻮﻏﺎ Kutluğboğa, implying certain graphic errors in the coin inscriptions. On the basis of written sources researchers use to associate this name with one of the Juchid Khan’s regional governors, a dignitary who took part in negotiations with Venice in the middle of 1340–1350 and later also in the battle against the Lithuanian prince Olgerd’s army at Sinie Vody (‘Blue Waters’) in 1362. Two completely different reading versions of the same coin inscription have induced the author to carry out a study aimed at clarifying the real spelling and translation of the obverse legend. In the course of joint work with colleagues (Vladimir Nastich), the author has come to the conclusion that Eugen Nicolae’s reading of the obverse legend on the copper coins in question is critically erroneous and the proposed reading of the legend as the name Kutluğboğa is impossible, which is confirmed by a detailed analysis of the arabographic legend, accompanying with high quality photos of clearer samples. The author has succeeded to reaffirm the reading of the legend proposed by Svetlana Yanina in 1977. Vladimir Nastich offered a refined translation of the cited expression as “glorious [is] who is moderate”. Other types of Juchid copper coins of the late 14th century containing the same legend were also found. A similar dictum was detected as part of a more complete saying on a copper coin of the Qajar dynasty (Rasht, AH 1229 / 1813–1814 [Zeno numismatic database, #9077]). All this has led the author to transferring his search from numismatics to Islamic texts. As a result, the cited saying has been found among the Hadith ascribed to Prophet Muhammad. Spelling, transcription and translation of the expression look like this: ﻋﺰ ﻣﻦ ﻗﻨﻊ ﻭذل ﻣﻦ طمع ʿazza man qanaʿa wa-d̠alla man ṭamaʿa “glorious [is] who is moderate, and despicable [is] who is greedy”. The result of the described work can be outlined in several paragraphs: The legend on the ‘New City’ copper coin obverse is not Turkic as per Eugen Nicolae, just Arabic. Instead of whatever name, it contains the first part of the saying ﻋﺰ ﻣﻦ ﻗﻨﻊ ʿazza man qanaʿa “glorious [is] who is moderate”. The cited saying is present within the set of Hadith allegedly uttered by Prophet Muhammad. Thus, the question of correctness of its reading and translation can be considered settled and closed. The text of Hadith has been fixed on a Juchid coin for the first time. The use of part of the Hadith in the design of a mass coin issued in Eastern Europe before the withdrawal of the Juchids requires special attention and further study. The article should be interesting to historians and numismatists studying the history of Juchi Ulus, the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, the earliest history of the Moldavian principality, Islamic numismatics, and also to all those who are curious about the given topic.

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Attya, Othman, and Hanan Abdel Fattah Motawea. "التأثیرات المملوکیة علی النقود الإسلامیة فی الهند" إسلوب الطُغراء نموذجاً " "Mamluk Impacts on Islamic Coinages In India" Tughra { Style is a model}." Conference Book of the General Union of Arab Archeologists 21, no. 21 (October 1, 2019): 550–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.21608/cguaa.2019.55697.

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Woods, David. "The 7th-c. Islamic coinages of Syria and Egypt in their historical contexts - CLIVE FOSS, ARAB-BYZANTINE COINS: AN INTRODUCTION, WITH A CATALOGUE OF THE DUMBARTON OAKS COLLECTION (Dumbarton Oaks Byzantine Collection Publications 12; Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection, Washington, D.C.2008). Pp. xiv + 189, figs. 541, 4 maps. ISBN 978-0-88402-318-0. $29.95." Journal of Roman Archaeology 24 (2011): 887–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1047759400004244.

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Хомутов, В. С. "Christian Arabic Coinage during the Seventh Crusade." Istoricheskii vestnik, no. 31(2020) (June 1, 2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.35549/hr.2020.2020.31.009.

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Аннотация Статья знакомит читателя с феноменом христианских арабоязычных монет, отчеканенных крестоносцами в Леванте. Описывает основные типы и историю появления латинских имитаций дирхемов и динаров династии Фатимидов и Айюбидов. Рассказывает о появлении оригинальных монет крестоносцев, выполненных в виде подражаний арабским, но содержащих христианскую легенду, изображение Креста и датировку от Рождества Христова. В статье освящается роль папы римского в денежной реформе Иерусалимского королевства 1251 года. Через чеканку арабоязычных монет рассматривается история столкновения и взаимопроникновения латинской и исламской культур на Ближнем Востоке эпохи крестовых походов. Abstract The article introduces the reader to the phenomenon of Christian Arabic coinage, minted by the Crusaders in the Levant. The author gives a thorough description of the types and origins of Latin imitations of Fatimid and Ayyubid dirhams and dinars. Moreover, the article examines the appearance of original Crusader coinage, which seemingly were imitations of Islamic coins, but contained a Christian legend, an image of the Cross and were dated with the year of Our Lord (Anno Domini). Also, the role of the Pope of Rome in the 1251 Kingdom of Jerusalem’s monetary reform will be analyzed. Through the mint of Arabic coinage, we can get a glimpse at another angle of the collision and mutual cultural influence of the Latin and Islamic worlds in the Middle East during the Crusades.

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Bates, Michael L., and Mehdy Shaddel. "Note on a peculiar Arab-Sasanian coinage of Ibn al-Ashʿath." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, February 9, 2022, 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186321000778.

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Abstract The present note offers a new, and hopefully more nuanced, reading for a cryptic marginal legend on an issue of the Umayyad-era rebel ʿAbd al-Raḥmān ibn al-Ashʿath (d. circa 85 ah/704 ce). Comparing this legend with several marginal legends of like character, and contextualising the formulae within contemporary religious idiom as expressed in late ancient Arabic-Islamic epigraphy, it is argued that all these legends contain proper nouns invariably belonging to the issuing authority, in conjunction with invocations addressed to God, in an attempt to establish a hierarchic relationship between the two. Drawing on literary sources, it is then demonstrated that the legend of the Ibn al-Ashʿath issue does indeed mention the name of an individual, the local governor, Kharasha ibn Masʿūd ibn Wathīma, a new name in the repertoire of governors known through Arab-Sasanian coinage. Based on these results, a case for further reliance on literary, epigraphic, papyrological, and other forms of evidence in the study of numismatics is made. A new chronology, based on numismatic evidence, for Ibn al-Ashʿath's rebellion is also proposed.

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Rodríguez Domingo, José Manuel. "Neomudéjar versus neomusulmán : definición y concepción del medievalismo islámico en España." Espacio Tiempo y Forma. Serie VII, Historia del Arte, no. 12 (January 1, 1999). http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/etfvii.12.1999.2348.

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La definición terminológica es, sin duda, la cuestión pendiente de la historiografía respecto a la arquitectura decimonónica. Tales carencias vienen a demostrar la estrecha dependencia con la escuela anglosajona, dado que episodios de tan escasa introducción en Gran Bretaña como el medievalismo islámico han sido literalmente obviados. Esta ausencia de autoridad foránea y la creciente línea de estudios dedicados al «islamic revival" ha ahondado en calificaciones erróneas que arrancan de 1900, cuando el calificativo de «árabe» aplicado a cualquier edificio orientalista fue sustituido interesadamente por el de «mudejar», derivándose de este modo hacia la confusa aplicación del término «neomudéjar» para lo que en cualquier caso es ante todo neomusulmán.Terminological definitions are, without a doubt, the permanently unresolved issue of historical research regarding Ninettenth Century architecture. Such scant research reflects the dependence on the Anglo-Saxon School because the limited available literature on Islamic Medieval studies in Great Britain has been literally overlooked. The absence of foreing authority in addition to the increasing literature on «Islamic revival» has lead to a further misuse of accurate terminology. This dates back to 1900, when the term «Arabic» —applied to any oriental building— was deliberately replaced by the term «Mudejar». This new coinage has lead to the incorrect application of the term «Neo-Mudéjar» with reference to what really is «Neo-Islamic».

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PALABIYIK, Mustafa Serdar. "A Genealogy of the Concept of Civilization (Medeniyet) in Ottoman Political Thought: A Homegrown Perception?" All Azimuth: A Journal of Foreign Policy and Peace, September 29, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.20991/allazimuth.1177305.

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Since the first translation of the concept of civilization into Turkish as “medeniyet” in 1837 by Sadık Rıfat Pasha, the then Ottoman Ambassador to Vienna, this coinage has turned out to be an essential component of Turkish modernization. This paper aims to establish a genealogy of the concept of “medeniyet” to demonstrate the divergences of Ottoman perceptions in different periods throughout the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. It argues that civilization was first perceived by a group of Ottoman intellectuals as a tool to reach an ideal state of being (c. 1840-1860). The next generation of Ottoman intellectuals (c. 1860-1890) defined civilization as “the” ideal state of being, yet they had different views on the concept, particularly concerning the distinction between material and moral elements of civilization. Finally, the third generation of Ottoman intellectuals (c. 1890-1920), whose thoughts were more or less crystallized under three broad political currents labeled as Westernism, Islamism, and Turkism, had different and sometimes contradicting perceptions of civilization based on their political outlooks. By referring to the writings of these intellectuals, the paper will discuss central debates on civilization in the late Ottoman Empire, such as the singularity/plurality of civilization(s), the existence of Islamic civilization as an alternative to European civilization, the degree of importing from European civilization, and the distinction between culture and civilization. Moreover, it argues that the Turkish perception of “medeniyet” is different from the European perception of “civilization”; in other words, while the Ottoman perception of the concept of civilization is not homeborn, it is homegrown. Accordingly, Ottoman intellectuals not only divided the material and moral elements of civilization and opted for importing the former, but they also questioned the singularity and supremacy of European civilization by referring to “Islamic civilization” either as an extinct yet once-present form of civilization or as a potential rival to European civilization.

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Akopyan, Alexander V., and Farbod Mosanef. "Between Jūjīds and Jalāyirids: the Coinage of the Chopānids, Akhījūq and their Contemporaries, 754–759/1353–1358." Der Islam 92, no. 1 (January 30, 2015). http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/islam-2015-0008.

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AbstractCoins of the Chopānid Ḥusayn struck in 740/1339–40, and of the Īlkhāns, Jūjīds, the Chopānid Ashraf and Akhījūq, struck in the last years of the Īlkhānate (754–9/1353–8) in the South Caucasus and Iran, constitute a historical source for an area little covered by the chronicles of the time. This article focuses on the anonymous coinage of 740/1339–40 struck in Shīrāz and commissioned by the Chopānid Ḥusayn or the Īnjūid Masʿūd Shāh, four coin types of the Chopānid Ashraf (struck with his name in 754–7/1353–6, and anonymously with the laqab “

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Bacharach, Jere L., and Sherif Anwar. "Early Versions of the shahāda: A Tombstone from Aswan of 71 A.H., the Dome of the Rock, and Contemporary Coinage." Der Islam 89, no. 1-2 (January 2012). http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/islam-2012-0003.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Islamic Coinage'

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