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Journal articles on the topic 'Islamic Conquest'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 12 February 2022

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1

Subagio, Mukhamad Hadi Musolin, and Rido Uwais Hasan Surur. "Al-Tāsāmuḥ al-Islāmī fī al-Futūḥāt al-Islāmiyyah; Fatḥ Miṣr Namūdzaj." Jurnal Ilmiah Islam Futura 20, no. 2 (August 19, 2020): 135. http://dx.doi.org/10.22373/jiif.v20i2.5808.

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The story of the Islamic conquest of Egypt is one of the most exciting episodes of Egyptian history. Not because of the events and battles that accompanied the conquest, but rather because of the enormous effects and developments that have resulted in the history of Egypt and its people in terms of religion, language, culture, etc. As for the march of conquest, the conduct of armies, and the war against the soldiers, they were subjected to many statements by historians, and there were conflicting reports about the conquest of Egypt, and was this conquest reconciled with a covenant, or by force? The way Egypt was conquered went in a way that contrasts with its conquests in the City of Shams and others. Also, the march of opening Egypt was subjected to multiple suspicions and myths that have no basis, some were able to attach to the history of the Islamic conquests of Egypt, but Allah defended the conquests through the writings of Muslim and non-Muslim scholars. This paper comes to reveal aspects of greatness in Islamic tolerance with the Christians of Egypt, which was their main reason for converting to Islam. This study used the historical, critical and analytical method to present facts and discuss ideas. Among the most important results: the proof of tolerance in theory and in reality concerning the conquest of Egypt, the conversion of Egyptians to Islam because of its grace and ease, and rejecting the myth of the march of the Islamic conquest of Egypt from the beginning to the end.

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Clari Hidalgo, Pablo. "Els castells de Corbera i de Cullera: de hisn musulmà a castrum cristià." SCRIPTA. Revista Internacional de Literatura i Cultura Medieval i Moderna 12 (December 21, 2018): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.7203/scripta.12.13662.

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Resum: Durant l’època islàmica i els primers anys després de la conquesta, els castells, dins del territori valencià, van ser un dels elements més importants pel que fa a la vertebració de la societat valenciana. Al present treball anem a analitzar l’evolució de dos castells valencians, que encara que ambdós és troben pròxims, esdevenen dues versions diferents una vegada la conquesta va ser una realitat. Aquets són el castell de Corbera i Cullera. Ambdues construccions tenen un origen islàmic i per tant la seua funció original és similar protegir els habitants dels voltants, encara que després de la conquesta cadascun d’ells viurà un destí diferent marcat, en aquest cas, per la seua ubicació, o menys o més estratègica..Paraules clau: castell, conquesta, fortificació, Cullera, CorberaAbstract: During the Islamic period and the first years after the conquest, the valencian’s castles, were one of the most important elements regarding the vertebration of the valencian society. On the current academic paper, we are going to analyze the evolution of two valencian castles, even though both of them are close to each other. They become different versions, once the conquest became a reality. These are the castles of Corbera and Cullera. Both constructions have an Islamic origin and because of that their original function is similar, even thought, after the conquest everyone of them will live a different destiny, marked in this case, by their more or less strategic location.Keywords: castle, conquest, fortification, Cullera, Corbera

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3

Paizin, Harel Bayu. "REINTERPRETASI HADIS PENAKLUKAN KONSTANTINOPEL PERSPEKTIF FAZLUR RAHMAN." Al-Bukhari : Jurnal Ilmu Hadis 3, no. 1 (June 24, 2020): 56–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.32505/al-bukhari.v3i1.1507.

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This paper discusses the criticism conveyed by Rahman on the understanding of hadith that has been developed in the midst of Islamic societies regarding the hadith about the conquest of Constantinople, where so far the hadith about the conquest of Constantinople is believed to be the main driver of Islamic commanders to conquer Constantinople. But Fazlur Rahman denied it by stating that the hadith was a hadith that emerge during the period of defamation which was used by certain groups to support their ambitions. To support his suspicion, Rahman offers a methodology called the theory of historicity, where each hadith must be seen first in terms of the history that follows it. The results obtained from the hadith about the conquest caused a shift in understanding that had been believed by Muslims that the conquest of Constantinople was inspired by the hadith that was revealed by the Prophet Muhammad.

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4

Robinson, Chase F. "Slavery in the Conquest Period." International Journal of Middle East Studies 49, no. 1 (January 20, 2017): 158–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743816001227.

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Abu ʿUbayda (d. 825) was amawlā(client) of Jewish descent who wrote prolifically about history, religion, and culture. As such, he exemplifies the well-known feature of early Islamic learning that is the Abbasid-eramawlāscholar. His grandfather was a freeborn convert, rather than the more common manumitted slave, and it happens that the grandfather's patron—his sponsor, as it were, for admission into Islamic society—was a slave trader named ʿUbayd Allah b. Maʿmar (d. ca. 665). And ʿUbayd Allah b. Maʿmar, on a conservative estimate, had purchased hundreds of slaves from ʿUmar b. al-Khattab, the caliph who, before his assassination by a slave, had presided over the explosive early phases of the Islamic conquests.

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5

YÄ±lmaz, Dr Mustafa Selim. "The Comprehension of the Concept of Fath (Conquest) In the Light of Fath Al-Makkah." JOURNAL OF SOCIAL SCIENCE RESEARCH 4, no. 1 (May 28, 2014): 408–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.24297/jssr.v4i1.6426.

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Islam is the unique religion that calls itself peace. It also creates its concepts based on this name. Ironically, some various intellectual, religious and political groups are struggling to misinterpret Islam, which has such a deep-rooted peaceful background, and its concepts like jihad and fath (conquest) as it is the religion of war and point it out to be violent in every way in the global public opinion. In this article, it is tried to evaluate the concept of fath with the example of the Conquest of Makkah and interpret it faithful to its original. This example is peculiarly preferred because of that it is the beginning and the model of Islamic conquests. Furthermore, the main goal is frankly to protect human dignity in this example.

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6

Burshatin, Israel. "Narratives of the Islamic conquest from medieval Spain." Journal of Spanish Cultural Studies 18, no. 2 (March 30, 2017): 213–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14636204.2017.1308624.

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7

Kamali, Maryam. "Mongols and the Islamic World, from Conquest to Conversion." Canadian Journal of History 53, no. 3 (December 2018): 592–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cjh.ach.53.3.br39.

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García-Sanjuán, Alejandro. "Denying the Islamic conquest of Iberia: A historiographical fraud." Journal of Medieval Iberian Studies 11, no. 3 (April 4, 2019): 306–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17546559.2019.1601753.

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9

Simonsohn, Uriel. "The Christians Whose Force is Hard: Non-Ecclesiastical Judicial Authorities in the Early Islamic Period." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 53, no. 4 (2010): 579–620. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852010x529123.

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AbstractThis paper examines the context in which church leaders in the regions of Mesopotamia and the Fertile Crescent, during the first few centuries after the Arab conquest, were objecting to the appeal of the their coreligionists to judicial authorities outside ecclesiastical control. Rather than assuming that from the outset of the Islamic conquest Muslim judges served as immediate judicial alternatives, the paper shows that, at least in the early Islamic period, church leaders were often aiming their exhortations towards Christians who sought the authority of other Christian figures from outside ecclesiastical jurisdiction.

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al-Din Yousefi, Najm. "Confusion and Consent: Land Tax (Kharāj) and the Construction of Judicial Authority in the Early Islamic Empire (ca. 12–183 A.H./634–800 C.E.)." Sociology of Islam 7, no. 2-3 (September 23, 2019): 93–131. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22131418-00702004.

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This essay examines the Islamic land tax (kharāj) during the first wave of the Arab conquests (ca. 12–24/633–50) and the following century and a half. Highlighting the confused state of land tax and landholding, it argues that Sunni jurists incorporated land tax into Islamic law despite the lack of Qurʾānic injunctions and prophetic tradition. In doing so, they drew upon Qurʾānic concepts such as fay’ and ghanīma while reinterpreting a vast body of conquest narratives and traditions that helped present land tax as a bona fide Islamic practice. A major outcome of this juristic discourse of public finance was the recognition of the ruler’s right to discretionary taxation. Just as the jurists emphasized justice and equitable application of tax laws, they also enabled the government to enjoy a wide latitude in its fiscal management without legal backlash. It further allowed the jurists to speak for God and His Prophet.

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Gilat, Israel Zvi, and Amal Mohammad Jabareen. "THE EFFECT OF MILITARY CONQUEST ON PRIVATE OWNERSHIP IN JEWISH AND ISLAMIC LAW." Journal of Law and Religion 31, no. 2 (July 2016): 227–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jlr.2016.22.

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AbstractThis article presents the legal outlooks of two fundamental religious judicial systems—the halakha of Judaism and the shari'a of Islam—on the effect of war on private ownership. Specifically, we address the situation in which the conquered inhabitants are Jews or Muslims and halakha or shari'a are the legal systems of their religions, respectively, but the conqueror is a nonbeliever or secular sovereign. Such situations evoke the following questions: To what extent the transfer of ownership by the conquering sovereign is recognized by the religious laws of the conquered population? May a member of the conquered religion acquire property that was seized by the nonbeliever sovereign from a member of the conquered religion? Is transfer of ownership by virtue of conquest permanent or reversible, so once the conquest ends, ownership reverts to the pre-conquest owner? Various approaches to those questions within each of two religious legal systems are presented. Some of the similarities and the differences between halakha and shari'a are pointed out.

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Nickel, Gordon. "Conquest and Controversy: Intertwined Themes in the Islamic Interpretive Tradition." Numen 58, no. 2-3 (2011): 232–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852711x562308.

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13

Morton, Nicholas. "The Mongols and the Islamic World: From Conquest to Conversion." Al-Masāq 30, no. 1 (January 2, 2018): 125–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09503110.2018.1426695.

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Gasc, Sébastien. "Numismatics data about the Islamic conquest of the Iberian Peninsula." Journal of Medieval Iberian Studies 11, no. 3 (April 23, 2019): 342–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17546559.2019.1607973.

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15

ROBINSON, CHASE F. "The conquest of Khu¯zista¯n: a historiographical reassessment." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 67, no. 1 (February 2004): 14–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x04000023.

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The ‘appendix’ to a mid- to late seventh-century East Syriac history includes a detailed account of the conquest of Khu¯zista¯n by Muslim armies between c. 635 and 642. This article translates this section of the ‘appendix’ (along with another dealing with the conquest of Egypt), subjects it to detailed analysis and criticism, and compares it with Arabic accounts of the conquest of Khu¯zista¯n that survive in the much later historical and legal traditions. The results of this exercise—using an early and local source to control the Islamic tradition—is in some measure mixed, but some striking agreement suggests that the transmission of conquest history in early Islam was not as discontinuous as has been previously argued.

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AVNI, GIDEON. "“From Polis to Madina” Revisited – Urban Change in Byzantine and early Islamic Palestine." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 21, no. 3 (July 2011): 301–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186311000022.

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The transformation of cities in the Byzantine and early Islamic Near East was discussed by a number of scholars in the last century. Many of them adopted a traditional approach, claiming that the Islamic conquest caused the total collapse of large classical cities, turning them into small medieval towns. The urban landscape was changed dramatically, with the large colonnaded streets of the classical Polis transformed into the narrow allies of the Islamic Madina.

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17

Alavi, Samad. "The New Muslims of Post-Conquest Iran." American Journal of Islam and Society 32, no. 1 (January 1, 2015): 130–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v32i1.964.

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Perhaps no single historical occurrence looms larger in the imagining of contemporaryIranian identity than Islam’s rise and the ensuing widespread conversionson and around the Iranian plateau. Of course, as with any eventsoccurring over a millennium ago, not to mention events that have shaped theirheirs’ confessional commitments, one encounters a gulf between how Iran’sMuslim conversion is written in the popular imagination and how historiographicalstudies attempt to make sense of such complex transformations.Nonetheless, Sarah Bowen Savant’s The New Muslims of Post-Conquest Iran:Tradition, Memory, and Conversion might ultimately shape Iranian and Islamic studies not only by contributing novel scholarship to the field, but alsoby speaking to non-specialists’ interests as well.As evidence of popular interest, one need only note the continual reprintsof Abd al-Husayn Zarrinkub’s seminal 1957 study, Dū Qarn Sukūt (Two Centuriesof Silence), which considers the period following the Islamic conquestand the Sasanian Empire’s collapse. Savant’s study picks up where Zarrinkub’sends, arguing that post-conquest Iranians experienced a twofold conversionduring the ninth to eleventh centuries: becoming both Muslim and Persian.And while the author disavows simplistic notions like historical silence or staticnational identities, her book, like Zarrinkub’s, sheds new light on Persian Muslimidentities in a particular historical context and suggests how they areformed, negotiated, contested, and transformed over time and space ...

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18

Wink, André. "III. ‘Al-Hind’ India and Indonesia in the Islamic World-Economy, c. 700–1800 A.D." Itinerario 12, no. 1 (March 1988): 33–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300023354.

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In the aftermath of the Islamic conquests of the seventh and early eighth centuries the territory which came under effective domination of the caliphate extended from the Iberian peninsula and North Africa to Central Asia and into the Persian-Indian borderland of Sind which for three centuries remained its easternmost frontier. Beyond Sind a vast area was left unconquered which the Arabs calledal-Hindand which, in their conception, embraced both India and the Indianised states of the Indonesian archipelago and Southeast Asia. In the countless kingdoms ofal-Hindthe Muslims penetrated, up to the eleventh century, only as traders. By the time that Islamic power was established in North India the political unity of the Abbasid caliphate was already lost. Neither India nor Indonesia were provinces of the classical Islamic state. But in the Middle East three decisive developments had occurred and these created patterns which were to survive the political fragmentation of the empire. Most important was that a thoroughly commercialized and monetised economy with a bureaucracy and a fiscal polity had been established which continued to expand. Secondly, from the ninth century onwards, the Islamic military-bureaucratic apparatus had begun to be staffed with imported slaves on an extended scale. And thirdly, from its Arab roots the Islamic conquest state had shifted to a Persianised foundation, adopting Persian culture and the Sassanid tradition of monarchy and statecraft.

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Lougen, Colleen. "Sources: Conflict and Conquest in the Islamic World: A Historical Encyclopedia." Reference & User Services Quarterly 51, no. 3 (March 1, 2012): 292. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/rusq.51n3.292.

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Marcos-Marín, Francisco. "Narratives of the Islamic Conquest from Medieval Spain by Hazbun, Geraldine." La corónica: A Journal of Medieval Hispanic Languages, Literatures, and Cultures 45, no. 2 (2017): 318–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cor.2017.0017.

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Anooshahr, Ali. "Mughal historians and the memory of the Islamic conquest of India." Indian Economic & Social History Review 43, no. 3 (September 2006): 275–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001946460604300301.

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22

Peterson, David. "Quintana place-names as evidence of the Islamic conquest of Iberia." Journal of Medieval Iberian Studies 12, no. 2 (April 14, 2020): 155–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17546559.2020.1748680.

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23

Habibi, Nader. "Popularity of Islamic and Persian Names in Iran before and after the Islamic Revolution." International Journal of Middle East Studies 24, no. 2 (May 1992): 253–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800021553.

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One of the most important ways that the members of a society express their cultural preferences is through the names they select for their children. Whether it is made by the elder members of the extended family or the parents of the child, there is no doubt that the choice reveals something about the attitudes and values of the selectors through the name's origins and meaning.In societies that enjoy a multilinguistic heritage, first names can be divided into categories according to their linguistic origins. This phenomenon is most visible in societies with long histories of encounters among various cultures. One such society is Iran, whose pre-Islamic Persian culture combined with the culture that was introduced by Muslim Arabs after they entered Iran on a religious crusade in the 7th century. While the Arab conquest did not cause the Persian language to be replaced by Arabic, its impact was nevertheless permanent in the thousands of Arabic words that entered into Persian along with the Arabic alphabet.

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24

Bauer, Doron. "Islamicate Goods in Gothic Halls: The Afterlives of Palma De Mallorca’s Islamic Past." Medieval Encounters 26, no. 2 (August 25, 2020): 128–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700674-12340066.

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Abstract Following the conquest of Islamic Majorca in 1229, the Christian settler-colonizers embraced a purist identity that rejected altogether the island’s Islamic past and its artistic heritage. Visually, this new identity found its expression in the form of a clean, restrained, and mathematical gothic style. Palma’s towering gothic monuments embodied an ideological attempt at cultural erasure that has shaped Mallorquin identity to the present day. However, through the interstices of collective memory and material evidence it becomes clear that Islam and the Islamicate lingered beyond the singular point of the conquest through the continuity of local artistic production, the arrival of new Muslim artisans, imports of Islamicate objects, and the survival of monuments. The result was a hierarchical aesthetic system with two axes: the first consisted of the superimposed monumental, public, and official Gothic, while the second consisted of portable and less durable Islamicate objects that circulated in the gothic halls.

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Gascoigne, Alison L. "The Late Roman and Early Islamic Urban Enceinte." Cambridge Archaeological Journal 14, no. 2 (October 2004): 276–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0959774304250168.

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It has been established in the preceding sections that settlement walls were by no means uncommon in ancient Egypt, and it is from this tradition that the late Roman and early Islamic urban configuration developed. With the incorporation of the country into the Roman empire, it was inevitable that changes would be made to its defensive situation, and the continuing Hellenization of the upper classes would alter perceptions of the urban ideal. This section will consider to what extent these forces brought Egypt into line with other eastern Roman provinces, and how the urban enceinte developed after the Arab conquest of the country in 642.

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Farrokh, Kaveh, Javier Sánchez-Gracia, and Katarzyna Maksymiuk. "Caucasian Albanian Warriors in the Armies of pre-Islamic Iran." Historia i Świat, no. 8 (August 29, 2019): 21–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.34739/his.2019.08.02.

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Albania, an ancient country in the Caucasus, was turned into a Sasanian province by Šāpūr I (c. 253). The Albanians became increasingly integrated into the battle order of the Iranian army (especially cavalry). All along the Caspian coast the Sasanians built powerful defense works, designed to bar the way to invaders from the north. The most celebrated of these fortifications are those of Darband in Caucasian Albania. Albania remained an integral part of the Sasanian Empire until the Arab conquest of Iran.

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27

Atwood, Christopher P. "Peter Jackson. The Mongols and the Islamic World: From Conquest to Conversion." American Historical Review 123, no. 4 (October 1, 2018): 1301–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/rhy047.

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28

Asad Zaman, Asad Zaman. "An Islamic Approach to Inequality and Poverty." journal of king Abdulaziz University Islamic Economics 31, no. 1 (January 5, 2018): 69–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.4197/islec.31-1.4.

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We argue that ways of thinking about poverty changed dramatically due to the Great Transformation in Europe which created a market society. These ways spread to the rest of world due to the colonization and global conquest of Europe. The market society requires a labor market which de-humanizes people turning them into commodities. This and other related changes in attitudes toward wealth and poverty are the sources of the difficulties created by poverty and inequality. An Islamic approach requires re-creation of society on the basis of generosity and cooperation, values which are antithetical to greed and competition, the basis of market societies. We sketch a three-dimensional approach to resolving problems created by inequalities and poverty, based on spiritual, social, and institutional components. In each area, the source materials of Islam and Islamic history provide ample guidance and precedent for a radically different approach to these problems.

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Padín Portela, Bruno. "Un episodio en la construcción narrativa de la historia de España: los traidores y la ‘pérdida de España’ / An Episode in the Narrative Construction of the History of Spain: The Traitors and the ‘Loss of Spain’." Historiografías, no. 11 (December 27, 2017): 74. http://dx.doi.org/10.26754/ojs_historiografias/hrht.2016112378.

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This paper examines the role of traitor’s figure in the narratives of the principal Historias Generales de España focusing upon the the Islamic conquest of 711. Starting by the Germanic legislative tradition, which associates the idea of treason with king’s figure, we shall study the evolution of historical account throughout centuries, where the Visigoths have always played the role of axis in the representation of Spanish identity. We shall also discussed the different types of treason, their importance in national constructions, and their impact on historiographical tradition, emphasizing in particular the stereotype of the Jews and their stigmatization as internal enemies for much of the history of Spain.Key WordsTreason, Muslim conquest, Visigoth kingdom, histories of Spain.ResumenEn este trabajo analizaremos el papel de la figura del traidor en los relatos de las principales Historias Generales de España, centrándonos en el episodio de la conquista musulmana de 711. Partiendo de la tradición legislativa germánica, que asocia la idea de traición con la figura del rey, estudiaremos la evolución del relato histórico a través de los siglos, donde los visigodos jugaron el papel de eje vertebrador de la identidad española. Reflexionaremos también sobre los diferentes tipos de traiciones, su importancia en los relatos de las construcciones nacionales, y su impacto en la tradición historiográfica; poniendo el acento en el estereotipo de los judíos y su estigmatización como enemigos internos durante gran parte de la historia de España.Palabras claveTraición, conquista musulmana, reino visigodo, historias de España.

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Chevedden, Paul E. "“A Crusade from the First”: The Norman Conquest of Islamic Sicily, 1060–1091." Al-Masāq 22, no. 2 (August 2010): 191–225. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09503110.2010.488891.

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31

DeWeese, Devin. "The Mongols & the Islamic World: From Conquest to Conversion By Peter Jackson." Journal of Islamic Studies 30, no. 2 (February 4, 2019): 250–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jis/etz003.

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Paul, Jürgen. "Early Islamic history of Iran: from the Arab conquest to the Mongol invasion." Iranian Studies 31, no. 3-4 (September 1998): 463–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00210869808701924.

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Rossabi, Morris. "The Mongols and the Islamic World: From Conquest to Conversion by Peter Jackson." Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 80, no. 1 (2020): 244–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jas.2020.0013.

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Manan, Nuraini A. "Kemajuan dan Kemunduran Peradaban Islam di Eropa (711M-1492M)." Jurnal Adabiya 21, no. 1 (July 17, 2020): 54. http://dx.doi.org/10.22373/adabiya.v21i1.6454.

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Spain is more commonly known as Andalusia, the Andalusia comes from the word Vandalusia, which means the country of the Vandals, because the southern part of the Peninsula was once ruled by the Vandals before they were defeated by Western Gothia in the fifth century. This area was ruled by Islam after the rulers of The Umayyah seized the peninsula's land from the West Gothies during the time of the Caliph Al-Walid ibn Abdul Malik. Islam entered Spain (Cordoba) in 93 AH (711 AD) through the North African route under the leadership of Tariq bin Ziyad who led the Islamic army to conquer Andalusia. Before the conquest of Spain, Muslims had taken control of North Africa and made it one of the provinces from the Umayyad Dynasty. Full control of North Africa took place in the days of Caliph Abdul Malik (685-705 AD). Conquest of the North African region first defeated until becoming one of the provinces of the Umayyad Caliph spent 53 years, starting from 30 H (Muawiyah ibn Abi Sufyan's reign) to 83 H (al-Walid's period). Before being defeated and then ruled by Islam, in this region there were sacs which became the basis of the power of the Roman Empire, namely the Gothic Kingdom. In the process of conquering Spain there were three Islamic heroes who could be said to be the most effective in leading units of troops there. They are Tharif ibn Malik, Tariq ibn Ziyad, and Musa ibn Nushair. Subsequent territorial expansion emerged during the reign of Caliph Umar ibn Abdil Aziz in the year 99 AH/717 AD, with the aim of controlling the area around the Pyrenian mountains and South France. The second largest invasion of the Muslims, whose movement began at the beginning of the 8th century AD, has reached all of Spain and reached far to Central France and important parts of Italy. The victories achieved by Muslims appear so easy. It cannot be separated from the existence of external and internal factors. During the conquest of Spain by Muslims, the social, political and economic conditions of this country were in a sad state. Politically, the Spanish region was torn apart and divided into several small countries. At the same time, the Gothic rulers were intolerant of the religious beliefs adopted by the rulers, namely the Monophysites, especially those who adhered to other religions, Jews. Adherents of Judaism, the largest part of the Spanish population, were forced to be baptized to Christianity. Those who are unwilling brutally tortured and killed. The people are divided into the class system, so that the situation is filled with poverty, oppression, and the absence of equality. In such situations, the oppressed await the arrival of the liberator and the liberator was from Muslims. Warrior figures and Islamic soldiers who were involved in the conquest of Spain are strong figures, their soldiers are compact, united, and full of confidence. They are also capable, courageous, and resilient in facing every problem. Equally important are the teachings of Islam shown by the Islamic soldiers, like tolerance, brotherhood, and help each other. The attitude of tolerance of religion and brotherhood contained in the personalities of the Muslims caused the Spanish population to welcome the presence of Islam there. Since the first time Islam entered in the land of Spain until the collapse of the last Islamic empire was about seven and half centuries, Islam played a big role, both in fields of intellectual progress (philosophy, science, fiqh, music and art, language and literature) and the splendor of physical buildings (Cordova and Granada). The long history passed by Muslims in Spain can be divided into six periods. Spanish Muslims reached the peak of progress and glory rivaled the glory of the Abbasid sovereignty in Baghdad. Abdurrahman Al-Nasir founded the Cordova University. He preceded Al-Azhar Cairo and Baghdad Nizhamiyah.

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Peterson, David. "The Languages of the Invaders of 711, Invasion and Language Contact in Eighth–Century Northwestern Iberia*." Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 59, no. 1-4 (September 25, 2020): 527–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/068.2019.59.1-4.46.

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SummaryA number of disparate onomastic phenomena occurring in northwestern Iberia have long puzzled scholars: the abundance of Arabic personal names in early medieval Christian communities, often fossilised as place–names; the extraordinarily profuse Romance toponym Quintana; and a surprisingly high number of hypothetical Amazigh (i.e. Berber) demonyms. In this paper we argue that these seemingly disparate onomastic phenomena can all be explained if it is accepted that following the Islamic invasion of Iberia in 711, the Amazigh settlers of the Northwest were at least partially latinophone. The internal history of the Maghreb suggests this would have been the case at least in the sense of Latin as a lingua franca, a situation which the speed and superficiality of the Islamic conquest of said region would have been unlikely to have altered significantly. In this context, all of the puzzling onomastic elements encountered in the Northwest fall into place as the result of the conquest and settlement of a Romance– speaking region by Romance–speaking incomers bearing Arabic personal names but retaining their indigenous tribal affiliations and logically choosing to interact with the autochthonous population in the lan-guage they all shared.

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Guidetti, Mattia. "The contiguity between churches and mosques in early Islamic Bilād al-Shām." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 76, no. 2 (May 22, 2013): 229–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x13000086.

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AbstractThis article examines the transformation of the sacred landscape in the cities of Syria and Palestine from late antiquity to early Islam. This phase of urban and architectural history, often obscured by the changes brought in during the medieval period, is investigated through a close comparison of textual and material evidence related to the main urban religious complexes. It is suggested that the new Friday mosques were frequently built contiguous to Christian great churches, creating a sort of shared sacred area within the cities. Legal issues related to the Islamic conquest and the status of minorities are considered in order to explain the rationale behind such a choice by Muslims.

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Sumner, William M., and Frank Hole. "The Archaeology of Western Iran: Settlement and Society from Prehistory to the Islamic Conquest." American Journal of Archaeology 95, no. 3 (July 1991): 546. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/505500.

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Zenn, Jacob. "Boko Haram's Conquest for the Caliphate: How Al Qaeda Helped Islamic State Acquire Territory." Studies in Conflict & Terrorism 43, no. 2 (March 13, 2018): 89–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1057610x.2018.1442141.

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Ekwe-Ekwe, Herbert. "Peoples, States and Insurgency in Africa." Tensões Mundiais 11, no. 20 (October 9, 2018): 73–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.33956/tensoesmundiais.v11i20.502.

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The author discusses the African States’ inability to provide security and basic social services to the majority of the population. He argues that the “State of Berlin” created by the European conquest is still under the growing pressure of peoples or ‘nations’ that want to become independent. The world will have to deal with an African map in constant change based on independence movements that are not Islamic in essence.

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Gausset, Quentin. "Historical Account or Discourse on Identity? A Reexamination of Fulbe Hegemony and Autochthonous Submission in Banyo." History in Africa 25 (1998): 93–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3172182.

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Traditional accounts of the nineteenth-century Fulbe conquest in northern Cameroon tell roughly the same story: following the example of Usman Dan Fodio in Nigeria, the Fulbe of Cameroon organized in the beginning of the nineteenth century a “jihad” or a “holy war” against the local pagan populations to convert them to Islam and create an Islamic state. The divisions among the local populations and the military superiority of the Fulbe allowed them to conquer almost all northern Cameroon. They forced those who submitted to give an annual tribute of goods and servants, and they raided the other groups. In these traditional accounts the Fulbe are presented as unchallenged masters, while the local populations are depicted as slaves who were powerless over their fate; their role in the conquest of the region and in the administration of the new political order is supposed to have been insignificant.I will show that, on the contrary, in the area of Banyo the Wawa and Bute played a crucial role in the conquest of the sultanate and in its administration. I will then re-examine the cliche that all members of the local populations were the slaves of the Fulbe by distinguishing the fate of the Wawa and Bute on one side from that of the Kwanja and Mambila on the other, and by showing the importance of the Fulbe's identity in shaping the definition of slavery. Finally I will argue that, if the historical accounts found in the scientific literature invariably insist on Fulbe hegemony and minimize the role played by the local populations, it is because those accounts are often based on Fulbe traditions, and because these traditions are remodeled by the Fulbe in order to correspond to their discourse on identity.

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Campopiano, Michele. "Zoroastrians, Islam and the Holy Qur’ān. Purity and Danger in Pahlavi Literature in the Early Islamic Period (Seventh–Tenth Centuries)." Journal of Transcultural Medieval Studies 5, no. 1 (July 26, 2018): 75–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jtms-2018-0004.

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AbstractThis paper will reflect on how Pahlavi texts after the Islamic conquest conceptualize conflicts between Islamic norms and Zoroastrian rules, in particular those concerning purity. The paper will therefore be concerned with the representation of Islam and Islamic practices within the Mazdean community. For this reason, the issue of the reception of the Holy Qur’ān within Pahlavi literature will also need to be addressed. The paper will formulate some hypotheses on what goals the Mazdean intellectual elites (in this case, essentially their clergy) tried to achieve through their representation of Islam. It will also discuss how this representation connected with the economic and social transformation that this community underwent with the end of the Sasanian Empire, in particular with the changes in landholding that had been among the main sources of wealth and power for the Sasanian aristocracy.

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Barlas, Asma. "Empire and Elites after the Muslim Conquest." American Journal of Islam and Society 20, no. 1 (January 1, 2003): 137–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v20i1.1880.

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Perhaps one would not expect a history of “Islamic rule” in the seventh andeighth centuries in what is now the Middle East to illuminate any contemporarydebate on Islam, in particular about whether there is an innate civilizationalclash between it and the (Christian) West. And yet this modeststudy manages to do that, if only tangentially and coincidentally, and if readwith some reservations.Cambridge historians are renowned for their preoccupation with elites,generally of provinces far removed from the centers of power, and hencetheir single-minded focus on the “politics of notables” of relatively minorlocalities. From such provincial concerns, however, emerge more universalclaims about, for instance, the nature of British colonial rule in India or ofIslamic rule in the Middle Ages. Chase Robinson, following this tradition,assesses – as “critic and architect” – the changing status of Christian andMuslim elites following the Muslim conquest of northern Mesopotamia.Three themes are implicit: the interrelationship of history and historiography,the effects of the Muslim conquest, and the nature of Islam. Thus, Iwill review it thematically as well. I should point out that I engage his workas a generalist, not as a historian, and that I am interested not so much in hisretelling of events as in the political meanings with which he endows them.(Re)writing History. To reconstruct a past about which there is such adearth of primary period sources is at best hazardous. For one, where documentssuch as conquest treaties exist, they have little truth-value, saysRobinson. He thus specifies that he is concerned less with their accuracythan with how they were perceived to have governed relations between localMuslims/imperial authorities, on the one hand, and Christians on the other.For another, conquest history in fact “describes post-conquest history.” Thusthe “conquest past” is a re-presentation of events from a post-conquest present,an exercise in which Christians and Muslims had an equal stake sincethe “conquest past could serve to underpin [their] authority alike.”Historians then must disentangle events from their own narration, or at leastrecognize the ways in which recording events also reframes them.Fortunately for him, says Robinson, his work was enabled by that of al-Azdi, a tenth-century Muslim historian. However, even as he admits that ...

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RISSO, PATRICIA. "KATE FLEET, European and Islamic Trade in the Early Ottoman State: The Merchants of Genoa and Turkey, Cambridge Studies in Islamic Civilization (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999). Pp. 214. $59.95 cloth." International Journal of Middle East Studies 33, no. 2 (May 2001): 302–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743801262060.

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Kate Fleet is curator of the Skilliter Centre for Ottoman Studies, Newnham College, Cambridge. Her book is a study of trade between Genoa and Asia Minor from about 1300 to shortly after the Ottoman conquest of Constantinople in 1453, a time period corresponding to commercial strength of Genoa and the development of the Ottoman state toward empire. Citing the scarcity of Turkish sources, other than chronological lists, Fleet depends heavily on Western materials, particularly notary deeds in the Genoese archives and published primary sources such as Balducci Pegolotti's La practica della mercatura. She also includes, however, some Arabic and Ottoman Turkish sources.

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Kraidy, Marwan M. "Terror, Territoriality, Temporality: Hypermedia Events in the Age of Islamic State." Television & New Media 19, no. 2 (March 23, 2017): 170–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1527476417697197.

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Considering the group that calls itself Islamic State (IS) as a “war machine,” an ever-shifting combination of humans and technology, this article articulates, from a Deleuzian perspective, terror, territoriality, and temporality as constitutive of events. It explores terrorism as a hypermedia event that resists conceptual containment in Dayan and Katz’s three categories of “contest,” “conquest,” or “coronation.” It builds on work that recognizes the globality of media events. The article uses the rise of IS to explore events as a peculiar articulation of space and time, and draws on the global “network-archive” that IS created (its digital footprint), the referentiality of which means that we experience IS depredations as one continuous “global event chain.” In this analysis, media events are a productive force that articulates territoriality and temporality through affect.

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Clarke, Nicola. "Medieval Arabic accounts of the conquest of Cordoba: Creating a narrative for a provincial capital." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 74, no. 1 (February 2011): 41–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x10000704.

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AbstractLike most early Islamic history writing, the tradition surrounding the Muslim conquest of the Iberian Peninsula in 711 is the product of later debates and priorities rather than a true reflection of eighth-century circumstances. Rather than seek to reconstruct what is lost, this article explores what the sources have to tell us about these later priorities: that is, what the authors, their patrons and their wider environment valued in the history that they retold. Its focus is the conquest of Cordoba, narratives about which entered the tradition in the tenth century, as a result of the patronage of history writing by the Umayyad caliphs ʿAbd al-Raḥmān III (r. 912–61) and al-Ḥakam II (r. 961–76). These tenth-century narratives are expressions of both caliphal ideology and the writers' own status in their society.

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Correa, Dale J. "The Islamic Scholarly Tradition." American Journal of Islam and Society 30, no. 4 (October 1, 2013): 120–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v30i4.1093.

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This collection comprises fourteen papers delivered at a December 2010 conference held at Princeton University in honor of Michael A. Cook, as well as a preface and an introduction. Its four sections are designed to reflect the prin- cipal areas of Near Eastern and Islamic studies to which Cook has contributed: “Early Islamic History,” “Early Modern and Modern Islamic History,” “Juridical and Intellectual History,” and “Reinterpretations and Transformations.” The papers cover a broad geographic range from al-Andalus to Central Asia, and an extensive disciplinary range, with studies of calendars, conquest, fatāwā, tafsīr, and logic, among other subjects. Part 1 begins with Michael Bonner’s “‘Time Has Come Full Circle’: Markets, Fairs, and the Calendar in Arabia before Islam,” which addresses the intercalation of Arabia’s pre-Islamic calendar and the utility of sources for social history in dealing with this topic. He extends his confirmation of intercalation to a discussion of trade and social activity, noting that the shift to the Islamic lunar calendar indicated a shift to a new moral and social order and a true “revolution” in breaking with the past. In “The Wasiyya of Abū Hāshim: The Impact of Polemic in Premodern Muslim Historiography,” Najam Haider focuses on reports of the alleged testament (in 98/716-17) of Abu Hashim in which, written just before his death, he transferred his imamate and leadership to the Abbasid Muhammad ibn Ali ibn Abdullah. Relying primarily on Jacob Lassner’s approach to early material of this kind, which focuses on political propaganda and ideological debates, the author highlights the competition among reports of this testament and, later on in the Mamluk period, the processes of crafting a historical narrative that removed the polemical aspects. His study exemplifies the use of an alternative approach to early Islamic history, one that focuses on what compilations of historical reports tell us about contemporaneous political situations and religious doctrine, as well as about the historiographic methods of pre-modern historians ...

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Benaboud, M'hammad. "Islamic Spain 1250-1500." American Journal of Islam and Society 9, no. 1 (April 1, 1992): 119–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v9i1.2596.

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This book presents a remarkable account of the political history of Andalusia(Muslim Spain) during the last phase of its existence. The author adoptsa cyclical approach in the sense that he traces the creation of the Banu Nasrkingdom in Granada, its development, and its decline and fall. He studies theperiod of each ruler in chronological order from the establishment of thekingdom of Granada to its collapse. Instead of limiting himself to descriptionor repetition, he chooses to adopt an analytical approach which permits himto deepen our insight regarding the period of each ruler. He reproduces a clearpicture which combines internal political developments and external relationswith the Christians.The author studies the history of the Muslims of Granada as well as thosein Christian Spain up to the Christian conquest of Granada. He is correct inincluding these two categories, for the religious, cultural, and linguistic criteriaunite these two groups, and also because their fates became similar after thefall of Granada in 1492. Thus both groups can be considered “Moriscos,” a topicwhich Harvey started working on over thirty years ago.The book is not easy to read, because it reflects many years of researchand has tremendous cultural weight. To the author’s obvious strenuous intellectualeffort, one may add his intellectual integrity as a distinguished scholarwho is credible in the West and in the East alike, somethmg which not all orientalistscan claim. He is critical of the history which he studies and its sourceswithout being offensive; the distorting influence of a personal dimension foundin other historians is here minimized. The author criticizes himself before beingcritical of others. His manner of presenting and interpreting history is convincing,as his intentions are exclusively scholarly. The author is a memberof a breed that is not very common in the politically oriented European andNorth American universities with regards to anything related to Islam andMuslims. This is not to say that he is beyond criticism, however, as the bookcould be faulted for not having relied directly on some of the fundamental andprimary Andalusian sources. We could disagree with his approach and suggestother approaches. Fortunately for his readers, the author is perhaps moreconscious of his limitations than anybody else, which is also why he did whathe proposed to do so admirably ...

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Havel, Boris. "Jeruzalem u ranoislamskoj tradiciji." Miscellanea Hadriatica et Mediterranea 5, no. 1 (January 7, 2019): 113–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.15291/misc.2748.

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The article describes major early Islamic traditions in which Jerusalem has been designated as the third holiest city in Islam. Their content has been analyzed based on the historical context and religious, inter-religious and political circumstances in which they were forged. Particular attention has been paid to textual and material sources, their authenticity, dating and their interpretation by prominent orientalists and art historians. The article addresses specific themes, such as Jerusalem in Islamic canonical texts, Muhammad’s Night Journey to al-Aqṣā, the legends of Caliph ‘Umar’s conquest of Jerusalem, names for Jerusalem in Early Islamic chronicles, the influence of Jews and Jewish converts on early Islamic traditions, and the construction, symbolism, ornaments, and inscriptions of the Dome of the Rock. In the concluding remarks the author considers the question of to what degree attributing holiness to Jerusalem in Islam has been based on autochthonous early Islamic religious traditions, and to what degree on Muslim-Jewish interaction in Palestine, political processes, such as fitnah during early Umayyad rule, ‘Abd al-Malik’s struggle with Caliph Ibn al-Zubayr in the Hejaz, the Crusades, and the present-day Arab-Israeli conflict.

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Sodik, Miftahol Fajar. "HUMAN TRAFFICKING DALAM PANDANGAN HUKUM ISLAM (Studi Praktek Perbudakan Zaman Rosulullah)." Ijlil 1, no. 2 (February 7, 2021): 129–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.35719/ijl.v1i2.95.

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Human trafficking is a form of the early occurrence of slavery on earth, it happened long before the arrival of Islamic teachings even though the religion of that religion succeeded in erasing such civilization towards dignified human values. The arrival of Islamic religious teachings at first seemed to support human trafficking with the primary fact that the Prophet Muhammad and his followers were involved in slave ownership obtained from conquest as a result of a war, but this is an argument that departs from the negative analysis of the haters of Islam so that if the teachings of this religion are studied in a concrete way it will be revealed that Islam is trying to change a civilization in a very solution. Keywords: ,,

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Piekarz, Piotr. "Central Asian köshks from the Islamic period before the Mongol conquest: fortified, semi-fortified or unfortified?" Fieldwork and Research, no. 28.2 (December 28, 2019): 493–508. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/uw.2083-537x.pam28.2.27.

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In their external appearance, the Islamic-period köshks in Central Asia, especially the characteristic buildings with corrugated outer walls, dated broadly speaking from the 7th–8th century AD to the times of the Mongol conquest at the beginning of the 13th century, are apparently fortified. However, they lack a number of features characteristic of defensive buildings. Their interpretation as residential structures in this period is indisputed, hence their apparent defensiveness has been attributed to a line of evolution from pre-Islamic architecture of this type, which played a military role. A review of various defensive elements present in these structures, compared with buildings from an earlier period, highlights this process. An apparent exception is the Great Kyz Kala at Merv, Turkmenistan, which may have not lost its defensive capacity immediately, as recent research by the UCL Institute of Archaeology Ancient Merv Project has demonstrated.

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