Relevant bibliographies by topics / Islamic countries, foreign relations

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers
  6. Reports

Academic literature on the topic 'Islamic countries, foreign relations'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 31 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Islamic countries, foreign relations"

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Malashenko, A. "Islamic Vector in Russian Foreign Policy." World Economy and International Relations 66, no. 9 (2022): 64–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2022-66-9-64-71.

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The Islamic vector is a part of Russian foreign policies. Its importance should not be exaggerated, yet it may hardly be ignored. This vector is underpinned by Russia’s striving to establish close relations with the Muslim world and to emphasize the closeness of their interests, as well as to contain the Western domination in the global politics by means of cultivating and promoting common contribution of Russia and Muslim countries to the creation of a new world order based on the principle of multipolarity. The Russian official ideology emphasizes the similarity of traditions and civilizational identities of Russia and the Islamic Ummah. In 2015, Russian president Vladimir Putin said that Russia is a Muslim country. Undoubtedly, it may be considered a propagandist declaration, however it was highly appreciated in the Muslim world. This idea of closeness of Russia and the Islamic Ummah is supported by the Russian Orthodox Church. Patriarch Kirill of Moscow has stressed that the Russian Orthodoxy is more similar to the Islamic tradition than to the Western Christianity. Nonetheless, it is impossible to establish close relations with the Muslim world as different interests of dozens of Muslim countries have to be taken into consideration. Consequently, the Islamic vector in the foreign policy of Russia plays an instrumental role and is deeply linked to its pragmatic – political and economic – goals. The Ukrainian crisis and the deterioration of the Russian–Western relations stimulate Russia’s increased interest in deepening relations with Muslim countries. Yet, there are several obstacles on this path. The first consists in Russia’s inability to provide the much needed economic and financial assistance to Muslim countries on a regular basis and in the required amounts. Russia cannot compete with the Western economies, with which Muslim countries have established long-term relations. Another problem is the pressure that the West, and first and foremost the United States, exerts on the Muslim states in an attempt to make them join the anti-Russian sanctions. In some cases, these attempts may be fruitful, in others – they fail, but they continue, leaving a negative impact on the Russian relations with the Muslim world.
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Bahari, Diana Mutiara, and Ahmad Sahide. "The Comparison of The United States Foreign Policy Against The Islamic World Under President Barack Obama and President Donald Trump Administration." Journal of Islamic World and Politics 6, no. 2 (November 4, 2022): 270–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jiwp.v6i2.13060.

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The United States of America (USA) is an international concern, especially regarding the national election agenda. The presidential election of the world's leading superpower will impact the world's geopolitical order, such as the emergence of global political turmoil that has resulted in tensions in relations between the US and countries in the world, especially countries in the Islamic World. The 2016 US presidential election has captured international attention because it was won by a controversial figure, Donald Trump. The victory of Donald Trump to replace President Barack Obama marked a change in the style of US foreign policy towards the Islamic World. Therefore, the question arises of how the US foreign policy compares to the Islamic World in the era of President Obama and President Trump. This study uses a Foreign Policy Decision Making Theory. This study concludes that US foreign policy during the Obama administration was friendly to the Islamic World. On the other hand, US foreign policy during the Trump administration was not friendly to the Islamic World, which caused tension in relations between the US and the Islamic World.Keywords: US, Barack Obama, Donald Trump, Islamic World, Foreign Policy
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Kondori, Amir, and Seyed Hossein Sadeghi. "Review of the nature of Iran's foreign policy in its constitution and its comparative study with other countries." Cuestiones Políticas 40, no. 72 (March 7, 2022): 856–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.46398/cuestpol.4072.52.

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Iran's constitution, which was drafted after the victory of the Islamic Revolution, was mainly influenced by Islamic ideology. In this constitution, foreign policy is one of the categories that is well considered and taking a text of a revolutionary nature and influenced by the ideological atmosphere of the regime, aims to draw up a special strategy in the foreign relations of the Persian country. Therefore, the purpose of reviewing the foundations and structure of the foreign policy of the Republic of Iran and, at the same time, explaining how it develops at the stage of approval and revision of its constitution prevails. In addition, a comparative study of Iran's foreign policy with some countries is carried out, among them: the United States, France, Turkey, and India. The method used was the documentary and was based on the interpretation of textual sources with descriptive and comparative techniques, together with the analysis of the content of the constitution. The findings show that Iran's foreign policy after the Islamic Revolution is based on Islamic principles and seeks interaction with all countries through friendly relations.
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Khatamov, Shakhzod Timurovich. "PERSPECTIVE COOPERATION OF UZBEKISTAN WITH ISLAMIC EDUCATIONAL, SCIENTIFIC AND CULTURAL ORGANIZATION (ICESCO)." Journal of Central Asian Social Research 01, no. 01 (August 30, 2020): 152–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/jcass/volume01issue01-a18.

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This article provides information the history of development of Uzbekistan's relations with ICESCO, Uzbekistan, as a full member of the OIC, plays an important role in its huge social, spiritual and economic potential. A number of countries around the world, especially in the foreign policy of the Republic of Uzbekistan, Central Asia, international relations, including cooperation with the world's leading countries and international organizations, issues of bilateral and multilateral cooperation in the priority areas of sustainable development, regional integration processes research is underway.
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Kelbizadeh, Elnur Р. "THE DYNAMICS OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF ARMENIAN-IRANIAN RELATIONS IN THE POST-SOVIET PERIOD." History, Archeology and Ethnography of the Caucasus 15, no. 4 (January 6, 2020): 639–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.32653/ch154639-651.

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Relations with the post-soviet countries, especially with the Caucasus republics became a special aspect of Islamic Republic of Iran’s foreign policy, after the collapse of the USSR. The processes around the Islamic Republic of Iran have increased the attention to the foreign policy of this country, its relations with neighboring countries and its strategic goals. It is known that the Islamic Republic of Iran expected its main threats to its security from its southern and western neighbors. In this sense, the collapse of the USSR has created a new sphere of diplomatic activity for the Islamic Republic of Iran. On the other hand, Iran's loss of influence in this region could pose new security threats to him. The main purpose of this article is to analyze the stages of political relations between one of the regional powers of the Asian continent the Islamic Republic of Iran and its sole Christian neighbor Armenia and to forecast future of bilateral relations. This article explores the dynamics of İran-Armenia relations in the context of regional security. The methodological basis of the research is the principles of the theory of realism. A number of theoretical and applied methods have been used to study the development of bilateral relations.
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Marchal, Roland, and Oussama Osman. "Les ambitions internationales du Soudan islamiste." Politique africaine 66, no. 1 (1997): 74–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/polaf.1997.6046.

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The international ambitions of the islamic Sudan. Foreign policy, both formal and popular, is prominent in the Islamic agenda of the Sudanese regime. The Gulf war created a window of opportunity to promote the National Islamic Front at an international level, and to deal with Islamic movements as well as States. This paper provides a short analysis of the Sudanese context and a description of the new foreign relations of the NIF or the Sudanese State with its regional and international environment. The case of the ties with some Asian countries is not studied.
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Ugli, Fayzullaev Sarvarbek Abdusattor. "THE MAIN IDEAS AND DIRECTIONS IN THE FORMATION OF THE FOREIGN POLICY OF THE ISLAMIC REPUBLIC OF IRAN." American Journal of Political Science Law and Criminology 05, no. 01 (January 1, 2023): 23–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/tajpslc/volume05issue01-04.

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We all know that the sharp changes that took place during the transition from competition to conflict in recent years affected the structure of the world order and its governance standards, the behavior of states, and their interactions within the international system. In the article, the author discussed the main ideas and trends in the formation of the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the current modern international relations, its position towards the countries in the region, in particular, the relations with the state of Israel, the unilateral actions of the United States, current trends in foreign policy, as well as the priorities of Iran's foreign policy.
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ALI AKBAR and MIRAZ RAHMAN KHAN. "PRIORITIES OF FOREIGN POLICY OF BANGLADESH SINCE 2005." International Journal of Social, Political and Economic Research 4, no. 1 (April 4, 2017): 55–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.46291/ijospervol4iss1pp55-70.

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Foreign Policy is usually viewed as an extension of domestic policy. Foreign policy refers to the policy of a sovereign state to achieve its desired goals to the foreign countries. The foreign policy of Bangladesh, like that of any other state is also primarily a projection of the country's socio-economic and political compulsions in international politics. The Foreign Policy of Bangladesh emanates from the following provisions of the Bangladesh Constitution. These provisions are stated in Article 25 of the Constitution. 1.The State shall base its international relations on the principles of respect for national sovereignty and equality, non-interference in the internal affairs of other countries, peaceful settlements of international disputes, and respect for international law and the principles enunciated in the United Nations Charter. 2. The state shall endeavor to consolidate, preserve and strengthen fraternal relations among Muslim countries based on Islamic solidarity.
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Monazami, Amirhosein. "The facilitating role of sport in foreign relations of the US and Iran." Estudos Internacionais: revista de relações internacionais da PUC Minas 8, no. 2 (July 31, 2020): 103–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.5752/p.2317-773x.2020v8n2p103-119.

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The soft power of the Islamic Republic of Iran, after fourteen years of it’s revolution, has been influenced by various macro and micro concepts that have been repeatedly challenged by Western countries, especially the United States; So, Islamic Republic of Iran, in light of recent years' successes in the international field of sports, including seventeenth among the 206 countries in the Olympic 2012 can use this capacity to expand its interactions in the international arena. The purpose of the present study was initially to explore the concepts of strengthening Iran's soft power through sport and to design a favorable paradigm for the development of diplomatic relations with Western countries, especially the United States. Then, SPSS and PLS software were used to investigate the correlation between variables based on Spearman test, exploratory factor analysis and finally structural and interpretive modeling of independent and dependent variables. The findings showed that seven factors of economic development, religious flow, transformation and communication, cultural exchange, national unity, political currents and peacebuilding were in four levels influenced by Iran's international sporting environment.
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Krupenya, Iryna. "EVOLUTION OF MALAYSIA’S FOREIGN POLICY PRIORITIES (1957–2022)." Politology bulletin, no. 89 (2022): 214–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2415-881x.2022.89.214-231.

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The article analyzes the evolution of foreign policy priorities of Malaysia as one of the leaders of the countries of the Southeast Asian subregion and the Islamic world. These are analyzed as internal factors of foreign policy formation: political and socio-economic development of the country, historical and national characteristics, interethnic problems, struggle against communist guerrilla movement, as well as external factors: role of «major powers», evolution of security system and integration processes in the region, border problems with neighboring countries, Islamic factor and globalization. The foreign policy initiatives of each past and present prime minister have been studied. It is emphasized that the biggest fundamental changes in Malaysia’s foreign policy were made during the government of Mahathir Mohammad, who served as prime minister twice (1981–2003), (2018–2021). Foreign policy was even more pragmatic and focused on the economic component; was characterized by persistent efforts to protect the interests, rights and aspirations of developing countries («third world» countries); more active development of bilateral relations with ASEAN partners and strengthening of relations with Muslim countries was emphasized. The reforms proposed by the Prime Minister of Malaysia, Mahathir Mohammad, were aimed at restructuring the country’s economy in order to achieve a more equal distribution of national wealth at all levels, among different communities, so that the proportions between the poor and rich Malays were approximately the same as between the poor and rich non-Malays. As a statesman and politician, Mahathir Mohammad sought to transform Malaysia into an industrialized country by 2020, and he succeeded.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Islamic countries, foreign relations"

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Hayaud-Din, Mian Ahad. "U.S. Foreign Policy in Islamic South Asia: Realism, Culture, and Policy Toward Pakistan and Afghanistan." [Tampa, Fla. : s.n.], 2003. http://purl.fcla.edu/fcla/etd/SFE0000074.

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Slight, John Paul. "The British Empire and the hajj, 1865-1956." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610358.

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Alhijazi, Yahya Z. D. "Developing countries and foreign direct investment." Thesis, McGill University, 1999. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=21670.

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Along with international trade, foreign direct investment (FDI) has been the engine driving the current economic globalization of the world economy. The growth rate of FDI, which exceeded that of international trade and world output throughout the 1990s, raises important questions regarding the value of FDI to developing countries as host countries to FDI and the role it can play in their development.
In an attempt to answer these questions, this thesis tackles the main issues underlining FDI and developing countries. After analysing the pros and cons of FDI for developing countries and other interested parties, this thesis scrutinizes the regulation of FDI as a means to balance the interests of the concerned parties, giving an assessment of the balance of interests in some existing and potential FDI regulations. Furthermore, this thesis highlights the case against the deregulation of FDI and its consequences for developing countries. It concludes by formulating regulatory FDI guidelines for developing.
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Abdulla, Fawaz Yusuf Ahmed Abdulrahim. "European Union policies and socioeconomic development in the Southern Mediterranean : the case of Morocco." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.648135.

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Gillies, David 1952. "Between ethics and interests : human rights in the north-south relations of Canada, The Netherlands, and Norway." Thesis, McGill University, 1992. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=41264.

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This study examines human rights in the North-South relations of three internationalist countries: Canada, the Netherlands, and Norway. It pays special attention to the integration of human rights in development aid policy, particularly the use of political conditionality. The theoretical framework examines the explanatory power of political Realism. A hypothesis linking policy assertiveness with the perceived costs to other national interests is tested by selecting Western states most likely to disprove Realist assumptions, and by choosing at least two Third World cases for each aid donor: one where economic, political and strategic interests are high, and another where the same interests are minimal or low. Three frameworks to (1) document human rights abuses; (2) evaluate national human rights performance; and (3) gauge foreign policy assertiveness serve as the methodological lenses to analyze Western statecraft and test the hypothesis.
Each donor's search for moral opportunity is visible in an emerging agenda to promote human rights and democratic development. However, if the resolve to defend human rights beyond national borders is gauged by a state's willingness to incur harm to other important national interests, then Canada, the Netherlands, and Norway are seldom disposed to let human rights trump more self-serving national interests. The potential for consistent and principled human rights statecraft is frequently undermined by Realism's cost-benefit rationality.
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Kellett, Ken. "Bilateral aid in Canada's foreign policy : the human rights rhetoric-practice gap." Thesis, Lethbridge, Alta. : University of Lethbridge, Dept. of Political Science, c2013, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10133/3298.

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Successive Canadian federal governments have officially indicated their support of human rights in foreign policy, including as they relate to aid-giving. This thesis quantitatively tests this rhetoric with the actual practice of bilateral aid-giving in two time periods – 1998-2000 and 2007-2009. This, however, revealed that Canada has actually tended to give more bilateral aid to countries with poorer human rights records. A deeper quantitative analysis identifies certain multilateral memberships – notably with the Commonwealth, NATO, and OECD – and the geo-political and domestic considerations of Haiti as significant and confirms a recipient state’s human rights performance is not a consideration. These multilateral relationships reflect state self-interests, historical connections, security, and a normative commitment to poverty reduction. It is these factors that those promoting a human rights agenda need to contemplate if recipient state performance is to become relevant in bilateral aid decisions. Thus, it is necessary to turn to international relations theory, in particular liberal institutionalism, to explain Canada’s bilateral aid-giving in these periods.
vi, 141 leaves ; 29 cm
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De, Matteis Pietro. "Sino-European energy, environmental and climate change diplomacy." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610458.

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Zhong, Xiao Fei. "China and the EU : competition and cooperation in the Caspian region." Thesis, University of Macau, 2010. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555549.

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Peng, Dan Ni. "The EU-China trade relations in the context of economic globalization." Thesis, University of Macau, 2010. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555591.

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Bai, Xue. "Evaluation and suggestions on EU development assistance policy." Thesis, University of Macau, 2012. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2595841.

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Books on the topic "Islamic countries, foreign relations"

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Ghaussy, A. Ghanie. Islamic countries and Europe: Current issues in Islamic economics. Bern: Haupt, 1994.

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Çarıkcı, Emin. Countertrade policies and prospects for cooperation among Islamic countries. Ankara: Union of the Chambers of Commerce, Industry, Maritime Trade and Commodity Exchanges of Turkey, 1989.

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Angel, Rabasa, ed. Building moderate Muslim networks. Santa Monica, CA: Rand Corp., 2007.

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Muhammad, Yar. Cooperation among the Muslim countries of the World. Peshawar: Institute of Development Studies, N.W.F.P. Agricultural University, 1987.

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Alexandre, Bennigsen, ed. Soviet strategy and Islam. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1989.

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Bonyanian, Masoud. Muslims' perceptions of the Bush doctrine: Bridging the gap with Muslims. Berlin: Lit, 2009.

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Muṣṭafá, ʻAbd al-Tawwāb. al- ʻAlaqāt al-dawlīyah wa-al-siyāsah al-khārijīyah fī al- Islām. al-Qāhirah: al-Multaqá, 1994.

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Ayub, Muhammad. Understanding Islamic finance. Chichester, England: John Wiley & Sons, 2007.

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Ayub, Muhammad. Understanding Islamic Finance. New York: John Wiley & Sons, Ltd., 2009.

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Matar, N. I. (Nabil I.), 1949-, ed. Britain and the Islamic world, 1558-1713. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011.

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Book chapters on the topic "Islamic countries, foreign relations"

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Adam, Jan. "Foreign Economic Relations." In Why did the Socialist System Collapse in Central and Eastern European Countries?, 71–88. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-24239-9_5.

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Bennett, Clinton. "Christian Minorities in Islamic Countries." In Routledge Handbook on Christian–Muslim Relations, 349–56. New York : Routledge, 2017.: Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315745077-38.

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Ahmadian, Hassan, and Payam Mohseni. "Iran’s Syria Strategy: The Evolution of Deterrence." In NL ARMS, 231–60. The Hague: T.M.C. Asser Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-6265-419-8_13.

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AbstractIran has been a critical player in the Syrian war since 2011, crafting a complex foreign policy and military strategy to preserve its Syrian ally. What have been the drivers of Iranian decision-making in this conflict? And how has Iranian strategy evolved over the course of the war? This chapter argues that the logic of deterrence has been fundamental not just for shaping the contours of Iran–Syria relations since the Islamic Revolution of 1979, but also for determining the overall trajectory of Iranian strategy in the Syrian war. The authors outline Iran’s decision-making calculus and divide the country’s strategy on Syria after the Arab Spring into four primary phases: (1) a ‘Basij’ strategy to establish local militias in Syria; (2) a regionalization strategy to incorporate transnational fighters and militias in the war effort; (3) an internationalization strategy to incorporate Russia and balance the United States; and (4) a post-ISIS deterrence strategy to balance against the United States, Turkey and Israel. Iran’s Syria strategy progressively escalated in response to the possible defeat of its ally and the deterioration of its forward deterrence capacities against the United States and Israel. Today, the potential for direct inter-state conflict is rising as proxy warfare declines and Iran attempts to maintain the credibility of its forward deterrence.
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Sadri, Houman A. "An Islamic Perspective on Non-Alignment: Iranian Foreign Policy in Theory and Practice." In The Zen of International Relations, 157–74. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230286429_8.

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Lavigne, Marie. "Intra-CMEA Integration and Foreign Economic Relations of the CMEA Countries." In Studien über Wirtschafts- und Systemvergleiche, 231–37. Vienna: Springer Vienna, 1985. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-7091-8837-8_21.

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Ojo, Olatunde J. B. "Nigeria: The Political Economy of Dependent Industrialization and Foreign Policy." In Newly Industrializing Countries and the Political Economy of South-South Relations, 121–50. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1988. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-09753-1_6.

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Brun, Élodie. "Brazil’s Relations with Middle Eastern Countries: A Diplomacy in Search for Constancy (2003–2014)." In Latin American Foreign Policies towards the Middle East, 37–57. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-59939-1_3.

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Martenczuk, Bernd. "Cooperation with Developing and Other Third Countries: Elements of a Community Foreign Policy." In External Economic Relations and Foreign Policy in the European Union, 385–417. Vienna: Springer Vienna, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-7091-6156-2_12.

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Adraoui, Mohamed-Ali. "The Islamists and International Relations: A Dialectical Relationship?" In The Foreign Policy of Islamist Political Parties, 1–19. Edinburgh University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474426640.003.0001.

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Islamism now dates back a hundred years. Concern over members of this political and religious movement relates to their putative and potential radical - or even violent – behavior when confronted with cultural otherness. Such behavior takes root in their assumed wish to redesign the world in their image. From its inception in the 1920s to its more recent manifestations, the Islamist movement strove to lift Muslim societies out of their alleged civilizational lethargy. In so-doing, it has paid substantial attention to the state of international affairs, as well as to potential ways to act on it. If the State remains undeniably Islamist movements’ privileged arena for action, considerations for Muslim countries’ environment; devising strategies aiming at the completion of a “motherland of believers” (al-oumma); thoughts on an interstate order within an Islamic frame of reference - remain prominent concerns to them. From its outset, Islamism has always insisted on the duty to serve religion as a whole - and thus everyone identifying with it. Its end goal therefore overrides geographical, historical and political borders – those being perceived as divisive and weakening the face of Islam. In addition, Islamists consider the current international order as one consciously designed by non-Muslims. In such views, the latter nurse an ontological enmity towards Islam because of its revisionist potential. The Arab revolutions initiated in 2010 have been experimental fields of the oppositional – even revolutionary – dimensions of Islamist ideology. These enable interrogations to be raised on Islamism’s practice and possible evolutions. In other words, how do Islamist movements translate fundamental diplomatic and relational principles into practice with other actors of the international system? If Islamist forces are indeed maintaining special relationships with the outside world mainly driven by the wish to shower the planet with Islam-serving behavior, is it however analytically relevant to identify a specific Islamist practice of international affairs? There are two objectives tied to this presentation. First, it will attempt to shed light on how Islamist activists, leaders and theorists view the world. In so-doing, Islamist speeches and intellectual output will be scrutinized. Then, answers will be provided to the following question: when Islamist officials have had the chance to approach national decision-making arenas - this is the case in some countries that have experienced the Arab Spring – how did they manage to put up a foreign policy agenda centered around an Islamic framework? This question is central for through it one can attempt to measure the empirical outreach of the Islamist ideology.
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Klimentov, Vassily. "The USSR, Afghanistan, and the Muslim World." In A Slow Reckoning, 141–79. Cornell University Press, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501773808.003.0006.

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This chapter covers the interplay between the USSR, Afghanistan, and the Muslim world. It cites that the Soviet-Afghan War's negative fallout undermined years of Soviet backing for causes important to Muslims. Throughout the Soviet–Afghan War, the Soviets and the Afghan communists put considerable effort into strengthening the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan's (DRA) Islamic credentials on the international stage. To undermine international support for the mujahideen, the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA) under Soviet leadership concentrated on organizing an information campaign in domestic and foreign media and establishing diplomatic relations with Muslim countries. The chapter considers the limits of the DRA's Islamic credentials since it relied entirely on the USSR. It mentions how the Muslim world saw how Islamic solidarity prevailed over Cold War realpolitik.
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Conference papers on the topic "Islamic countries, foreign relations"

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Dančo, Ján. "Iran's Position As an Oil Power." In EDAMBA 2021 : 24th International Scientific Conference for Doctoral Students and Post-Doctoral Scholars. University of Economics in Bratislava, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.53465/edamba.2021.9788022549301.73-81.

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Oil extraction and export is the most crucial sector of the Islamic Republic of Iran's economy. Iran is one of the countries with the largest oil reserves, and revenues from its sale are the most important source of funding. However, this sector is sensitive to external factors and reacts sharply to developments in foreign markets. The change in the value orientation of Iran's foreign policy after the evolution in 1979 has resulted in a period of instability that has had a significant impact on Iran's oil industry. In this paper, we will try to describe the most significant factors that affect the oil industry in Iran. This paper considers mainly external determinants such as sanctions and its effectiveness, oil price volatility and political and economic relations between Iran and international community. At the end of this paper author examines the perspectives in the Iranian economy in the following decades. The work also deals with the main economic issues that the administration of the newly elected president Ebrahim Raisi will face.
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شریف اسماعیل, سركوت. "The impact of the foreign relations of the Iraqi state on the Anfal operations, (America) is a model." In Peacebuilding and Genocide Prevention. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdicpgp/15.

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"The Anfal crime of 1988 was a series of political, military and propaganda campaigns carried out by Saddam's Ba'athist regime against a part of the Kurdish people.In this process, all the means of genocide were used, from killing, slaughter, arrest, expulsion and expulsion to the demolition of houses, burning of fields and gardens and looting of their livestock and belongings. The Ba'ath regime's excuse for this crime was nothing but religious and political propaganda that the Kurdish nation had deviated from Islam and had turned against the state These excuses were to justify his crime because the process was named after a chapter of the Holy Qur'an, which was Anfal. For such a big and heinous crime, of course, you have to make all the internal and external factors available before you start, because without the availability of both factors, it would have been impossible for such a big and important process to succeed Therefore, Saddam's Ba'athist regime had secured international and external factors along with the availability of domestic factors to a good extent, so it carried out the process in such a comprehensive and widespread manner. The United States, which was one of the most powerful and influential countries of the time, had a strong relationship with Saddam and the Iraqi government in all political, military, economic and other aspects The Americans, who served Saddam Hussein's regime in the success of the Anfal process, not only provided military and logistical assistance to the Iraqi government, but also provided intelligence assistance to the regime On the other hand, for the sake of the Ba'ath and Saddam regimes, he had cut off all kinds of cooperation from the Kurds and refused to even welcome the Kurdish representatives when they wanted to convey the truth about the Anfal crime to the US and the world.This was one of the reasons why Saddam's regime was protected from international condemnation and prosecution thanks to its cooperation and strong ties with the Americans."
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"Strategic Thinking of Ayatollah Khomeini in the Iranian Islamic Revolution." In International Relations on Indonesian Foreign Policy Conference 2022. Galaxy Science, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.11594/nstp.2023.3407.

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4

Zhan, Yaocheng. "Foreign Policy Amongst Countries in World War II." In 2021 International Conference on Public Relations and Social Sciences (ICPRSS 2021). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.211020.194.

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Akça, Tacinur. "Foreign Trade Relations Between Turkey and the Eurasian Countries: An Empirical Study." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c07.01793.

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The Eurasian Countries incorporates many economic and cultural wealth. The Eurasian countries have attracted attention all over the world with its rich oil and natural gas reserves and geopolitical situation. Due to the increasing importance of the Eurasian countries, as well as being an alternative to a political foreign policy and it has created an economically viable alternative in terms of foreign trade for Turkey. The importance of exports is increasing for the development of Turkey and Eurasia cannot be neglected as an important issue. History of the republic's foreign policy is focused on establishing good relations with the West. Of the Soviet Union collapsed and the Cold War ended after the opening of the new Turkish foreign policy became inevitable to be based in Central Asia and the Caucasus, Turkey aimed to be active in this region. The main purpose of our study was that Turkey's foreign trade with The Eurasian Countries is to reveal the relationship. The interest in the region began in the beginning of 1990, the economic policies implemented by Turkey has tried to analyze using relevant data. İn our study, in order to analyze the economic relationship between our countries and Eurasian Countries, Turkey's import and export figures which were explained in the form of tables with the countries concerned. We will concentrate on the major Eurasian countries, especially in our work we focus on Russia, Azerbaijan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Georgia, Ukraine and Moldova.
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Gorsheneva, Irina Arkadyevna, and Serafima Evgenyevna Zaitseva. "THE EXPERIENCE OF RUSSIA AND FOREIGN COUNTRIES IN COUNTERING EXTREMISM." In Themed collection of papers from Foreign International Scientific Conference «Trends in the development of science and Global challenges» Ьу НNRI «National development» in cooperation with AFP. February 2023. Crossref, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.37539/230216.2023.12.95.002.

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The article examines the legal foundations and features of the world experience in countering extremism which should be taken into account by Russia to improve the administrative and legal means used in the fight against it. The necessity of accumulating world experience in combating extremism, the importance of interstate cooperation in this area, the significance of creating a common international regulatory framework in the field of regulation of these legal relations are indicated.
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Nuruzade, Shahla. "Sharia and its place in the daily life of Azerbaijanis." In Development of legal systems in Russia and foreign countries: problems of theory and practice. ru: Publishing Center RIOR, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.29039/02061-6-212-218.

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The article is dedicated to Islamic law, where Islamic norms and traditions are formed in Azerbaijan. Sharia is primarily a complex of Muslim law established by the Quran and Sunnah. Although Azerbaijan is a secular state, Azerbaijanis still follow Sharia law in everyday life.
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Sivtsova, Nadezhda, Yulia Boltenkova, and Jin Changhao. "Foreign Economic Relations Between China and Countries of Central Asia: Trends and Development Prospects." In 8th International Conference on Contemporary Problems in the Development of Economic, Financial and Credit Systems (DEFCS 2020). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/aebmr.k.201215.031.

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Fynchina, Khicheza. "Development of Trade Relations of the Kyrgyz Republic with Turkey." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c12.02454.

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The progressive development of the economy of each country in the context of globalization is to a large extent determined by its foreign trade activities. Individual entrepreneurship of the Kyrgyz Republic was the locomotive for the development of trade cooperation with many countries of the far abroad, among which Turkey is one of the leaders. Sources of research: statistical data. The main methods of cognition: analysis, synthesis, logical sequence. Key findings: The participation of the Kyrgyz Republic in the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) contributed to the revival of trade relations of the Kyrgyzstan with the EAEU members and other countries. The structure of foreign trade has improved: leading export growth compared to import growth. The pace of development of foreign trade relations shows that the participation of Kyrgyzstan in the EAEU is not a deterrent to its integration into the world trade community. The production orientation of imports from Turkey and China showed the basis for restoring the production potential of the light industry of Kyrgyzstan. An analysis of official data on foreign trade of Kyrgyzstan and mirror statistics of key partner countries revealed the problem of the presence of inaccuracy in the statistics of foreign trade of Kyrgyzstan and possible budget losses. The principles of building a new relationship between a man and society under the influence of the Covid-19 pandemic will be based on the rationalization of consumption and production. This will be the basis for the restoration and development of foreign trade of the Kyrgyz Republic.
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Karaeva, Laman. "The role of humanitarian forum in strengthening Azerbaijani-Russian relations." In Development of legal systems in Russia and foreign countries: problems of theory and practice. ru: Publishing Center RIOR, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.29039/02061-6-154-160.

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The Azerbaijani-Russian Forum, the foundation of which was laid in 2010, played a great role in strengthening bilateral relations between the two states. Within a short period of time, within the framework of this forum, the main directions of political and legal, trade, economic, cultural and humanitarian regional cooperation were discussed. The first Russian-Azerbaijani forum on humanitarian cooperation was held on January 22-23, 2010 at the International Mugham Center in Baku.
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Reports on the topic "Islamic countries, foreign relations"

1

Lewis, Dustin, ed. Database of States’ Statements (August 2011–October 2016) concerning Use of Force in relation to Syria. Harvard Law School Program on International Law and Armed Conflict, May 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.54813/ekmb4241.

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Many see armed conflict in Syria as a flashpoint for international law. The situation raises numerous unsettling questions, not least concerning normative foundations of the contemporary collective-security and human-security systems, including the following: Amid recurring reports of attacks directed against civilian populations and hospitals with seeming impunity, what loss of legitimacy might law suffer? May—and should—states forcibly intervene to prevent (more) chemical-weapons attacks? If the government of Syria is considered unwilling or unable to obviate terrorist threats from spilling over its borders into other countries, may another state forcibly intervene to protect itself (and others), even without Syria’s consent and without an express authorization of the U.N. Security Council? What began in Daraa in 2011 as protests escalated into armed conflict. Today, armed conflict in Syria implicates a multitude of people, organizations, states, and entities. Some are obvious, such as the civilian population, the government, and organized armed groups (including designated terrorist organizations, for example the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria, or ISIS). Other implicated actors might be less obvious. They include dozens of third states that have intervened or otherwise acted in relation to armed conflict in Syria; numerous intergovernmental bodies; diverse domestic, foreign, and international courts; and seemingly innumerable NGOs. Over time, different states have adopted wide-ranging and diverse approaches to undertaking measures (or not) concerning armed conflict in Syria, whether in relation to the government, one or more armed opposition groups, or the civilian population. Especially since mid-2014, a growing number of states have undertaken military operations directed against ISIS in Syria. For at least a year-and-a-half, Russia has bolstered military strategies of the Syrian government. At least one state (the United States) has directed an operation against a Syrian military base. And, more broadly, many states provide (other) forms of support or assistance to the government of Syria, to armed opposition groups, or to the civilian population. Against that backdrop, the Harvard Law School Program on International Law and Armed Conflict (HLS PILAC) set out to collect states’ statements made from August 2011 through November 2016 concerning use of force in relation to Syria. A primary aim of the database is to provide a comparatively broad set of reliable resources regarding states’ perspectives, with a focus on legal parameters. A premise underlying the database is that through careful documentation of diverse approaches, we can better understand those perspectives. The intended audience of the database is legal practitioners. The database is composed of statements made on behalf of states and/or by state officials. For the most part, the database focuses on statements regarding legal parameters concerning use of force in relation to Syria. HLS PILAC does not pass judgment on whether each statement is necessarily legally salient for purposes of international law. Nor does HLS PILAC seek to determine whether a particular statement may be understood as an expression of opinio juris or an act of state practice (though it might be).
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Mehra, Tanya, Merlina Herbach, Devorah Margolin, and Austin C. Doctor. Trends in the Return and Prosecution of ISIS Foreign Terrorist Fighters in the United States. ICCT, August 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.19165/2023.3.04.

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Approximately 300 Americans are estimated to have traveled or attempted to join the Islamic State (ISIS) as part of the group’s campaign in Syria and Iraq between 2013 and 2019. These individuals joined more than 53,000 men, women, and minors from roughly 80 countries. Often referred to as foreign (terrorist) fighters (FTF), these are individuals from third countries who travel to join a terrorist group to support its activities. In the United States (U.S.) context, the FTF designation does not denote the act of fighting itself, but rather the support of a designated foreign terrorist organization (FTO). While many of these radicalized individuals traveled alone to the conflict zone, others brought their families or formed new ones in-theater. As ISIS’ selfdeclared caliphate collapsed, many were killed, some fled to other locations, and many were captured and held by Kurdish forces. Men and some teenage boys were primarily placed in prisons, while women and minors were often moved into detention camps. Today, an estimated 10,000 male FTFs remain held in northeastern Syria including 2,000 men and boys from 60 countries outside Syria and Iraq (third country nationals, or TCNs). In addition, local camps hold close to 55,000 female FTF and FTF-affiliated family members, including roughly 10,000 TCN women and children. Some of these individuals have now been in detention for four years or more. The indefinite detention of FTF and FTF-affiliated families in northeastern Syria is not a tenable solution. In addition to clear humanitarian concerns, there is a significant security risk that the facilities’ inhabitants provide a groundswell of recruits to the still active ISIS campaign in the region. A 2022 U.S. military report puts it bluntly, “These children in the camp are prime targets for ISIS radicalization. The international community must work together to remove these children from this environment by repatriating them to their countries or communities of origin while improving conditions in the camp.” In lockstep, U.S. diplomatic leaders have made repatriation a policy priority empowered by a general domestic partisan consensus that the repatriation of FTF and FTF-affiliated families from northeastern Syria should be done expediently. Progress has been slow, while many Western nations were strongly resistant to bringing their detained citizens home, there is recent evidence for cautious optimism. Approximately 9,200 persons – including 2,700 TCNs and 6,500 Iraqis repatriated since 2019. This year, 13 countries have repatriated roughly 2,300 persons, including more than 350 TCNs. However, more work remains to be done. As of July 15, 2023, 39 U.S. persons have been officially repatriated, including both adults and minors. At least 11 additional U.S. persons have returned on their own accord, ten of whom remained in the U.S. following their return. Furthermore, the U.S. has made the decision to bring several non-U.S. persons to the U.S. to stand trial.
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Detges, Adrien, and Adrian Foong. Foreign Policy Implications of Climate Change in Focus Regions of European External Action. Adelphi research gemeinnützige GmbH, February 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55317/casc020.

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In a globalised world, the effects of climate change are likely to cascade across borders. Climate impacts in one location may have far reaching consequences in other places by affecting trade, migration, investments, and foreign policy objectives. Whether such cascading effects are likely to materialise depends in turn on a number of social, economic, and political factors that reinforce or attenuate the effects of climate change on economic development, migration, political stability, etc. These moderating conditions are crucial when considering possible challenges in connection with climate change, and opportunities for addressing them. In this report, we discuss the possible effects of climate change on issues at the core of European foreign, security, and development policy – namely, the impacts of climate change on livelihoods, food security, migration, and political stability in regions with close ties to Europe, where those impacts may affect European foreign policy objectives in a significant way. Across regions, we identify a number of challenges and opportunities in different scenarios, which assume either more or less favourable moderating conditions (i.e., with regard to technology and physical infrastructure; resource and conflict management; economic opportunities; trade and access to markets; governance and state-citizen relations; and social and diplomatic relations). Despite important challenges and mounting climatic pressures in all considered regions, our results leave some room for optimism. Depending on their ability to build strong and inclusive institutions, promote sustainable development, and strengthen social and diplomatic ties, affected countries and their partners might be able to reduce the risk of adverse cascading effects in connection with a warming world. Climate change will become increasingly challenging in the coming years, yet its effects are ultimately determined by social, economic, and political factors. Studying what makes societies susceptible to be adversely affected by climate change and how such conditions evolve over time then gives an indication of where to direct adaptation efforts. The moderating conditions presented in this report offer as many “levers” for preparing against the adverse effects of climate change.
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Macchiavello, Luis J. Peruvian Migration to Japan. Inter-American Development Bank, April 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0006556.

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This document is about Peruvian Japanese migration. Peru was the first country in Latin America to establish diplomatic relations with Japan, and the tenth in the world. At that time just 14 countries had this kind of links with Japan. The Japanese migration started in 1899. Peru was also the first country in Latin America to receive those migrant Japanese citizens. The first Japanese foreign investment venture took place in Peru in 1889.
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Lacunza, Hernán, and Martín Redrado. A New Approach to Trade Development in Latin America. Inter-American Development Bank, May 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0008562.

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The present work is motivated by the desire to share with those in the political and academic arenas in Latin America my experience with a distinguished team of professionals. This included two years creating and implementing trade policy in Argentina, as well as several years devoted to research concerning the region¿s relations with the rest of the world and the creation of an export model that could serve as a source of growth for developing countries. This paper is an abridged version of my book, "Exportar para crecer" (Editorial Planeta, 2003). The management model created at the Argentine Ministry of Foreign Relations draws on both public and private intellectual contributions. Together, they led to an aggressive trade policy designed to open markets for Argentine products through trade negotiations. The policy attempted to transcend false antagonisms concerning the geographic destinations of our exports, focusing, moreover, on an indispensable complementary element: developing markets as a means of ensuring the effective use of opportunities created.
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Terzyan, Aram. http://eurasiainstitutes.org/files/file/psrp_2024_number_1.pdf. Eurasia Institutes, January 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.47669/psprp-1-2024.

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This paper delves into the political landscape of post-war Armenia, focusing on both domestic and foreign policy implications of the 2020 war. While Nikol Pashinyan’s government has not delivered its promises of bringing peace and prosperity to the country, Pashinyan managed to win the 2021 snap parliamentary elections. Nevertheless, the elections have not resolved Armenia’s political crisis, one in which it has found itself since 2020. Combined with the war and its aftermath, the COVID-19 pandemic has also invited challenges, which resulted in an increased human toll, slowdown of economy, and deepened public anger and mistrust of the authorities. In effect, Armenia is faced with a myriad of challenges, ranging from unresolved issues with neighboring countries to the Armenian government’s limited agency in terms of redefining relations with increasingly coercive Russia.
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TITOVA, E. FEATURES OF MIGRATION POLICY IN THE JEWISH AUTONOMOUS REGION. Science and Innovation Center Publishing House, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.12731/2077-1770-2021-13-4-2-54-70.

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The article reveals the features of the state mechanism for regulating labor migration in the Jewish Autonomous Region. It is noted that labor migration is an integral part of the economic development of the region. The purpose of the study is the peculiarities of solving the problems of optimizing the mechanisms for regulating labor migration in the Jewish Autonomous Region (JAO). The practical significance of the study is underscored by the growing resource requirements of the Jewish Autonomous Region. The importance of attracting labor migrants from the widest list of countries, to increase the exchange of experience and improve interethnic relations, the organization of programs to increase the flow of willing workers and promising employers, is highlighted. The scientific novelty of the research is in the designation of the latest methods and state programs aimed at improving the efficiency of the labor migration management mechanism. Every year, the number of migrants illegally staying on the territory of Russia is growing, and the authorities of the Russian Federation are trying to improve the methods of control of foreign citizens entering the country, which makes it easier, but at the same time more effective, to exercise control over migrants and distribute it in. areas such as the patent system, employee-to-employer linkage and simplified taxation.
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DeMetri, Olga, Samuel Moreno, and Gerardo Funes. Seizing the Market Opportunity of the Growing Latino and Caribbean Community in the United States. Inter-American Development Bank, November 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0005199.

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This study examines the transformative influence of the rapidly growing Latino and Caribbean community in the United States, both as a demographic and an economic powerhouse. Accounting for nearly one in five U.S. residents, this community is reshaping the nation's social, economic, and cultural landscapes. In 2019 alone, the economic output of Latinos in the U.S. was $2.7 trillion, marking them as a global economic force. The report highlights the community's role in enhancing trade and economic relations with Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC), including its influence on foreign direct investment (FDI) and diaspora direct investment (DDI). Remittances to LAC countries remain strong, further solidifying economic ties. Culturally and politically, the Latino and Caribbean community is becoming mainstream in the U.S., as evidenced by its growing impact on music, food, and voter participation. The study includes case studies from Houston, Los Angeles, Miami, and New York to underline the community's diverse contributions across various sectors. In summary, the Latino and Caribbean community is not just growing in numbers but is a formidable force that is shaping the U.S. and strengthening its international ties with LAC. This growth presents numerous opportunities for both domestic and international economic and cultural collaborations.
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Oltarzhevskyi, Dmytro. HISTORICAL FEATURES OF CORPORATE MEDIA FORMATION IN UKRAINE AND IN THE WORLD. Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, February 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2021.49.11067.

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The article examines the world and Ukrainian history of corporate periodicals. The main purpose of this study is to reproduce an objective global picture of the emergence and formation of corporate periodicals, taking into account the business and socio-economic context. Accordingly, its tasks are to compare the conditions and features of corporate media genesis in different countries, to determine the main factors of their development, as well as to clarify the transformations of the terminological apparatus. The research is based on mostly foreign secondary scientific works published from 1915 to the present time. The literature was studied using methods such as overview, historical, functional and thematic analysis, description, and generalization. A systematic approach was used to determine the role and place of each element in the system, as well as to comprehensively consider the object in the general historical context and within the current scientific discourse. The method of systematization made it possible to establish internal and external connections, patterns and contradictions in the development of the object of study. The main historical milestones on this path are identified, examples of the first successful corporate publications and their contribution to business development, public relations, and corporate communications are considered. It was found that corporate media emerged in the mid-nineteenth century spontaneously, on the wave of practical business needs in response to industrialization, company increase, staff growth, and consumer market development. Their appearance preceded the formation of the public relations industry and changed the structure of the information space. The scientific significance of this research is that the historical look at the evolution of corporate media provides an understanding of their place, influence, capabilities, and growing communicative role in the digital age.
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Cvijić, Srdjan, Nikola Dimitrov, Leposava Ognjanoska Stavrovska, and Ivana Ranković. Bilateral Disputes and EU enlargement: A Consensual Divorce. Belgrade Centre for Security Policy, May 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.55042/xubk6023.

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Bilateral disputes between European Union member states and candidate countries are one of the key obstacles to EU enlargement. They have been plaguing the EU accession process ever since the breakup of Yugoslavia and the subsequent border dispute between EU member Slovenia and candidate country Croatia which then ensued. More recently we have the case of North Macedonia. It became a candidate country in 2005 but ever since, its accession negotiations have been bogged down by endless bilateral disputes. While the case of North Macedonia and its decades long conflicts with Greece and Bulgaria are the most well-known of such cases, they are not the only ones. In a seminal 2018 publication the Balkans in Europe Policy Advisory Group (BIEPAG) outlined the most prominent “open” or “latent” disputes between EU member states and candidate countries in the Western Balkans. Ranging from border to territorial disputes, or ones concerning the status of national minorities, four out of five candidate countries in the region – Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, North Macedonia or Serbia, has a bilateral dispute with one or more EU member states. If you look at new candidates Ukraine and Moldova and potential candidate Georgia however, the list of active or potential bilateral disputes is even longer. Even when a candidate country meets the criteria to progress in EU accession talks, bilateral disputes can delay it for years or even decades as in the case of North Macedonia. In this way such disputes present a serious challenge to the credibility of the EU enlargement process. In the context of the war in Ukraine, as we have seen with regard to the policies of Viktor Orbán’s Hungary towards Ukraine, invoking bilateral disputes can seriously challenge the geopolitical orientation and the security of the entire Union. On the legal side, since most of these issues fall outside the scope of the EU law and are not covered by the accession criteria, there is a need to think of an institutional mechanism to deal with bilateral disputes. Enlargement policy does not offer an appropriate platform for settlement of bilateral disputes, especially for those that fall outside the EU law. Hence, these issues should be addressed via the international legal dispute resolution toolbox and thus be subjects of separate processes. The EU’s role however cannot be passive. It should invest efforts in these processes in order for them to be mutually reinforcing and so that the accession process has a mollifying rather than tension amplifying effect on the issue. In its policy brief, published at the end of 2023, the European Council on Foreign Relations (ECFR) proposed updating the Copenhagen criteria such that they should include a stipulation to resolve bilateral issues between member states and candidate countries through external dispute resolution mechanisms: Territorial disputes should be referred to arbitration or the International Court of Justice, while those on minority rights should be dealt with by the European Court of Human Rights and other appropriate dispute settlement mechanisms. In this policy brief we suggest ways how to operationalise this proposal. First, we describe different types of vertical bilateral disputes (the ones that include asymmetrical relations) between EU members and Western Balkan candidate countries, then we outline international mechanisms to resolve them, and finally we propose an institutional architecture to remove bilateral disputes that fall outside of the scope of the Copenhagen criteria and the EU acquis from the purview of EU accession talks.
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