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Hayaud-Din, Mian Ahad. "U.S. Foreign Policy in Islamic South Asia: Realism, Culture, and Policy Toward Pakistan and Afghanistan." [Tampa, Fla. : s.n.], 2003. http://purl.fcla.edu/fcla/etd/SFE0000074.
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Slight, John Paul. "The British Empire and the hajj, 1865-1956." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610358.
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Alhijazi, Yahya Z. D. "Developing countries and foreign direct investment." Thesis, McGill University, 1999. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=21670.
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Along with international trade, foreign direct investment (FDI) has been the engine driving the current economic globalization of the world economy. The growth rate of FDI, which exceeded that of international trade and world output throughout the 1990s, raises important questions regarding the value of FDI to developing countries as host countries to FDI and the role it can play in their development.In an attempt to answer these questions, this thesis tackles the main issues underlining FDI and developing countries. After analysing the pros and cons of FDI for developing countries and other interested parties, this thesis scrutinizes the regulation of FDI as a means to balance the interests of the concerned parties, giving an assessment of the balance of interests in some existing and potential FDI regulations. Furthermore, this thesis highlights the case against the deregulation of FDI and its consequences for developing countries. It concludes by formulating regulatory FDI guidelines for developing.
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Abdulla, Fawaz Yusuf Ahmed Abdulrahim. "European Union policies and socioeconomic development in the Southern Mediterranean : the case of Morocco." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.648135.
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Gillies, David 1952. "Between ethics and interests : human rights in the north-south relations of Canada, The Netherlands, and Norway." Thesis, McGill University, 1992. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=41264.
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This study examines human rights in the North-South relations of three internationalist countries: Canada, the Netherlands, and Norway. It pays special attention to the integration of human rights in development aid policy, particularly the use of political conditionality. The theoretical framework examines the explanatory power of political Realism. A hypothesis linking policy assertiveness with the perceived costs to other national interests is tested by selecting Western states most likely to disprove Realist assumptions, and by choosing at least two Third World cases for each aid donor: one where economic, political and strategic interests are high, and another where the same interests are minimal or low. Three frameworks to (1) document human rights abuses; (2) evaluate national human rights performance; and (3) gauge foreign policy assertiveness serve as the methodological lenses to analyze Western statecraft and test the hypothesis.Each donor's search for moral opportunity is visible in an emerging agenda to promote human rights and democratic development. However, if the resolve to defend human rights beyond national borders is gauged by a state's willingness to incur harm to other important national interests, then Canada, the Netherlands, and Norway are seldom disposed to let human rights trump more self-serving national interests. The potential for consistent and principled human rights statecraft is frequently undermined by Realism's cost-benefit rationality.
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Kellett, Ken. "Bilateral aid in Canada's foreign policy : the human rights rhetoric-practice gap." Thesis, Lethbridge, Alta. : University of Lethbridge, Dept. of Political Science, c2013, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10133/3298.
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Successive Canadian federal governments have officially indicated their support of human rights in foreign policy, including as they relate to aid-giving. This thesis quantitatively tests this rhetoric with the actual practice of bilateral aid-giving in two time periods – 1998-2000 and 2007-2009. This, however, revealed that Canada has actually tended to give more bilateral aid to countries with poorer human rights records. A deeper quantitative analysis identifies certain multilateral memberships – notably with the Commonwealth, NATO, and OECD – and the geo-political and domestic considerations of Haiti as significant and confirms a recipient state’s human rights performance is not a consideration. These multilateral relationships reflect state self-interests, historical connections, security, and a normative commitment to poverty reduction. It is these factors that those promoting a human rights agenda need to contemplate if recipient state performance is to become relevant in bilateral aid decisions. Thus, it is necessary to turn to international relations theory, in particular liberal institutionalism, to explain Canada’s bilateral aid-giving in these periods.vi, 141 leaves ; 29 cm
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De, Matteis Pietro. "Sino-European energy, environmental and climate change diplomacy." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610458.
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Zhong, Xiao Fei. "China and the EU : competition and cooperation in the Caspian region." Thesis, University of Macau, 2010. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555549.
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Peng, Dan Ni. "The EU-China trade relations in the context of economic globalization." Thesis, University of Macau, 2010. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555591.
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Bai, Xue. "Evaluation and suggestions on EU development assistance policy." Thesis, University of Macau, 2012. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2595841.
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Hong, Hye Hyun. "The influence of public relations on news coverage and public perceptions of foreign countries." [Ames, Iowa : Iowa State University], 2007.
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Hansen, B. B. (Britt Bertram). "The impact of international funding on projects in developing countries." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53644.
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Thesis (MPA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2003.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This assignment seeks to critically analyse the impact of international funding on the present state of development in developing countries. The aim of the analysis is to provide recommendations to improve the methods and motives behind giving funding in order to increase the impact of such funding. International funding provided to developing countries is often based on rigid guidelines, requirements, restrictions and conditions. It is these conditions that need revising to be more appropriate for conditions in developing countries. Only through viewing case studies and learning from them is it possible for international funding to facilitate more innovative and effective development to those in need. The research findings are derived from analysis of the literature review of international funding and through viewing the Danish International Development Assistance (DANIDA) and the South African Police Service (SAPS), the two organisations of this case study. The SAPS is one of many organisations receiving international assistance and have benefited from assistance from DANIDA since 1994. Funding for the project in the study was granted after the project proposal was formulated to fit the requirements of the DANIDA Guideline for Project Preparation, a set of guidelines prescribed to any organisation wanting to receive funding from DANIDA. All funding organisations have similar guidelines although it is evident that some are more rigid and prescriptive than others. From this study a list of recommendations were developed pertaining to the sets of guidelines used by international development organisations. It appeared rational that the list of recommendations should be divided into suggestions on the required structures of development organisations and on the required aspects to be included in the project proposal and implementation. The recommendations to the structures were to determine the level of involvement of the funding organisation in the project; to determine the literacy level necessary to comply with the funding requirements; to decide on the level of involvement of external consultants; to ensure frequent reviews; and finally to ensure conflict resolution. The aspects to be included in the project proposal and implementation were based on ensuring equal opportunity in terms of diversity and gender awareness; to commit to the sustainability of the project; for all parties to be involved in the compilation of project objectives and to ensure that the project represents the overall development goals of the beneficial country. Although a number of these recommendations are applied by some organisations it is necessary for the successful outcome of a project that all are considered. Each recommendation represents a building block of development and these are all interdependent. The general conclusion of this study is therefore that some level of conditionality is necessary. No one can expect economic aid to be given without conditions but the conditions must be fair, benefiting the recipient country and ensuring that development of those living in poverty is indeed the outcome of all funding.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie werkstuk het ten doelom die impak van internasionale befondsing op die huidige stand van ontwikkeling in ontwikkelende lande krities te analiseer. Die analise het die formulering van aanbevelings ter verbetering van die metodes en motiewe agter die toestaan van befondsing ten doel ten einde die impak van sulke fondse te verhoog. Internasionale befondsing vir ontwikkelende lande is dikwels gebaseer op rigiede riglyne, vereistes, beperkings en voorwaardes. Dit is hierdie voorwaardes wat hersien moet word ten einde meer toepaslik vir toestande in ontwikkelende lande te wees. Slegs deur die ontleding van gevallestudies en lesse daaruit geleer is dit moontlik vir internasionale befondsers om meer innoverende en effektiewe ontwikkeling aan behoeftiges te fasiliteer. Die navorsingsbevindings is afgelei uit die analise van die literatuurstudie insake internasionale befondsing, asook die analise van die twee organisasies in die gevallestudie, naamlik die "Danish International Development Assistance (DANIDA)" en die Suid-Afrikaanse Polisie Diens (SAPD). Die SAPD is een van vele organisasies wat internasionale bystand ontvang en word reeds sedert 1994 deur DANIDA ondersteun. Befondsing vir die projek waarop die gevallestudie gebaseer is, was toegestaan nadat die projekvoorstel geformuleer is volgens die vereistes van die "DANIDA Guideline for Project Preparation". Laasgenoemde is 'n stel riglyne wat voorgeskryf word aan alle organisasies wat vir befondsing wil kwalifiseer. Alle befondsingsorganisasies het soortgelyke riglyne, alhoewel dit duidelik is dat sommiges veel meer rigied en voorskrywend is as ander. Uit die studie is 'n stel aanbevelings ontwikkel rakende die riglyne soos gebruik deur internasionale ontwikkelingsorganisasies. Dit blyk rasioneel om die lys van aanbevelings te verdeel volgens voorstelle rondom die vereiste struktuur van ontwikkelingsorganisasies, asook voorstelle aangaande die vereiste aspekte wat ingesluit moet word in die projekvoorstel en implementering. Aanbevelings insake die struktuur het ten doelom vas te stel watter vlak van betrokkenheid van die befondser benodig word; om die nodige geletterdheidsvlak vir die nakoming van die befondsingsvereistes te bepaal; om die vlak van betrokkenheid van eksterne konsultante te bepaal; om gereelde hersiening te verseker; en om konflik oplossing te verseker. Aspekte om in te sluit in die projekvoorstel en implementering is gebaseer op die versekering van gelyke geleenthede in terme van diversiteit en geslagsbewustheid; om volhoubaarheid van die projek na te streef; vir alle partye om betrokke te wees in die samestelling van die projekdoelwitte en om te verseker dat die projek die oorkoepelende ontwikkelingsdoelwitte van die begunstige land verteenwoordig. Alhoewel party van hierdie aanbevelings reeds toegepas word deur sekere organisasies, is dit noodsaaklik om alle aanbevelings in ag te neem ten einde 'n suksesvolle uitkoms van die projek te verseker. Elke aanbeveling verteenwoordig 'n boublok van ontwikkeling en almal is interafhanklik tot mekaar. Die algemene bevinding van hierdie studie is dat 'n bepaalde vlak van voorwaardelikheid noodsaaklik is. Daar kan nie verwag word dat ekonomiese hulp verskaf word sonder voorwaardes nie, maar laasgenoemde moet regverdig wees, voordelig vir die begunstigde land wees, en verseker dat ontwikkeling van diegene wat in armoede leef wel die uitkoms van alle befondsing is.
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Siou, Aurelie-Laure. "Challenges of Western democracies in the post-Cold War era." Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2005. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/806.
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This item is only available in print in the UCF Libraries. If this is your Honors Thesis, you can help us make it available online for use by researchers around the world by following the instructions on the distribution consent form at http://library.ucfBachelors
Arts and Sciences
Political Science
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Tian, Han Bo. "The conflict between bilateralism and multilateralism in complicated EU-China relations." Thesis, University of Macau, 2010. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555573.
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Abellán, Miguel Angel Medina. "The participation of Turkey in the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) : how has the European Union managed the 'involvement issue'? (1999-2009)." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610608.
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Yao, Ning. "BRICS cooperation mechanism and its impacts on global economic governance." Thesis, University of Macau, 2015. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b3335238.
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Abebe, Opeyemi Temitope. "Regional trade agreements and its impact on the multilateral trading system: eroding the preferences of developing countries?" Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2005. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&.
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The purpose of this paper was to examine the impact that the proliferation of regional trade agreements have had on the Multilateral Trading System and whether by allowing regional trade agreements under the World Trade Organization rules, the members of the World Trade Organization have not unwittingly weakened the multilateral trading system. It also examined the effect the proliferation of regional trade agreements have had on the special and deferential treatment for developing countries within the system.
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Meyer, Martin Federico. "The Europeanization of the public sphere in the foreign policy domain : political action and public discourse in Germany and the United Kingdom." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.608997.
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Schlesinger, Thomas. "North vs. South: Sovereign Equality and the Environment in the Twentieth Century." PDXScholar, 1995. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/5048.
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Although Third World states lack military and economic strength, they still are able to exert considerable influence on certain international issues. The proliferation of small states following World War II, coupled with the twentieth century acceptance of the norm of sovereign equality, has enabled the weak states of the international system to challenge the order established by the strong. While Third World nations are weak according to traditional measures of power, sovereign equality and bloc voting by the small states, have accorded a type of "conditional" power to the South. This conditional power is augmented by the advent of a new international issue, the environment. Because of their large populations and natural resource bases, developing countries significantly influence environmental problems and therefore have greater leverage in environmental negotiations. This thesis seeks to demonstrate that because of the military and economic weakness of the South, it has sought to develop alternative sources of international strength. These new sources take advantage of norms and issues particular to twentieth century world politics. While these other sources thus far lack the potency of military or economic power, they do provide the South with a limited, but nonetheless important amount of influence in international politics. This thesis analyzes the nature and scope of the South's power arising out of the acceptance of the norm of sovereign equality. The paper also studies a second source of strength for developing nations, negative power; this power is based on the South's ability to frustrate Northern efforts to deal with serious environmental problems. By examining two major international environmental conferences, the thesis demonstrates both the character and limitations of this negative power. The foregoing study concludes that the new power of the South, though still quite limited today, may be an indication of growing strength as global environmental problems become increasingly central to international relations.
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Xia, Lan Yan. "The change and challenge of Chinese overseas interest in post 9/11 era." Thesis, University of Macau, 2011. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2554620.
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Yang, Zi Wei. "Economic integration in Greater China : drawing lessons from European Union." Thesis, University of Macau, 2011. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555596.
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Jónsdóttir, Jóhanna. "Europeanisation of the Icelandic policy process." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609096.
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Jaoui, Abdelhak. "Can the Baker plan work?" Virtual Press, 1987. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/490119.
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The purpose of this study was to analyze, using a medium term scenario of three years, the impact 9f the Baker Plan on the economies of fifteen debt laden countries. A central argument of this scenario was to assess whether growth and creditworthiness would be restored in these countries. A model using projections of debt service, imports, exports and capital requirements was developed to test these variables. Baker's package of $29 billion over three years (1985-1988) was contrasted with the model projections. The findings showed that, in the short-term, Baker's proposal will fall short of restoring growth and creditworthiness. However, the supply side policies suggested by Baker Initiative are the right way to go if the indebted countries are to resume growth and creditworthiness in the long run.
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Javidan, Darugar Mohammad Reza. "International Economic Dependency and Human Development in Third World Countries." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1996. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc278243/.
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This study empirically tested the two competing development theories--modernization and dependency/world-system. Theoretical and methodological approaches suggested by these two paradigms offer opposing interpretations of the incorporation of the Third World countries into the world capitalist system. Therefore, they provide conflicting and, at times, confusing guidelines on the ways available to enhance the well-being of the general populations in these countries. To shed light on the subject matter, this study uses a few specific indicators of economic growth and human development by comparing the outcomes based on the two conflicting paradigms. The comparative process allows us to confirm the one theoretical approach that best explains human conditions in Third World settings. The study focuses on specific aspects of foreign domination--foreign investment, foreign trade, foreign debt, and the resulting disarticulated national economies. The main arguement, here, conveys the idea that as far as Third World countries are tied in an inescapable and unilaterally benefitial (to the core countries of course) economic and political relations, there will be no hope for any form of sustainable economic growth. Human well-being in Third World countries might very well depend on their ability to develop self-reliant economies with the least possible ties to the world capitalist system.
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Rasmussen, Ashley Marie. "In or Out: Interpretation of European Union Membership Criteria and its Effect on the EU Accession Process for Candidate and Potential Member States of Southeastern Europe." PDXScholar, 2011. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/127.
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Since 1973, the European Union has been expanding its borders from its six founding members - West Germany, France, Italy, the Netherlands, Luxembourg, and Belgium, to include all of Western Europe and parts of Scandinavia by 1995. However, with the fall of the Soviet Union in 1990, the EU made a difficult but beneficial choice of paving the road for the Eastern and Central European (ECE) to become EU members. However, there was a need for the EU to determine the goals and guidelines that would format the transition of these former communist states into productive members of the EU. This paper will analyze the evolution of these guidelines - formally outlined by the Copenhagen Criteria - that set the precedent for these states to become members. The main issue of this paper will take these criteria a few steps forward, comparing states that were given membership based on the criteria and those who have been established by the EU as at least "potential EU members" but have not been deemed as satisfying these criteria enough to become candidates or full members. Both qualitatively and quantitatively, the comparisions of the 2004 and 2007 new EU members and other states of the Western Balkans and Turkey will be conducted to determine if the political and economic guidelines established by Copenhagen are the only guidelines being met, or if areas such as cultural values and "Europeanness" are also contributing to membership levels.
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Wang, Jia. "Research on EU regional policy : its selective mechanisms, effects and role for EU integration, with reflections on its possible meaning for China." Thesis, University of Macau, 2011. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555597.
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Etienne, Anne. "Towards European Integration: Do the European Union and Its Members Abide by the Same Principles?" Thesis, University of North Texas, 2004. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc4617/.
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In the last few decades the European Union (EU) and its members have emphasized the importance of human rights and the need to improve human rights conditions in Third World countries. In this research project, I attempted to find out whether the European Union and its members practice what they preach by giving precedence to countries that respect human rights through their Official Development Assistance (ODA) program. Furthermore, I tried to analyze whether European integration occurs at the foreign policy level through aid allocation. Based on the literatures on political conditionality and on the relationship between human rights and foreign aid allocation, I expected that all EU members promote principles of good governance by rewarding countries that protect the human rights of their citizens. I conducted a cross-sectional time-series selection model over all recipients of ODA for each of the twelve members for which I have data, the European Commission, and the aggregate EU disbursements from 1979 to 1998.
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Martill, Benjamin. "Cold War at the centre : liberalism and the politics of Euratlantic strategy, 1945-1990." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:59dc5f4a-5a58-4b0e-8690-9f99595e5200.
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Patterns of domestic political contestation in international affairs often see the centre aligned against both the left and the right of the ideological spectrum. This is observable in a range of issues, from democracy promotion, intervention, international law, European integration, free trade, globalization and the creation of international regimes. Why centre-periphery ideological competition occurs is an interesting puzzle, given the challenge it offers to the idea that partisanship is an inherently left-right phenomenon. Yet the role of the political centre in foreign policy has not been subjected to systematic analysis. This thesis studies the nature and effects of the foreign policy position of the political centre. It argues that the centre is distinguished from left and right by its embrace of distinct elements of liberal ideology. The liberal view of international politics differs in thee important respects from its socialist and conservative competitors: It is particular, rather than pluralist, when it comes to questions of sovereignty and international legitimacy; it views interdependence, rather than independence, as a natural and desirable condition of the international; and it views deterrence, rather than diplomacy, as the best means of achieving security. To test the validity of this thesis I discuss the role of ideology in explaining variation in relations between four Euratlantic states (Britain, France, West Germany and Canada) and the United States during the Cold War. This is a hard case given the intensity of global threat at the time. The thesis tests the claim that the strength of Euratlantic-American relations is a function of the relative influence of the political centre at the time. To do this it outlines a mixed-methods research design that combines in-depth case studies with a quantitative analysis of Euratlantic-US relations. The results from both elements confirm the validity of the theoretical proposition.
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Hengari, Alfredo Tjiurimo. "A regional economic partnership agreement between SADC and the European Union within the Cotonou framework : opportunities and challenges for the political economy of regional integration in SADC." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/49851.
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Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2004.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: One of the most notable features of the relations between the European Union and SADC is the current reconfiguration of their trading architecture as encapsulated in the Cotonou Agreement. Such a process of change can be shown to have inevitably been the result of policy shifts, which are salient characteristics of a global political economy, whose ontology is embedded theoretically in neo-liberalism. Nevertheless, any process of change in the structure of global trading relations has the logical outcome of systemically imposing either challenges or opportunities, and in some cases both, on the participants of that structure. This study represents a scholarly attempt at creating a lucid and descriptive embodiment of the challenges and opportunities involved for SADC in the negotiation and implementation of a Regional Economic Partnership Agreement (REPA) with the European Union. These challenges and opportunities, obligatory within a REPA framework are theoretically pronounced in as far as they shape the political economy of regional integration in SADe. The process of negotiating such a multifaceted agreement with a sophisticated partner, calls for institutional and negotiating capacity. Undoubtedly, such capacity is beyond the membership of SADe. The point is also emphasized that the process of trade liberalization, ingrained in a REPA will create a complex and difficult interface with the current SADC initiatives underway to deepen regional integration. Tellingly, these would contradict the cautious developmental and bottom up approach taken by SADC in its drive for regional integration. Conversely, this study concedes that a REPA with the EU holds a number of novel opportunities for SADC because such a process would provide scope for the fundamental restructuring of the SADC economies. The competitive pressures through decreased levels of protection within a REPA can create an upward convergence of low performing industries in the region. These, amongst others are important aspects if the political economy of SADC is to move into a virtuous cycle of deeper integration and ultimate insertion in the global economy.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Een van die mees opvallende kenmerke van verhoudinge tussen die Europese Unie (EU) en Suider-Afrikaanse Ontwikkelingsgemeenskap (SAOG) is die huidige rekonjigurasie van handelsbetrekkinge, soos vervat in die Cotonou Ooreenkoms. Hierdie proses is die onafwendbare gevolg van beleidsveranderinge in die internasionale politieke ekonomie, met 'n. ontologie wat teoreties in neo-liberalisme gewortel is. Sodanige veranderinge in die struktuur van internasionale handelsverhoudinge. bied uitdagings sowel as geleenthede, en soms beide, aan deelnemers van sodanige struktuur. Hierdie studie is 'n akademiese poging om 'n helder en deskriptiewe blik te werp op die uitdagings en geleenthede vir die SAOG met betrekking tot die onderhandeling en implimentering van die Regionale Ekonomiese Venootskapsooreenkoms (REVO) met die EU Hierdie uitdagings en geleenthede, wat verpligtend is binne die REVO struktuur, is teoreties belangrik in soverre as wat dit die politeke ekonomie van regionale integrasie in SADC beinvloed. Die onderhandelingsproses van so 'n komplekse dokument met gesofistikeerde vennote vereis intitusionele en onderhandelingskapasiteit. Hierdie kapasiteit is nie in SAOG te vinde nie. Die punt word ook benadruk dat die proses van handelsliberalisering, wat deel uitmaak van REVO, botsend kan wees met SAOG inisiatiewe om regionale integrasie te versterk. In essensie sal dit die huiwerige ontwikkelings en 'onder na ba' benadering, wat die SAOG tans volg, weerspreek. Aan die ander kant, gee die studie toe dat 'n REVO met die EU 'n hele aantal voordele inhou, aangesien so 'n proses momentum kan voorsien vir verreikende herstrukturering van SAOG ekonomieë. Die kompeterende druk a.g. v. 'n afname in beskermingsvlakke onder die REVO, kan lei tot 'n opwaartse neiging onder tradisionele swakpresterende nywerhede in die streek. Hierdie is onder andere belangrike aspekte wat SADC in gedagte moet hou, ten einde deel te word van die deugsame kringloop van dieper integrasie, en uiteindelike deelwording van die internasionale ekonomie.
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Di, Mauro Francesca A. "Essays on foreign direct investment and economic integration: a gravity approach." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/211356.
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Sohns, Olivia Louise. "Lyndon Baines Johnson and the Arab-Israeli conflict." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/283940.
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Egbe, Daniel Enonnchong. "The Global Mediterranean Policy : the evolution of the EU-Mediterranean countries relations during 1976-1998 /." free to MU campus, to others for purchase, 2000. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/mo/fullcit?p9998481.
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Li, Jinxiang. "The European Union relationship to the Africa, Caribbean and Pacific countries in terms of the Cotonou Agreements: will the economic partnership agreements aid regional integration." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2005. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&.
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The main purpose of this paper was to explore the role economic partnership agreements play in regional integration. The whole paper was premised on identifying the nature of economic partnership agreements that is conceived as a free trade arrangement. Therefore the paper discussed the feasibility of the reciprocal principle between the European Union and ACP countries, and further indicated that there is no need to implement the principle of reciprocity at present. The paper also discovered that, due to the fact that unequal trade relations between the EU and the ACP countries still exist, the implementation of the EPAs is most likely to generate the complementary but non-competitive trade relations between the EU and the ACP countries. Such a situation could result in the ACP countries over-independence on the EU's market. ACP countries are not expecting to such integration. In addition the paper ascertains that the EPAs themselves could contain the intrinsic negative impacts such as discrimination against the third countries on regional integration.
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Othieno, Timothy. "Cuba's revolutionist and anti-imperialist foreign policy in Southern Africa: the case of Angola and Namibia." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003029.
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This study examines Cuba’s role in the two southern African countries of Angola and Namibia during the Cold War period. It argues that Cuba’s ideological motivations have been embodied in the mutually reinforcing concepts of proletarian internationalism and anti-imperialism. These conceptual perspectives constitute some of the central variables that influence Cuba’s foreign policy behaviour in international relations. It is within this context that one can understand Cuba’s involvement in Southern Africa. This study also attempts to explain that Cuban foreign policy towards Africa was based on two complementary and contextual objectives namely, promoting nationalism at home and nurturing revolutionary Marxist-Leninist governments, as well as supporting anti-colonial and anti-imperialist movements abroad. For the purpose of achieving these foreign policy objectives, Cuba not only engaged in state-to-state relations with Angola and Namibia; but had cordial relations with the rest of the continent and in particular Southern Africa, which also became a direct military testing ground for Cuba’s commitment to an anti-colonial and anti-imperialist revolutionary stance. Furthermore, the thesis shows that Cuba’s relentless hatred of imperialism is rooted in its historical relationship with the United States because from the turn of the century till 1958, the Americans interfered in Cuba’s internal affairs by supporting corrupt administrations and exploited the country. These practices by the United States laid the foundation for Cuba’s anti-colonialism and antiimperialism abroad. Ultimately, this thesis shows that Cuban involvement in Angola and Namibia can be conceptualised within these contexts (anti-imperialism, anti-colonialism, proletarian internationalism and revolutionary Marxism-Leninism). The role of Cuban nationalism in the realisation of these objectives and ideals, as well as its role in perpetuating and consolidating her foreign policy is assessed in this study. This nationalism and ideals of internationalism constitutes the central idea in the Cuban revolution. Finally, this thesis asserts that Cuban motives for getting involved in the politics of Southern Africa were not motivated by economic or imperialistic reasons. Rather, the historical similarity and colonial experiences between Africa and Cuba were some of the central causal factors.
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Mavura, Mike Tigere. "The European Union trade, development and cooperation agreement (TDCA) with South Africa : promoting development or self interest?" Thesis, Rhodes University, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007572.
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This research analyses development cooperation between the European Union (EU) and South Africa with the objective of determining which between the two entities, ultimately benefits more out of this arrangement The research goes beyond the altruistic reasons offered by the EU as the rationale for development cooperation to investigate whether South Africa's development is actually being promoted by this cooperation. Further, the research investigates whether there is also EU self-interest that informs this development cooperation. This research is conceptualised within the development aid debate framework. The research argues that this development cooperation is important to South Africa even though its impact is in real terms has not been extensive due to a number of factors. It further contends that there are EU political, security and economic interests amongst others that are being promoted by this development cooperation. The research concludes by asserting that this development cooperation promotes the mutual interests of the EU and South Africa. This conclusion challenges the paradigms of the debate on development aid which is premised in black and white terms of development aid promoting either donor or recipient interests.
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Doh, Jong Yoon. "The EU Foreign policy towards the korean peninsula crisis, 1993-2006." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209801.
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The EU’s notable transformation over the past five decades is obviously an event of modern state concepts. However, the EU’s matter of concern has placed too much emphasis on economic and trade issues, while its capability and power have achieved remarkable growth with far-reaching ramifications in both economic and political affairs. This also means that studies of the EU foreign policy have hardly reached North East Asia because of geographical limit between them, the EU’s weak institutional capacity and vestige of the Cold War. Therefore the EU and the Korean Peninsula did not have chance to build a critical relationship. This time could be defined as ‘standstill’ between Europe and the Korean Peninsula or ‘quiet diplomacy’. 1993 marked a turning-point in relations between the EU and the Korean Peninsula. Firstly, European countries have launched the Maastricht Treaty since they had signed in 1992. The Treaty implies the EU’s more strengthened international role in the political and economic area in accordance with its increased capability and reinforced power. Secondly, North Korea announced its intention to withdraw from the NPT on 12 March 1993 and then the Korean Peninsula was compelled to face a political crisis. Since the EU took unofficial Humanitarian Aids for North Korea in 1994-1995, KEDO and the EU in 1997 agreed to the terms and conditions of the accession to KEDO of its nuclear regulatory body. This was the first challenge of the EU political engagement of the Korean Peninsula question. In the context, this research seeks to answer the question of “What are the EU priorities in its strategy for Korean Peninsula?” that includes broadly the EU’s regional strategy for North East Asia in line with its foreign policy agenda. To tell the conclusion, the EU’s intervention to North Korea was firstly encouraged in dimension of economic interests through vitalization of international trade after the Korean Peninsula would be reunified. The EU considered that Asian nuclear market is an important factor in order to build nuclear technical standard as well as to obtain commercial interests although the European nuclear firms did not obtain chance enough to construct for North Korea nuclear facilities construction. The EU’s political incentives for political change-seeking in North East Asia must also be considered. Actually, the EU diplomatically opened the door of Pyongyang and led the isolated regime to a channel that communicates with international community although the EU did not take a seat at Six-Party Talks to engage itself in the Korean Peninsula question. As a result, the EU could increase the image of a ‘peaceful mediator’ or an ‘honest blocker’ in the term of ‘reputation’ through engagement continued for the Korean Peninsula Crisis. The EU’s foreign policy has been partly successful in context that Europe succeeds in promoting its existence as a global actor. Therefore, its foreign policy would gradually be reinforced to bolster the EU’s credibility and influence in the Korean Peninsula. The EU’s role is surely reduced in the Korean Peninsula issues with the termination of the KEDO project. However, the EU’s role is expected to be performed in different ways under its confidence and capability. The EU’s next engagement depends on where its new incentives will be, and then its question will be how to realize them in accordance with its institutional conditions and actual capacity.Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Tan, Bo. "Impact of EU enlargement on EU-China trade." Thesis, University of Macau, 2012. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2554733.
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Sutrisno, Nandang. "Recognition and enforcement of foreign arbitral awards in developed and developing countries : a comparison of the United States and Indonesia." Thesis, McGill University, 1993. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=26222.
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Foreign arbitral awards should be recognizable and enforceable. However, this is not always the case; they are recognizable and enforceable in some countries but not in others. Those countries that recognize and enforce awards are mostly developed countries, whereas those which do not are mainly developing countries.This study compares and contrasts the recognition and enforcement of foreign arbitral awards in developed and developing countries with a view to discovering why they are recognizable and enforceable in some countries but not in others. In this study, the United States is representative of the developed countries, while Indonesia represents the developing countries.
Three factors determining whether or not foreign arbitral awards are recognizable and enforceable are identified in this study. They are the availability and adequacy of the legal framework, the attitude of the business community, and the attitude of the courts. The inquiry, accordingly, focuses on an examination of those factors in both countries. The examination reveals that the third factor is the determining element regarding the recognition and enforcement of foreign arbitral awards.
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Ward, Stuart. "Discordant communities : Australia, Britain and the EEC, 1956-1963." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 1998. https://hdl.handle.net/2123/27667.
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This work is concerned with the demise of ‘British race patriotism’ in Australian political culture in the late 19505 and early 1960s. The organic ideal of British racial community was a founding ideological pillar of Australian nationality for much of this century, yet the declining relevance of these ideas, and the emergence of a more limited, exclusive conception of Australian ‘community’ has not been adequately addressed in the existing historical literature. In
many respects, the waning appeal of ‘Britishness’ in Australia was a gradual and piecemeal process, but at the level of Australian political culture the shifts in outlook and assumptions occurred surprisingly rapidly, and converged largely around a single key event; namely, the first British application for membership of the European Economic Community in the years 1961 to 1963. The Macmillan Govemment’s painful choice between the discordant communities of ‘Europe’ and the ‘the British race’ provoked a crisis of British race patriotism in Australia, and prompted long overdue reflection, discussion and debate about the changing determinants of Australian nationhood in the post-war world. This occurred, not under the impetus of an instinctive dawning of an innate and assertive Australian nationalism as is often suggested, but in reaction to the demise of British race patriotism as a viable and credible framework for the
ordering of Australian loyalties, priorities and policies. In the case of Britain's EEC membership application, it is significant that the revision of sentimental assumptions took place after it had become painfully self-evident that the United Kingdom was determined to pursue national interests and a national destiny that could no longer be reconciled with the traditional conception
of organic Anglo-Australian community. The tensions and contradictions between ‘sentiment’ and 'self—interest‘, long inherent in Australia's political and economic ties to Great Britain, imploded under the impetus of the Macmillan Government's EEC aspirations. Before any limited. sovereign, national community could become fully imaginable in Australian political culture, it was a necessary precondition that the wider sense of British racial community should
become ‘unimaginable’.
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Nicola, Alexandra I. "A systemic analysis of Thabo Mbeki's strategy to change the marginalisation of the global south." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/52147.
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On t.p.: Master of Arts (International Studies)Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2001
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study attempts to examine the chances that South Africa's President Thabo Mbeki has in changing the unbalanced relations between the powerful countries of the North and the marginalised developing world. In doing so, it investigates how the leaders of Northern countries received the New Africa Initiative which was launched by a group of African heads of states, including Mbeki, at the G-8 summit in Genoa in July 2001. Unlike preceding works, this study takes a systemic perspective. The power relations in international affairs are pointed out with specific consideration of South Africa's status as an emerging middle power in the international system. Special recognition is furthermore given to the question as to whether there is currently a global re-think under way about globalisation, the ideology of neo-liberalism and the interaction with poor countries in the global political economy. The study comes to the conclusion that despite the fact that South Africa as a middle power is subordinate to the powerful countries of the North when it comes to effecting global change, and despite the outcomes of Genoa that do not indicate that an equitable global order is close, there are considerable trends and developments visible which support what Mbeki is trying to achieve. As a consequence, it is contended that his "Global Initiative" has a much better chance of being successful than the plea for a New International Economic Order in the 1970s.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie poog om die volgende te ondersoek: die waarskynlikheid dat Suid-Afrika se President, Thabo Mbeki, die ongebalanseerde verhoudinge tussen die magtige lande van die Noorde en die gemarginaliseerde ontwikkelende wêreld kan verander. Gevolglik word gekyk in hoe die leiers van die Noordelike lande die "New Africa Inititiative", wat in Julie 2001 by die G-8 spitsberaad in Genoa deur 'n groep staatshoofde van verskeie Afrikalande (Mbeki ingesluit) bekend gestel is, ontvang het. Anders as in vorige studies, word 'n sistematiese benadering in hierdie studie gevolg. Spesiale aandag word verder geskenk aan die vraag of daar huidiglik 'n globale heroorweging onderweg is. met petrekking tot _globalisering, die ideologie van neo-liberalisme en die hantering van arm lande binne die globale politeke ekonomie. Die studie 'kom tot die gevolgtrekking dat daar merkbare neigings en ontwikkelinge is wat Mbeki se werk ondersteun. Dit is ten spyte van die feit dat Suid-Afrika, as middelrnag, ondergeskik is aan die Noordelike lande wanneer invloede op globale veranderinge ter sprake is, en nieteenstaande die gevolge van Genoa, wat geensins aandui dat 'n regverdige globale bedeling naby is nie. Gevolglik word geargumenteer dat hierdie "Globale Inisiatief' 'n beter kans het om suksesvol te wees as die pleidooi vir 'n "Nuwe Internasionale Ekonomiese Orde" tydens die 1970s.
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Zhang, Hong. "The study of EU's anti-dumping decision against China steel industry." Thesis, University of Macau, 2018. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b3953525.
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Ifestos, Panayiotis J. "Some aspects of external relations and foreign policy of the European Community: European political cooperation and defense / security issues." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/213536.
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Klostermann, Eva Amelie. ""A comparison of the Cotonou Agreement and the AGOA: trade creating or trade diverting?"." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2005. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_2196_1254400820.
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This thesis has attempted to provide an analysis of two legal instruments
the Cotonou Agreement and the AGOA. Specific attention was directed to these instruments impact on trade between the European Union and the United States, respectively, and beneficiary African countries.
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Bhatti, Haroon Haider. "Pakistan's accommodative moves vis-a-vis India, a case study of the dynamics of accommodation in the developing world." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/MQ64130.pdf.
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Avny, Amos Ben. "Foreign aid, trade and development: analysis of the past, prospects for the future." Diss., Virginia Tech, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/40128.
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This dissertation addresses U.S. foreign aid as a policy problem and examines new avenues for future aid strategies. Contemporary scholars call for shifting the paradigm of world politics from power to a more economicoriented policy of "Cooperative Capitalism." They call to base US foreign policy on a system of "Global Partnership." In that vein this study argues that future aid policy should be reshaped and carried out as a comprehensive strategy that incorporates trade and aid activities. Such a policy will meet better American domestic and global interests.
The dissertation examines aid and trade policies, the linkages between them, and their effect on LOCs' economic growth. The inquiry, conducted as a multiple case study, analyzes past and contemporary documentation concerning u.s. aid and foreign trade activities from 1945 to 1990.Ph. D.
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BICCHI, Federica. "European foreign policy making towards the Mediterranean non member countries." Doctoral thesis, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5220.
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Defence date: 22 July 2003Examining Board: Prof. Emanuel Adler, The Herbrew University of Jerusalem; Prof. Christopher Hill, LSE; Prof. Leonardo Morlino, University of Florence; Prof. Thomas Risse, Free University and European University Institute (Supervisor)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
A comprehensive and theoretically informed examination of European foreign policy making towards the Mediterranean, from 1957 to nowadays. This dissertation focuses on the reasons and the patterns of Europeans’ actions, with a special emphasis on the early 1970s and on current times. It analyses how interest in Europe for the Mediterranean has generally arisen out of a shared sense of puzzlement in front of challenges, such as terrorism or migration, originating from the Southern neighbours. The dissertation casts new light on the role of member states as policy entrepreneurs in European integration, and explains European foreign policy as a way to collectively reconstruct a new understanding of Euro-Mediterranean relations.
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DIMOPOULOS, Angelos. "Regulation of foreign investment in EU external relations law." Doctoral thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/14518.
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Defence Date: 25 June 2010Examining Board: Professor Marise Cremona, European University Institute; Professor Ernst Ulrich Petersmann, European University Institute; Professor Eileen Denza, University College London; Professor Markus Krajewski, University of Potsdam
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
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BRUGIER, Camille Marie. "Soft-balancing the United States, forum-shopping or prestige diplomacy? : explaining the rise and expansion of EU-China trade relations." Doctoral thesis, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/46684.
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Defence date: 7 June 2017Examining Board: Professor Ulrich Krotz, European University Institute (Supervisor); Professor Sabine Saurugger, Institut d'Etudes Politiques de Grenoble; Professor May-Britt Stumbaum, Freie Universität Berlin; Professor Jennifer Welsh, European University Institute
Since 2003, China and the EU have engaged in a Strategic Partnership with trade as its main pillar. As the Partnership develops, it deals increasingly with subjects that overlap with World Trade Organization negotiations. Furthermore, the two entities address a growing number of trade disputes at the bilateral level, diminishing the use of the WTO dispute settlement mechanism. The development of this strategic partnership as a competing negotiation and dispute settlement forum to the WTO is particularly puzzling because of the two entities’ opposing regime types, geographical and cultural distance, and lack of reciprocal strategic interest in each other’s regions. This research investigates two questions: What are the rationales behind the EU’s and China’s bilateral and multilateral spheres of negotiation? The empirical findings with regard to this question allow us to infer answers to a wider question: Why do such 'unnatural' partners as the EU and China develop and consolidate such a strong trade relationship? This dissertation applies three theories stemming from major schools of international relations – soft-balancing, forum-shopping and prestige diplomacy – to four cases in order to explain the rationale behind the EU and China’s choice of forum in both regular negotiations (food safety and geographical indications) and in times of disputes (textile and solar panels). It then infers the motives behind the widening and deepening of the EU-China relationship from the reasons guiding the two actors’ preference for the bilateral channel. The empirical research finds that efficiency factors (forum-shopping) combined with the two entities’ prestige maximization strategies explain their choice of forums. In other words, the dramatic widening and deepening of the relationship in this short timeframe is due to a wish to maximize their absolute gains, as well as a desire to limit the potential loss of prestige they might suffer in the WTO (for example, by losing a case). This thesis employs original and exceptional data from interviews carried out in Beijing and Brussels in Chinese, French and English with policy makers currently overseeing the cases under scrutiny. The data is then triangulated, when applicable, with European strategic papers.
Chapter 6 ‘Prestige diplomacy' of the PhD thesis draws upon an earlier version published as an article 'The EU's trade strategy towards China : lessons for an effective turn' (2017) in the journal ‘Asia Europe journal’
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Sanyal, Joyobroto. "Foreign policy-making beyond the state : 'theory' and practice of foreign policy-making in the European Union with particular reference to its common foreign and security policy." Phd thesis, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/150945.
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VAN, VOOREN Bart. "A paradigm for coherence in EU external relations law : the European neighbourhood policy." Doctoral thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/14529.
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Defence date: 31 May 2010Examining Board: Marise Cremona (Supervisor, EUI), Panos Koutrakos (University of Bristol); Ernst-Ulrich Petersmann (EUI); Ramses Wessel (University of Twente)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
Coherence is a powerful rhetorical device that is prevalent throughout decades of EU external relations discourse and practice. There is intuitiveness to coherence, an implied sense of ‘good fit’ between the different elements of an all-encompassing system. Yet, any attempt to concretize coherence will open up a plethora of context-specific legal and political questions. The European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) is a recent example of an external policy drawn up explicitly with the objective of achieving coherence across different EU and Member State external policies. Positioning the ENP in the legalhistorical context of political Union, this thesis first argues why coherence is an issue at all in EU external relations, and why law is integral to attaining the ever-enigmatic single voice of the European Union. Subsequently, the text examines the role of EU external relations law in attaining a coherent neighbourhood policy. It is argued that the innovative nature of the ENP for coherence lies beyond the narrowly defined legal sphere, but stems mostly from its hybrid composition of hard legal, soft legal and nonlegal policy instruments. It is concluded that from a purely EU-internal and institutional perspective, this approach was reasonably successful in involving different actors towards common objectives in the neighbourhood. However, coherence should be more than rhetorical gloss, and agreeing that a wide range of initiatives should be included in soft legal instruments is no guarantee for coherence in actual policy substance. To examine the latter issue this thesis then moves beyond the realm of legal inquiry, and employs content analysis to investigate the extent to which the ENP is substantively coherent between the different norms, actors and instruments this policy encompasses.