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1
Malashenko, A. "Islamic Vector in Russian Foreign Policy." World Economy and International Relations 66, no. 9 (2022): 64–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2022-66-9-64-71.
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The Islamic vector is a part of Russian foreign policies. Its importance should not be exaggerated, yet it may hardly be ignored. This vector is underpinned by Russia’s striving to establish close relations with the Muslim world and to emphasize the closeness of their interests, as well as to contain the Western domination in the global politics by means of cultivating and promoting common contribution of Russia and Muslim countries to the creation of a new world order based on the principle of multipolarity. The Russian official ideology emphasizes the similarity of traditions and civilizational identities of Russia and the Islamic Ummah. In 2015, Russian president Vladimir Putin said that Russia is a Muslim country. Undoubtedly, it may be considered a propagandist declaration, however it was highly appreciated in the Muslim world. This idea of closeness of Russia and the Islamic Ummah is supported by the Russian Orthodox Church. Patriarch Kirill of Moscow has stressed that the Russian Orthodoxy is more similar to the Islamic tradition than to the Western Christianity. Nonetheless, it is impossible to establish close relations with the Muslim world as different interests of dozens of Muslim countries have to be taken into consideration. Consequently, the Islamic vector in the foreign policy of Russia plays an instrumental role and is deeply linked to its pragmatic – political and economic – goals. The Ukrainian crisis and the deterioration of the Russian–Western relations stimulate Russia’s increased interest in deepening relations with Muslim countries. Yet, there are several obstacles on this path. The first consists in Russia’s inability to provide the much needed economic and financial assistance to Muslim countries on a regular basis and in the required amounts. Russia cannot compete with the Western economies, with which Muslim countries have established long-term relations. Another problem is the pressure that the West, and first and foremost the United States, exerts on the Muslim states in an attempt to make them join the anti-Russian sanctions. In some cases, these attempts may be fruitful, in others – they fail, but they continue, leaving a negative impact on the Russian relations with the Muslim world.
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Bahari, Diana Mutiara, and Ahmad Sahide. "The Comparison of The United States Foreign Policy Against The Islamic World Under President Barack Obama and President Donald Trump Administration." Journal of Islamic World and Politics 6, no. 2 (November 4, 2022): 270–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jiwp.v6i2.13060.
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The United States of America (USA) is an international concern, especially regarding the national election agenda. The presidential election of the world's leading superpower will impact the world's geopolitical order, such as the emergence of global political turmoil that has resulted in tensions in relations between the US and countries in the world, especially countries in the Islamic World. The 2016 US presidential election has captured international attention because it was won by a controversial figure, Donald Trump. The victory of Donald Trump to replace President Barack Obama marked a change in the style of US foreign policy towards the Islamic World. Therefore, the question arises of how the US foreign policy compares to the Islamic World in the era of President Obama and President Trump. This study uses a Foreign Policy Decision Making Theory. This study concludes that US foreign policy during the Obama administration was friendly to the Islamic World. On the other hand, US foreign policy during the Trump administration was not friendly to the Islamic World, which caused tension in relations between the US and the Islamic World.Keywords: US, Barack Obama, Donald Trump, Islamic World, Foreign Policy
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Kondori, Amir, and Seyed Hossein Sadeghi. "Review of the nature of Iran's foreign policy in its constitution and its comparative study with other countries." Cuestiones Políticas 40, no. 72 (March 7, 2022): 856–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.46398/cuestpol.4072.52.
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Iran's constitution, which was drafted after the victory of the Islamic Revolution, was mainly influenced by Islamic ideology. In this constitution, foreign policy is one of the categories that is well considered and taking a text of a revolutionary nature and influenced by the ideological atmosphere of the regime, aims to draw up a special strategy in the foreign relations of the Persian country. Therefore, the purpose of reviewing the foundations and structure of the foreign policy of the Republic of Iran and, at the same time, explaining how it develops at the stage of approval and revision of its constitution prevails. In addition, a comparative study of Iran's foreign policy with some countries is carried out, among them: the United States, France, Turkey, and India. The method used was the documentary and was based on the interpretation of textual sources with descriptive and comparative techniques, together with the analysis of the content of the constitution. The findings show that Iran's foreign policy after the Islamic Revolution is based on Islamic principles and seeks interaction with all countries through friendly relations.
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Khatamov, Shakhzod Timurovich. "PERSPECTIVE COOPERATION OF UZBEKISTAN WITH ISLAMIC EDUCATIONAL, SCIENTIFIC AND CULTURAL ORGANIZATION (ICESCO)." Journal of Central Asian Social Research 01, no. 01 (August 30, 2020): 152–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/jcass/volume01issue01-a18.
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This article provides information the history of development of Uzbekistan's relations with ICESCO, Uzbekistan, as a full member of the OIC, plays an important role in its huge social, spiritual and economic potential. A number of countries around the world, especially in the foreign policy of the Republic of Uzbekistan, Central Asia, international relations, including cooperation with the world's leading countries and international organizations, issues of bilateral and multilateral cooperation in the priority areas of sustainable development, regional integration processes research is underway.
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Kelbizadeh, Elnur Р. "THE DYNAMICS OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF ARMENIAN-IRANIAN RELATIONS IN THE POST-SOVIET PERIOD." History, Archeology and Ethnography of the Caucasus 15, no. 4 (January 6, 2020): 639–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.32653/ch154639-651.
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Relations with the post-soviet countries, especially with the Caucasus republics became a special aspect of Islamic Republic of Iran’s foreign policy, after the collapse of the USSR. The processes around the Islamic Republic of Iran have increased the attention to the foreign policy of this country, its relations with neighboring countries and its strategic goals. It is known that the Islamic Republic of Iran expected its main threats to its security from its southern and western neighbors. In this sense, the collapse of the USSR has created a new sphere of diplomatic activity for the Islamic Republic of Iran. On the other hand, Iran's loss of influence in this region could pose new security threats to him.
The main purpose of this article is to analyze the stages of political relations between one of the regional powers of the Asian continent the Islamic Republic of Iran and its sole Christian neighbor Armenia and to forecast future of bilateral relations. This article explores the dynamics of İran-Armenia relations in the context of regional security. The methodological basis of the research is the principles of the theory of realism. A number of theoretical and applied methods have been used to study the development of bilateral relations.
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Marchal, Roland, and Oussama Osman. "Les ambitions internationales du Soudan islamiste." Politique africaine 66, no. 1 (1997): 74–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/polaf.1997.6046.
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The international ambitions of the islamic Sudan. Foreign policy, both formal and popular, is prominent in the Islamic agenda of the Sudanese regime. The Gulf war created a window of opportunity to promote the National Islamic Front at an international level, and to deal with Islamic movements as well as States. This paper provides a short analysis of the Sudanese context and a description of the new foreign relations of the NIF or the Sudanese State with its regional and international environment. The case of the ties with some Asian countries is not studied.
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Ugli, Fayzullaev Sarvarbek Abdusattor. "THE MAIN IDEAS AND DIRECTIONS IN THE FORMATION OF THE FOREIGN POLICY OF THE ISLAMIC REPUBLIC OF IRAN." American Journal of Political Science Law and Criminology 05, no. 01 (January 1, 2023): 23–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/tajpslc/volume05issue01-04.
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We all know that the sharp changes that took place during the transition from competition to conflict in recent years affected the structure of the world order and its governance standards, the behavior of states, and their interactions within the international system. In the article, the author discussed the main ideas and trends in the formation of the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the current modern international relations, its position towards the countries in the region, in particular, the relations with the state of Israel, the unilateral actions of the United States, current trends in foreign policy, as well as the priorities of Iran's foreign policy.
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ALI AKBAR and MIRAZ RAHMAN KHAN. "PRIORITIES OF FOREIGN POLICY OF BANGLADESH SINCE 2005." International Journal of Social, Political and Economic Research 4, no. 1 (April 4, 2017): 55–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.46291/ijospervol4iss1pp55-70.
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Foreign Policy is usually viewed as an extension of domestic policy. Foreign policy refers to the policy of a sovereign state to achieve its desired goals to the foreign countries. The foreign policy of Bangladesh, like that of any other state is also primarily a projection of the country's socio-economic and political compulsions in international politics. The Foreign Policy of Bangladesh emanates from the following provisions of the Bangladesh Constitution. These provisions are stated in Article 25 of the Constitution. 1.The State shall base its international relations on the principles of respect for national sovereignty and equality, non-interference in the internal affairs of other countries, peaceful settlements of international disputes, and respect for international law and the principles enunciated in the United Nations Charter. 2. The state shall endeavor to consolidate, preserve and strengthen fraternal relations among Muslim countries based on Islamic solidarity.
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Monazami, Amirhosein. "The facilitating role of sport in foreign relations of the US and Iran." Estudos Internacionais: revista de relações internacionais da PUC Minas 8, no. 2 (July 31, 2020): 103–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.5752/p.2317-773x.2020v8n2p103-119.
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The soft power of the Islamic Republic of Iran, after fourteen years of it’s revolution, has been influenced by various macro and micro concepts that have been repeatedly challenged by Western countries, especially the United States; So, Islamic Republic of Iran, in light of recent years' successes in the international field of sports, including seventeenth among the 206 countries in the Olympic 2012 can use this capacity to expand its interactions in the international arena. The purpose of the present study was initially to explore the concepts of strengthening Iran's soft power through sport and to design a favorable paradigm for the development of diplomatic relations with Western countries, especially the United States. Then, SPSS and PLS software were used to investigate the correlation between variables based on Spearman test, exploratory factor analysis and finally structural and interpretive modeling of independent and dependent variables. The findings showed that seven factors of economic development, religious flow, transformation and communication, cultural exchange, national unity, political currents and peacebuilding were in four levels influenced by Iran's international sporting environment.
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Krupenya, Iryna. "EVOLUTION OF MALAYSIA’S FOREIGN POLICY PRIORITIES (1957–2022)." Politology bulletin, no. 89 (2022): 214–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2415-881x.2022.89.214-231.
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The article analyzes the evolution of foreign policy priorities of Malaysia as one of the leaders of the countries of the Southeast Asian subregion and the Islamic world. These are analyzed as internal factors of foreign policy formation: political and socio-economic development of the country, historical and national characteristics, interethnic problems, struggle against communist guerrilla movement, as well as external factors: role of «major powers», evolution of security system and integration processes in the region, border problems with neighboring countries, Islamic factor and globalization. The foreign policy initiatives of each past and present prime minister have been studied. It is emphasized that the biggest fundamental changes in Malaysia’s foreign policy were made during the government of Mahathir Mohammad, who served as prime minister twice (1981–2003), (2018–2021). Foreign policy was even more pragmatic and focused on the economic component; was characterized by persistent efforts to protect the interests, rights and aspirations of developing countries («third world» countries); more active development of bilateral relations with ASEAN partners and strengthening of relations with Muslim countries was emphasized. The reforms proposed by the Prime Minister of Malaysia, Mahathir Mohammad, were aimed at restructuring the country’s economy in order to achieve a more equal distribution of national wealth at all levels, among different communities, so that the proportions between the poor and rich Malays were approximately the same as between the poor and rich non-Malays. As a statesman and politician, Mahathir Mohammad sought to transform Malaysia into an industrialized country by 2020, and he succeeded.
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Shved, V. O. "The Islamic world in the foreign policy of the European Union in modern conditions." Ukrainian Religious Studies, no. 37 (December 6, 2005): 51–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.32420/2006.37.1703.
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A characteristic feature of the EU's current foreign policy course is its stepping up its policy towards relations with Islamic countries, especially the Middle East and Middle East, and enhancing its role in addressing key issues in the region. To date, the region has been identified in the Council of Europe and European Commission documents as a "key foreign policy priority"
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Almas, Muhammad, Gulzar Ahmad, and Muhammad Khurshid. "Pakistan Turkey Cordial Entente (1947-2013): A Diachronic Review." Global Regional Review VI, no. III (September 30, 2021): 37–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/grr.2021(vi-iii).04.
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Relations between Turkey and Pakistan always remained decent and friendly. The mutual sympathies between both countries cannot be described in any other way except the cultural heritage. Both countries have helped each other whenever they needed it in the field of foreign policy. It has cooperated between Ankara and Islamabad that they may raise a hand of cooperation in different affairs like foreign policy and security. They have supported each other as well as defended each others interests, most specifically in the international arena. Since the time of the cold war, both countries, Pakistan and Turkey, have shared their approach, especially on Cypress and Kashmir issues. In this document, an attempt was made to discuss the political and economic relations between Turkey and Pakistan and the nature of relations from 1947 to 2013. Suggestions for improving relations between the two Islamic republics were also made.
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Anwar, Dewi Fortuna. "Foreign Policy, Islam and Democracy in Indonesia." Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities 3, no. 1 (December 5, 2018): 37–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.14203/jissh.v3i1.45.
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The relations between Islam and Democracy in Indonesia and their implications forthe countrys foreign policy have attracted considerable attention in recent years. Inthe early years of his frst presidential term, Susilo Bambang Yudhono introduced the concept of Indonesias international identity, that is, as a country in which Islam, democracy and modernity go hand in hand. In the post-9/ international context, in which perceptions of Islam are largely negative, Indonesias special attributes as the largest Muslim-majority country and the worlds third largest democracy have special values. The international community, especially Western countries, has looked to Indonesia to provide an alternative face of Islam in the midst of rising religious extremism and terrorism. Indonesia, however, still faces many challenges in realising its aspirations to be a bridge between the Islamic world and the West, and as an alternative model within the Islamic world. Frequent acts of religious intolerance have marred Indonesias claim as a moderate Islamic force while Indonesia has generally been perceived to lie in the periphery of the Islamic world.
14
Lavrov, S. N., A. A. Tinkova, and A. N. Surkov. "SAUDI ARABIA – EAEU ECONOMIC RELATIONS: THE DEVELOPMENT PROSPECTS." Geoeconomics of Energetics, no. 3 (December 11, 2023): 23–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.48137/26870703_2023_23_3_23.
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In the current geo-economic situation, the strengthening of trade cooperation with countries pursuing a constructive, friendly policy, including the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA), is on the agenda of the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) countries. Political partnership needs to be backed up by potential economic benefits. Cooperation with the KSA, as a regional leader, will contribute to strengthening the trade position of the EAEU in the entire Gulf region. The authors answer the question: which promising foreign economic cooperation areas between the EAEU countries and the KSA will lead to mutually beneficial partnership in the near future? The article presents a study of the economic cooperation’s development factors between the KSA and the EAEU and its current state. The authors analyze the dynamics and structure of foreign trade between EAEU and KSA, as well as promising areas of investment and logistics, and their development in the current geopolitical situation. The current state of bilateral trade is poorly developed, the countries are not key trading partners. The economies of countries do not depend on mutual trade in goods for none of the commodity items. Services are not subject to mutual trade. Recommendations aimed at realization of the underutilized mutual export potential and resource exports’ diversification are proposed. Among the key areas of trade promotion, such commodity items as: products of the agro-industrial complex, equipment for voice/image transmission, components for railway transport and drilling machines. Financial services supply is also promising area, especially in the sphere of Islamic banking and cooperation through the Islamic Development Bank. It is advisable to expand the agenda of preferential trade negotiations to the EAEU – GCC (Gulf Cooperation Council) format.
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Satarova, E. A. "Iran’s foreign policy towards Central Asia: the case of Kyrgyzstan." Post-Soviet Issues 9, no. 2 (September 5, 2022): 183–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.24975/2313-8920-2022-9-2-183-190.
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Due to the commonality that has formed between the countries of the Central Asian region and the Islamic Republic of Iran under the influence of the historical and cultural context, unity on the ground of religious beliefs, as well as considering the threats that require consolidation and the development of a common strategy, contacts between these states are currently extremely active and multifaceted. However, this was not always the case, and in this regard, it is worth emphasizing that the role of the Islamic Republic of Iran has been and remains extremely significant in optimizing the climate in the foreign policy arena. Having freed itself from destructive outside influence and become more pragmatic in matters of state welfare, Iran today has the status of an authoritative subject and initiator of international relations, which is manifested in its focus on mutually beneficial cooperation in trade, economic, cultural and intellectual spheres, in its striving for its own economic prosperity, to ensure stability and security both within the country and throughout the Central Asian region. The article is devoted to the analysis of the foreign policy pursued by the Islamic Republic of Iran, the specificity of which is quite clearly demonstrated by the example of its relations with Kyrgyzstan. In addition, the author formulates the main provisions on which mutually beneficial cooperation can be built not only between these countries, but also throughout the region under consideration.
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Glukhov, Ivan. "Evolution of Iran’s Foreign Policy in Latin America within Transformation of International Relations." Middle & Post-Soviet East 3, no. 3 (2023): 77–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/j.2949-2408.2023.03.05.
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The article explores the development of Iran’s foreign policy within the transformation of international relations on the example of the Latin American tour of the President of the Islamic Republic Ebrahim Raisi, which he made in June 2023. The paper identifies main areas of Iran’s interaction with key partners in the region: Venezuela, Cuba, Nicaragua. The reaction of the US and European media and analytical circles to the aforementioned tour, reflecting the main concerns of the US political leadership regarding Iran’s growing political influence in the region, has been analyzed. The author’s assessment of Iran’s prospects for expanding cooperation with Brazil and other Latin American states is given. The efforts of the Islamic Republic to join BRICS are noted. It is concluded that Iran’s actions in Latin America are in line with the general foreign policy concept, which implies strengthening the position of the Islamic Republic as one of the leading states of the emerging polycentric world, seeking to overcome the isolation organized by Western countries and maximize the competitive advantages of its geostrategic position.
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KELBİZADEH, Elnur. "Pragmatism of the Ideological State: Main Aspects of Armenian Policy of İran [İdeolojik Devletin Pragmatizmi: İran’ın Ermenistan Politikasının Ana Hatları]." Journal of Caucasian Studies 7, no. 13 (May 31, 2022): 45–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.21488/jocas.1087682.
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The South Caucasus region has become one of the important directions of Iran's foreign policy since 1991. Iran is closely interested in the processes taking place in the region. Because Iran is connected with the countries of the region by historical ties, neighborly relations and many common security interests. In the first years after the countries of the region regained their independence, analysts predicted that Iran would be able to establish closer ties with Azerbaijan in the South Caucasus. Such predictions were based on the fact that the Islamic Republic of Iran is a Muslim state and prefers an ideological approach to foreign policy. However, it soon became clear that Iran's foreign policy is undergoing a transformation. There are elements of the transition from idealism to pragmatism in the country's foreign policy. Contrary to expectations, Iran's relations with Christian Armenia began to develop better than Muslim Azerbaijan. The article examines the place of pragmatism in the foreign policy of Iran in the context relations with Armenia. At the same time, an analysis was made of the effectiveness of the idealist approach in the foreign policy of Armenia, as a secular state. The article proposes that, although the conceptual foundations of Iran's foreign policy are defined by the principles of idealism, they are pragmatic in their relations with Armenia.
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Ranjbar, Daniyal, and Olga S. Chikrizova. "Positive Peace in the Islamic Perspective of International Relations: The Case of Iran’s Foreign Policy." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 23, no. 2 (June 30, 2023): 278–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2023-23-2-278-295.
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The characteristics of the interpretation of the concepts of “positive” and “negative” peace within the framework of the Islamic paradigm of international relations, as well as the application of Islamic approaches to conflict settlement by the Islamic Republic of Iran (IRI) are analyzed. The relevance of the study is due to the need to rethink approaches to peacekeeping and move away from Western peace strategies and initiatives, since these approaches have demonstrated their inadequacy over the past 50 years. Based on the hermeneutic method of studying the Islamic sacred texts and comparative analysis, as well as the approach to “negative” and “positive” peace of the Norwegian sociologist J. Galtung, the authors justify the existence of two strategies for achieving peace, based on Islamic ideals - “resistance strategy” and “non-violence strategy,” using as an example of the first one the foreign policy activities of the Islamic Republic of Iran to resolve regional conflicts, taking Syria, the Palestinian problem and the Hormuz Peace Initiative as examples. The authors come to the conclusion that Islam considers only “positive peace” to be true peace, capable of ensuring security, a fair world order and universal equality. Iran, guided by the ideological attitudes generated by the Islamic Revolution of 1978-1979 (spirituality, the fight against corruption and economic injustice, the protection of the ‘oppressed’ and the fight against the ‘oppressors,’ the rejection of violence in social movements, the elimination of social discrimination, governance based on the people’s decision), seeks to introduce Islamic principles into its foreign policy practice, particularly in the Middle East. However, with a number of Arab countries in the region pursuing anti-Iranian policies, some of Tehran’s initiatives remained unrealized and did not gain support. Nevertheless, in the current context where the Western-centric world order is being revised, it is more relevant than ever to explore alternative approaches to conflict resolution and to identify their advantages and significance, based on practical examples that already exist.
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Al- Shogairat, Faisal M., and Vladimir Yurtaev. "The Prospect of the Relationship between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Saudi Arabia: Plausible Scenarios." Journal of Politics and Law 10, no. 3 (June 1, 2017): 83. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v10n3p83.
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Islamic republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia are identified as two effective countries in sub-region of the Persian Gulf, that the radius of their influence covers whole great region of the Middle East. The relationship between the two countries have been full of tension during last decade, and during this period changes of political authorities of these countries were not able to improve this relationship. The cause is the resources of foreign policy behavior of the two countries, historical backgrounds of each country, as well as conflict of interest of each in the region of the Persian Gulf and the Middle East. The most competition atmosphere between the two countries is inside the three climacteric countries of Iraq, Syria and Yemen. Accordingly, the prospect of bilateral relations is a consequence of their behaviors in the region and also their dealings with these three countries. Three scenarios presented regarding the two countries' foreign policy in the region can be discussed: efforts to establish governments, attempts to maintain political structures of collapsing countries, and finally, continuation of current trends that may lead to disintegration of these climacteric countries. By studying these scenarios and drivers, blockers and their wild cards, this paper considers the second scenario best for both countries, which is consistent with their national interests, and with the region’s history and general situation.
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Ullah, Irfan, and Kaleem Ullah. "درآمدات وبرآمدات کا اسلامی منہاج : حضرت عمر فاروقؓ کی بصیرت کےتناظرمیں تحقیقی جائزہ." Journal of Islamic and Religious Studies 5, no. 2 (December 14, 2020): 69–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.36476/jirs.5:2.12.2020.05.
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International trade relations are a branch of economics that deals with trade between countries. It covers exports and imports of goods and services. Besides, international treaties and their International institutions are also analyzed. Also, the measure of the development of any country is that there should be high imports and exports. In various respects, a large part of the foreign exchange that we collect throughout the year is spent on importing various goods from other countries. That is why our economy cannot grow as fast as it should. One of the reasons why our foreign exchange reserves have not increased significantly is the gap between imports and exports. As far as the United States, the United Kingdom, and Europe are concerned, we have a trade deficit with many countries in the region because we order more and export less. In this way, bilateral trade is beneficial for them, but not for us. As the field of international economic relations is getting wider and wider day by day and its importance is increasing, the more the country develops, the more it evolves. The level of international economic relations at that time was not as high as they were in the time of Hazrat Omar. The trade reserves did not pass close to the status of the exchange. But the knowledge of international economic relations on Islamic Minhaj. In terms of age, Hazrat Omar's economic knowledge and insight were much higher than the people of that time. The rules and regulations that you have laid down for him. At every age, every country and every person strives to gain benefits and gains through international economic relations and to avoid difficulties and losses. So, in this article, the light of the thoughts and insights of the Islamic Minhaj Hazrat Umar RA on international trade will be presenting a research review.
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Khodzhin, Maksym. "The Problem of Sunni-Shiite Confrontation in Turkey’s Foreign Policy of the Early 21st Century." Ukrainian Studies, no. 1(82) (May 31, 2022): 160–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.30840/2413-7065.1(82).2022.254880.
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The article reveals the basic principles of Turkey's foreign policy in the field of Sunni-Shiite confrontation in the Middle East at the beginning of the 21st century. In particular, the author of the article notes the recent trend of transforming the Shiite-Sunni conflict from a purely regional problem of Islamic countries into an object of world geopolitics. In such circumstances, an important place in the current religious confrontation is given to Turkey, which occupies a special place in the modern system of international relations. Implementing its neo-Ottoman doctrine in the region, the Turkish leadership considers Islam to be a key factor in uniting the Middle East, so it sees the future of the region in the creation of a world Islamic state (“ummah”). In order to implement this idea, Turkey sees the current Sunni-Shiite confrontation as a remnant. Therefore, it is considered acceptable to establish friendly relations with both the Sunni states in the region and with Shiite Iran. However, as political practice has shown, the Arab countries are not yet ready to recognize Turkey as the only center of gravity, a regional leader, due to strong religious positioning in the region of Saudi Arabia and Iran. All attempts by Turkey to resolve the Sunni-Shiite conflict, based on the doctrine of neo-Ottomanism, have so far failed.
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Ahmadullin, V. A. "On Some Aspects of Foreign Historiography on State-Muslim Relations in the USSR." Islam in the modern world 18, no. 1 (April 20, 2022): 119–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.22311/2074-1529-2022-18-1-119-132.
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An analysis of the works of foreign authors on the problem of state- Muslim relations in the Soviet state shows the possibility of their classification on various grounds. The article gives several options for the author’s classification of works of foreign researchers studied state- Muslim relations in the Soviet Union not only during the existence of this state, but also after its collapse. One of the motives that guided the author during the preparation of the article is the belief in the importance and urgent need to draw the necessary lesson for the Russian Federation — its authorities and the scientific community. The need to formulate such a lesson is due to the fact that in the works of a significant number of foreign scholars who analyze state- Muslim relations in the Soviet state, there is a number of negative trends: the substitution of concepts, the lack of a verified source base, conclusions one-sidedly characterizing the religious policy of the Soviet state in general and state- Islamic relations in particular. At the same time, despite the collapse of the USSR, authors from various foreign countries continue to be interested in the history of its state- Muslim relations. The most striking content of these works, published in recent years by foreign authors, is analyzed in the article, along with works published back in the years of the existence of the USSR.
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Myrza, S. S., and I. A. Serednytska. "Some Problems of the Realization of Marital Relation with Foreigners." Law and Safety 81, no. 2 (July 2, 2021): 169–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.32631/pb.2021.2.23.
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Given that the right to marry is an inalienable right of everyone, guaranteed by international law and national legislation of different world countries, it is accordingly forbidden to interfere with the lawful marriage. At the same time, the marriage procedure in different countries has its own characteristics, which depend on such factors as culture, religion, features of the legal system, etc. The influence of these factors on the marriage with a foreign element and some problems that may arise during its conclusion were taken into account while writing this scientific article. Thus, since the current legislation and the legal system of different countries may significantly vary, there may be some problems in the implementation of marital relations with foreigners, which require more detailed study.
The problematic issue of realization of marital relations with foreigners on the territory of Ukraine and in foreign countries with different legal systems has been revealed. The procedure of concluding marriage between citizens of the state and certain aspects of marriage with foreigners has been determined.
Particular attention has been paid to the analysis of the procedure of marriage with a foreign element in countries with common law, Romano-Germanic and Islamic legal systems. It has been noted that marital and family relations are regulated by separate legislative acts and in some countries by religious norms.
The practical aspects of marriage registration have been revealed, in particular, the conditions, the observance of which is obligatory for the registration of marriage with a foreign element have been described and characterized.
It has been noted that marriage under current law of different countries can take place only if the established requirements are followed: conclusion of marriage contract, lack of close blood ties, compliance with the requirements of religion, reaching marriage age, mutual consent of both parties, equality, presence of witnesses while concluding a marriage contract and marriage, observance of folk traditions.
The emphasis has been placed on the fact that a foreign element within international family law at the time of marriage is manifested in two aspects: as a subject of legal relations and as a legal fact.
The authors have analyzed the case law of the European Court of Human Rights in regard to the protection of the rights of married women, which has answers to a wide range of problematic issues that arise in certain life circumstances regarding the conclusion of marriage, including with a foreign element.
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Panova, Iryna O., and Oleksandr K. Zhevaho. "The Historical and Theoretical Aspects of the Study of the Formation of Foreign Policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran." PROBLEMS OF ECONOMY 2, no. 52 (2022): 32–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.32983/2222-0712-2022-2-32-38.
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The article is aimed at highlighting the historical and theoretical aspects of the study of the formation of foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran at the present stage is based on a combination of historically formed interests of the State and the ideology of the Islamic revolution – the so-called «Khomeinism». Balancing a pragmatic and a revolutionary approach is enshrined in the country’s political system itself and, thanks to a significant economic, demographic and military base, allows Iran to hold a strong position in the international arena. At the same time, the initial course of confrontation with a number of regional and global actors, coupled with the development of the national nuclear program, creates obstacles for Iran’s full functioning in the international arena. The geopolitical position of the Islamic Republic is as profitable as it is quite complicated. Being at the crossroads of several world regions and approaching the world’s key energy basins provides Tehran with ample opportunities to advance its own influence and cooperation with neighboring countries. At the same time, Iran is surrounded by zones of regional instability and its rivals or competitors. To counter external threats, Tehran has developed a flexible strategy based on a wide range of pro-Iranian non-governmental organizations – the so-called «Axis of Resistance» – and an asymmetrical action instrumentarium, which include the use of both hard and soft power methods. Currently, the degree of confrontation with regional adversaries (Israel and the Gulf countries) and a global opponent (the United States) is gaining a threatening scale. However, Iran is generally characterized by a periodic change in the cycles of aggravation of tension and d?tente in relations with its opponents. At the same time, Tehran’s pragmatism has its manifestation in maintaining relations and dialogue with its opponents in order to achieve certain goals, despite the confrontational discourse of official statements. In addition to the activities strictly along the perimeter of the State (that includes the Middle East, South Caucasus, Central and South Asia), Iran, to the best of its own capabilities and the regime of international sanctions, establishes relations with many countries of the world, from members of the UN Security Council - Russian Federation and People’s Republic of China to the countries of Africa and Latin America. To promote its discourse on the international stage, Tehran uses a wide network of cultural, religious, educational and charitable organizations. This approach allows to win supporters and generate financial flows for the regional activities of the IRI around the world.
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Kumar, Sumant. "India’s relations with Saudi Arabia and UAE under the Modi Government." Malaysian Journal of International Relations 11, no. 1 (December 25, 2023): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.22452/mjir.vol11no1.1.
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India is home to the third-largest Muslim population, any internal policy changes affect Muslim voters including bilateral relations with neighbours and Gulf countries. Despite, several criticisms, the Modi government gained some objections over the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) and National Population Register (NPR), and National Register of Citizens (NRC) issues at the national level. Nonetheless, the government has regained a second term in India. Modi's foreign policies not only made a new high in the bilateral relationship with Islamic countries in the Gulf, but amicability had changed significantly. Both Saudi Arabia and the UAE in West Asia are rebuilding a new friendship era with India. After the decline of oil demand from the Western Countries, Gulf countries’ expectations have increased to re-draw their approach towards New Delhi. Retrospectively, it also provided several opportunities from both sides (India and Saudi Arabia-UAE) to boost their ties including a joint naval exercise between the UAE and India, an invitation by the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation to Sushma Swaraj, the inauguration of a Hindu temple in the UAE by Narendra Modi as well as the Crown prince Mohammed bin Salman visit to New Delhi. These are a few steps from both India and Saudi Arabia-UAE sides to re-energize their relationship. Therefore, this paper discusses how the Modi government despite numerous challenges able to enhance a new era of the bilateral relationship with Saudi Arabia and the UAE. This research extensively covers the aspects of the economic, military, and strategic relationships which include both side visits and MoU.
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Kalbizada, Elnur Hashim. "PRAGMATISM IN IRAN’S FOREIGN POLICY AND RELATIONS WITH ARMENIA." History, Archeology and Ethnography of the Caucasus 18, no. 3 (October 10, 2022): 679–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.32653/ch183679-693.
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The South Caucasus region has been one of the key directions of Iran’s foreign policy since 1991. Iran is closely interested in the processes that take place in the region, as it has historical ties, neighborly relations and common security interests. In the first years after the countries of the region regained their independence, analysts predicted that Iran would be able to establish closer ties with Azerbaijan in the South Caucasus. Such predictions were based on the fact that the Islamic Republic of Iran is a Muslim state and prefers an ideological approach to foreign policy. However, it soon became clear that Iran’s foreign policy is undergoing a transformation. There are elements of the transition from idealism to pragmatism in the country’s foreign policy. Contrary to expectations, Iran’s relations with Christian Armenia began to develop better than with Muslim Azerbaijan. The article examines the place of pragmatism in the foreign policy of Iran in the context of relations with Armenia. At the same time, it analyzes the effectiveness of the idealist approach in the foreign policy of Armenia, as a secular state. The article suggests that, although the conceptual foundations of Iran’s foreign policy are defined by the principles of idealism, they are pragmatic in their relations with Armenia. If we look at the Iran’s policy on the Caucasus since the 1990s, we can conclude that this policy was largely realistic and pragmatic, rather than ideological. In fact, the years when the Caucasus states, including Armenia, regained their independence coincided with Iran’s withdrawal from an ideological approach to foreign policy. At that time, Iran’s new regional foreign policy was based solely on national interests due to the ongoing geopolitical processes, and the expansion of the revolution was no longer a priority.
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Svoboda, Daniel. "Šíření salafismu v Africe: mechanismy, strategie a nástroje zahraniční politiky Saúdské Arábie." Mezinárodní vztahy 56, no. 3 (September 1, 2021): 39–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.32422/mv-cjir.1798.
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The role and importance of religion in many countries' foreign policy seem to be rising again. Many scholars have shown that Saudi Arabia uses the spread of religion, specifically Salafi Islam, as a tool for its foreign policy and to strengthen its influence. Saudi Arabia is a crucial player in the MENA region and the entire Islamic world, and its regional and international importance is constantly increasing. The author considers understanding Saudi Arabia’s activities and its foreign policy strategies, mechanisms, and tools in Africa as very important, as Africa is becoming an arena for new powers once again. The article aims to identify how Saudi Arabia penetrates African states and spreads Salafism. It focuses on analyzing Saudi foreign policy, emphasizing the role of religion and its export. The author analyzes Saudi Arabia's relations with five selected African states, where Salafism is spreading, in the period from 2015 to the present.
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Koshovyi, Serhii. "Ukraine-Malaysia Relations: Priorities and Machinery." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XX (2019): 539–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2019-33.
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The article analyses the trends and developments in Ukraine-Malaysia relations since their establishment in 1992. During the contemporary period, the economic, cultural, tourism links and other aspects of bilateral relations have expanded. There is plenty of scope for trade to continue growing. In fact, Ukrainian-Malaysian relations are complex, multifaceted, and have significant potential for further development. Ukraine sees Malaysia as an important and stable partner in Southeast Asia, a leading member of ASEAN and a moderate representative of the Islamic world. Both being UN members, Ukraine and Malaysia share a common perspective on a broad range of regional and global issues. This is followed by a whole complex of Malaysian issues, namely foreign, domestic, security policies, regional cooperation and others. The article also assesses the contemporary trends in and prospects for Malaysian multilateral ties by identifying the changing dynamics that have brought a qualitative shift in Malaysia’s relationships with the US, China, and Japan. Conclusions have been made on the enhancement of bilateral and multilateral cooperation. The author concludes that the relations with Malaysia should be focused on the further intensification of political dialogue, maintenance of economic cooperation with Malaysian partners, search for opportunities for industrial and investment cooperation, taking into account national interests, as well as securing main lines of sectoral cooperation and developing cultural and humanitarian cooperation. The issue of expanding the legal framework of bilateral relations with Malaysia remains relevant. Therefore, today there is a need to elaborate a new format of relations between Ukraine and Malaysia. Keywords: Ukraine, Malaysia, Southeast Asian countries, Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), foreign policy, diplomatic relations, security, regional cooperation, newly-industrialized countries, ‘second wave’, infrastructure.
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TYULYUBAYEVA, Akmaral U., Madina M. ABISHEVA, Aikerim A. TURUNTAYEVA, and Saltanat T. JAKUBAYEVA. "Geostrategic Features of Interaction between Kazakhstan and Iran in the Regional and World Aspect: Analysis and Evaluation." Journal of Advanced Research in Law and Economics 10, no. 7 (December 31, 2019): 2133. http://dx.doi.org/10.14505/arle.v10.7(45).26.
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Kazakhstan and the Islamic Republic of Iran are two states that have common sea borders through the Caspian Sea, two friendly neighbors, successfully developing both bilateral cooperation and cooperation at the regional and international level. The relevance of this study is that today it is advisable to study the foreign policy of not only world powers, but also ‘non-knowing’ countries in order to determine the scenario for the development of relations between the two countries. The purpose of the article is to analyze and evaluate the geostrategic features of the interaction of Kazakhstan and Iran in the regional and global aspects. The leading approach to the study of this problem is the analysis method, which allowed to study the history of relations between Kazakhstan and Iran at different stages. This article attempts to determine the geostrategic features of the interaction between Kazakhstan and Iran in the regional and world aspect analyze and evaluate their bilateral relations.
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PIRBUDAGOVA, Diana Shamilyevna, and Sabina Mukhtarovna VELIYEVA. "Organ Transplantation as a Form of Realization of the Right to Life: A Constitutional and Legal Aspect." Journal of Advanced Research in Law and Economics 9, no. 3 (June 15, 2020): 951. http://dx.doi.org/10.14505/jarle.v11.3(49).31.
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Kazakhstan and the Islamic Republic of Iran are two states that have common sea borders through the Caspian Sea, two friendly neighbors, successfully developing both bilateral cooperation and cooperation at the regional and international level. The relevance of this study is that today it is advisable to study the foreign policy of not only world powers, but also ‘non-knowing’ countries in order to determine the scenario for the development of relations between the two countries. The purpose of the article is to analyze and evaluate the geostrategic features of the interaction of Kazakhstan and Iran in the regional and global aspects. The leading approach to the study of this problem is the analysis method, which allowed to study the history of relations between Kazakhstan and Iran at different stages. This article attempts to determine the geostrategic features of the interaction between Kazakhstan and Iran in the regional and world aspect analyze and evaluate their bilateral relations.
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Svoboda, Daniel. "Spreading of Salafism in Africa." Czech Journal of International Relations 56, no. 3 (September 1, 2021): 39–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.32422/cjir.42.
Full textAbstract:
The role and importance of religion in many countries' foreign policy seemto be rising again. Many scholars have shown that Saudi Arabia uses thespread of religion, specifically Salafi Islam, as a tool for its foreign policy andto strengthen its influence. Saudi Arabia is a crucial player in the MENAregion and the entire Islamic world, and its regional and internationalimportance is constantly increasing. The author considers understandingSaudi Arabia’s activities and its foreign policy strategies, mechanisms, andtools in Africa as very important, as Africa is becoming an arena for newpowers once again. The article aims to identify how Saudi Arabia penetratesAfrican states and spreads Salafism. It focuses on analyzing Saudi foreignpolicy, emphasizing the role of religion and its export. The author analyzesSaudi Arabia's relations with five selected African states, where Salafism isspreading, in the period from 2015 to the present.
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Volkov, Denis. "Peculiarities of the USSR’s Foreign Policy Decision Making towards the Islamic Republic of Iran." Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, no. 5 (2022): 110. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080017099-5.
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This paper examines the earliest stage of the formation of Soviet foreign policy towards the Islamic Republic of Iran. The study offers a critical analysis of the state of the international scholarly field on the Islamic Re-public of Iran in its initial form, allowing for the diversity of expert perspec-tives that emerged in the early years after the Islamic Revolution, and trac-ing their reflection in the practical domain. The paper also examines the decision-making mechanism on Iran in the period 1979–1983 and the in-fluence of the views of different groups of Soviet experts on the process. In the context of realpolitik, the USSR tried its best to preserve the unexpected gift of fortune in the form of the new Islamic regime's rabid anti-Americanism, but at the same time it concentrated its efforts on trying to implant local leftist forces into Iranian power structures, following ideolog-ical dogma and being confident in the imminent leftist transformation of the Iranian revolution. The debacle of the Iranian Tudeh Party in 1983 forced the USSR to largely reconsider its policy towards the Islamic Republic and to definitively change its ideological approaches to purely practical ones. This paper draws on English-, French- and Russian-language studies car-ried out in recent decades, as well as ego-documents authored by partici-pants in the events from the main actor countries: diplomats, intelligence officers and scholars of Iran. The author situates the analysis of these ego-documents in the context of a thematically broader critical synthesis of con-temporary work from different countries.
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Pavlyuk, Olesya. "The US policy toward the Islamic Republic of Iran during the Reagan administration." European Historical Studies, no. 4 (2016): 176–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2016.04.176-191.
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The foreign policy approaches and methods of establishing bilateral relations between Washington and Tehran and the actual implementation of the US “containment” policy towards Iran are analyzed in the article. The author argues that the Middle Eastern vector of US foreign policy was formed according to the three security challenges in the region and Iranian involvement in them: the Iran-Iraq War 1980-1988, the Israeli invasion of Lebanon in 1982 and the kidnapping of American hostages in Beirut 1982. Background and progress of Iran-Iraq war were the result of striking contradictions between regional and world leaders in the Middle East. In fact, since the early 1980s. this military confrontation substantially affect the US relationship with IRI. In this context, the key point was the blatant US support of the Iraq and its government. Reagan administration continued the foreign policy of J. Carter and considered the Soviet Union as the greatest threat to the Gulf region, including through military intervention in Afghanistan and its close ties with radical countries like Libya and Syria. In the Middle East, the White House has focused its efforts on negotiations on a peace treaty between Israel and Egypt in 1978. Before the revolution in 1979, Iran was crucial to US interests in the Middle East. First, as a frontline state with an extended 2000-km border with the Soviet Union, as well as a springboard for American intelligence. In addition, Iran was one of the few Muslim countries to recognize Israel, and exported oil to it. However, the after the Islamic revolution, Iran became the periphery to US priorities in the region.
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Shakoori, Marziehe, Davood Kiani, and Masha Allah Heidarpour. "Effect of AIPAC Lobby on America's Foreign Policy towards the Islamic Republic of Iran." Journal of Politics and Law 9, no. 6 (July 31, 2016): 129. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v9n6p129.
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Undoubtedly, no countries have been, by now, the host and under the influence of pressure groups as far America would, the issue make difficult to make a decision in foreign policy affairs, because of the benefits and the valuation system in America. It seems that among the pressure groups in America, the Israel lobby in America has the most influence on the foreign policy-making; accordingly it can be said almost there has been a special relationship between America and Israel after World War II and AIPAC always guarantees this relationship to continue. In shaping the foreign policy of any country, a collection of internally, nationally and internationally different-level factors would contribute that the outcome of the interaction between these factors has been provided as an output and called by "foreign policy". United States of America's foreign policy has been the outcome of such a process, accordingly, on the basis of theories of international relations that the internal level would be the most essential level of the analysis of the foreign policy of the United States of America, which one of its components is to examine the role of pressure groups in shaping this country’s foreign policy, actually in this regard, there is no the most prominent and significant lobby group except Israel lobby in America. So, author intends to investigate the influence of various forms of Israel lobby and this regime position and performance within America’s foreign policy against Iran and thereby, the lobby’s directed activates in the arena of Iran were investigated; followed by the research process, stated that the penetrating element in the decision-making system of the United states of America is undeniably in terms of the Israeli-centered influential lobby groups’ contribution and the unsparing support of the United states for this lobby.
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Polko, Paulina. "Unexpected Terrorists? Polish Links to ISIS." Internal Security 11, no. 2 (February 17, 2020): 97–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.8209.
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Poland is regarded as a country relatively free from Islamic terrorist threat. According to official statements, the four-level terrorism threat scale assessed the terrorism threat in Poland as low (‘zero’). The Islamic minority living in Poland is small and very specific, connected with the historical background of the country and well integrated. For years, relations with most of the Islamic countries were good, or even very good, until the beginning of the XX century when Poland got involved in operations in Iraq and Afghanistan and became a member of the anti-ISIS coalition. That might have attracted the attention of Al-Qaeda and ISIS to the country and its citizens as possible targets of attacks. Surprisingly, 20 to 40 Polish citizens went to Iraq or Syria to fight as foreign fighters (FTFs). More than 10 per cent of Polish criminals wanted by the Interpol is charged with participation in the terrorist organization (ISIS). The article aims to present the relations between this Central European country and the jihadist terrorist organization and to reverse the common belief that Poland has no links to ISIS and no reasons to regard the organization as its serious problem.
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Panova, Iryna O., and Oleksandr K. Zhevaho. "The Socioeconomic and Political Profile of the Islamic Republic of Iran." Business Inform 4, no. 531 (2022): 26–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.32983/2222-4459-2022-4-26-33.
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Currently, the issue of renewing the nuclear deal remains a key factor in the d?tente and reset of relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and Western countries. The success of the talks could stabilize the Middle East region and lead to the resumption of Iran’s close economic cooperation with international actors. At the same time, the public power, which is currently in the hands of conservative circles of the Iranian elite, and the presence of a significant part of hardliners in government circles of the United States and Israel prevent the rapid achieving of positive results via negotiations. Iran-Ukraine relations, despite considerable prospects, are currently de facto frozen due to a significant number of adverse factors. In addition, taking into account the important fact that today there is a significant intertwining of geopolitical processes in the international arena, one can state that the future of relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and Ukraine lies in the solution of two tangential cases, namely: the Russian-Ukrainian war and the Iranian nuclear deal. The resolving of both situations lies with the international community, whose interests are closely intertwined. The development of Iran-Ukraine relations is possible and is strategically important for the formation of a zone of economic, political and military security in Europe, the Caucasus and the Middle East not only at present, but also for the future of the whole world. Given this, the Iranian direction of Ukrainian foreign policy needs a reset and an integrated approach even now. The object of the study of the article is the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The article is aimed at studying the socioeconomic and political profile of the Islamic Republic of Iran. As a result, it is concluded that Iran effectively uses all available opportunities to advance its own interests. Significant natural and human resources provide an opportunity to stabilize the economy and ensure its growth despite external and domestic political obstacles. The use of asymmetrical means allows to successfully resist the superior force of numerous regional opponents, while the «soft policy» provides the necessary human and financial resources.
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Aghazada, Mirmehdi M. "Azerbaijani-Iranian Relations After the Second Karabakh War: Features and Trends." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 23, no. 4 (December 15, 2023): 719–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2023-23-4-719-733.
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The study presents an analysis of bilateral relations between the Republic of Azerbaijan (RA) and the Islamic Republic of Iran (IRI) after the Second Karabakh War (SKW), identifying the sources of tension and new trends in their relations. On the one hand, the participation of RA and IRI in large-scale Eurasian transport and logistics projects allows both countries to play a special role in regional politics, and on the other hand, the full-fledged security of the South Caucasus region, including its current position in the system of international relations, largely depends on the level and quality of Azerbaijani-Iranian relations. The purpose of this study is to identify the features and trends of Azerbaijani-Iranian relations after the Second Karabakh War. The author analyzes the reasons for the aggravation of bilateral relations after the SKW in terms of domestic and foreign policy factors. If ethno-political and religious-ideological factors are considered as domestic political reasons, then the nature of the development of relations between Azerbaijan and Türkiye, Azerbaijan and Israel, and Iran and Armenia is assessed as a foreign policy aspect that led to the deterioration of Azerbaijani-Iranian relations. In addition, conducting military exercises by the two countries near the Azerbaijani-Iranian state border, the position of the Iranian authorities against the opening of the Zangezur corridor, and the attack on the Azerbaijani embassy in Tehran at the end of January 2023 also contributed to the deepening of the escalation between the RA and the IRI. Along with this, a new positive trend is also emerging in bilateral relations. The volume of trade turnover between the two countries has traditionally decreased during crisis situations; however, despite the fact that Azerbaijani-Iranian political relations are currently experiencing the worst period in their history, the development of relations in the trade and economic spheres is observed, which is a new trend in the interactions between Baku and Tehran. Thus, not only the problems caused by the COVID-19 coronavirus infection in the economies of the two countries, but also the intensification of work on transport projects in the South Caucasus create conditions for maintaining and increasing the level of trade and economic relations.
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Ustiashvili,, Samin. "Iran-US relations; The Middle East issues." International Journal of Scientific Research and Management 9, no. 10 (October 21, 2021): 780–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.18535/ijsrm/v9i10.sh02.
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Iran-US relations have historically been of particular importance to both sides. The ups and downs of this relationship and its causes and factors have always been considered by international relations researchers and thinkers, including the two countries' experts. This article aims to examine Israel's role in perpetuating the strained relations between Iran and the United States. The continuing turmoil and the severance of official relations between Iran and the United States, given the historical background of relations between the two countries, the existence of shared regional interests, along with the opportunities to repair and improve relations, raises the question of international relations researchers why relations between the two countries are still strained as Iran enters the fourth decade of its revolution. What are the leading causes and factors of the continuation of the strained relations between the two countries? In response to various hypotheses, the author cites a drastic change in the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran towards Israel - compared to the pre-revolutionary period - the main factor in the continuation of hostility between the two countries and Iran's opposition to Israel. Therefore, considering the opposition to the Middle East peace process as the main factor of the current situation, it has tried to confirm the mentioned hypothesis by presenting evidence and analyzing documents. This article has been written with a genealogical (historical-analytical) approach and has a review nature. To attain the specifications of this research, a descriptive methodology will be used. The advantages presented by this method include enabling the collection of a significant amount of data at once. The scientific findings of this study indicate the undeniable effect of the Israeli variable on Iran-US relations.
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Yusof, Danial. "RE-THINKING CONTEMPORARY INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS (IR) IN ISLAM." TAFHIM : IKIM Journal of Islam and the Contemporary World 4, no. 1 (September 29, 2015): 81–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.56389/tafhim.vol4no1.4.
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The organising principle of international relations (IR) in Islam is distinguished by two approaches. Firstly, the conflict-oriented traditionalist view that divides the world into dār al-Islām and dār al-ḥarb that incorporates qitāl or fight into its theory of foreign relations between states, the rule of law and security of Muslims; and also daʿwah as a core responsibility of the Islamic state. Secondly, the pacifist or non traditional view of the realist one world or dar al ʿahd where Muslim countries enter into covenants and have diplomatic ties with non-Muslim countries, build military power with restricted conditions for its use; and facilitate daʿwah through peaceful and cooperative relations. This paper will argue that the two approaches in relation to the organising principle of IR in Islam i.e. the division of dār al-Islām and dār al-ḥarb, and dār al- ʿahd have commonalities with the neo-realist and neo-liberal approaches of conventional IR theory and can also acquire sophistication from constructivism and other alternative approaches. It will also argue that with a more nuanced interpretation of IR theory in Islam, the behaviour of states and non-state Muslim actors will be better accounted for as a descriptive and normative exercise.
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Orlov, V. V. "Islam in Front of the Challenges of Modernity: World Politics, State System, Public Opinion." MGIMO Review of International Relations 12, no. 4 (September 9, 2019): 239–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2019-4-67-239-249.
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Review of the textbooks: Islam in World Politics in Early XXIth Century: A Textbook / L.M. Yefimova, M.A. Sapronova, eds.; [A.M. Ahunov, V.A. Ahmadullin, R.I. Bekkin a. o.]; Moscow State Institute of International Relations (University) of Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Russian Federation, Dept. of Oriental Studies. Moscow: MGIMO–University, 2016. 345, [1] p. (In Russ.);Islam in the State and Socio-Political Systems of the Eastern Countries: A Textbook / L.M. Yefimova, M.A. Sapronova, eds.; [K.P. Borishpolets, R.D. Daurov, B.V. Dolgov a. o.]; Moscow State Institute of International Relations (University) of Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Russian Federation, Dept. of Oriental Studies. Moscow: MGIMO–University, 2018. 350, [1] p. (In Russ.);Muslim Socio-Political Ideas in Front of the Challenges of Modernity: A Textbook / L.M. Yefimova, M.A. Sapronova, eds.; [B.V. Dolgov, S.B. Druzhilovsky, L.M. Yefimova a. o.]; Moscow State Institute of International Relations (University) of Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Russian Federation, Dept. of Oriental Studies. Moscow: MGIMO–University, 2018. 192, [2] p. (In Russ.).The set of textbooks, written by the lecturers of Department of Oriental Studies, MGIMO–University, is a very useful publication both in terms of research and education. It covers the wide field of key problems of contemporary Islam and fills out some gaps in Russian studies of Islam.The first book of the series is focused on processes of globalization and democratization in Islamic world. The authors examine the role of Muslim states in multi-vector development of regional and global politics, analyze the impact of Islamic structures and concepts on present system of international relations. In the second book the authors emphasize the role of Islamic factor in domestic political life of specific countries and regions of the Muslim world. The authors focus on fundamental issues of constitutional law, functioning of supreme state bodies, building of parties and political systems. In the third book of the series the authors review the ideas of contemporary Muslim philosophers, public figures, political writers – both of conservative-fundamentalist and liberal-modernist orientation, basing on numerous facts. The authors managed to present the diversity of solutions, proposed by Muslim politicians and thinkers aimed at facing a number of challenges such as modernization and globalization, migration crises, poor ecological conditions, rise of social inequality, erosion and substitution of traditional values of Islam, etc.The textbooks in review may be of special interest not only for teachers and students at universities and high schools, but also for specialists in Oriental studies, political studies, as well as for broad audience of readers.
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Rabush, Taisiya V. "OIC Resolutions on the “Afghan Question” in 1980–1989." Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, no. 5 (2021): 129. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080015071-5.
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This article is devoted to a review of the political position of the Organization Islamic Conference (OIC) and its evolution regarding the Afghan armed conflict of 1980–1989. The source base for the article is the texts of the resolutions on the situation in Afghanistan and the final communiqués of the OIC Islamic Conferences of Foreign Ministers, the coordination meetings of the OIC Foreign Ministers and the Islamic Conferences at the highest level. The first section of the article examines the extraordinary session of the OIC Islamic Conference of Foreign Ministers held in January 1980, which discussed the “Afghan question” and the decisions taken therein laid the foundations for the OIC's position on the Afghan armed conflict. The second section examines all subsequent OIC resolutions on Afghanistan and their features. The OIC solidarized with the UN and the Non-Aligned Movement in its attitude to the situation in Afghanistan, although there were differences in approaches to certain issues – for example, since January 1980, the OIC began to invite members of Afghan anti-government groups to all Islamic conferences as representatives of this country. The OIC member states in relation to the “Afghan issue” showed greater solidarity within the framework of this organization than the UN member states or the Non-Aligned Movement in relation to the same issue, although individual countries expressed reservations on the “Afghan” resolutions of the OIC. The position of the Organization of the Islamic Conference regarding the Afghan issue remained stable throughout the 1980s, undergoing minor changes.
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Kameneva, Marina. "National Issue in the Islamic Republic of Iran: Historical Background." Islamovedenie 12, no. 4 (December 30, 2021): 18–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.21779/2077-8155-2021-12-4-18-29.
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The article presents the background of studying the national issue and national relations in the Islamic Republic of Iran, which is one of the largest multinational states of the Asian con-tinent with the population of about 85 million people. The nature of the approach of the power structures representatives to solving the national problems in modern Iranian society not only plays a significant role, but also often determines the ways to overcome emerging conflict situa-tions both in the domestic political and sociocultural spheres, as well as at the level of foreign policy discourse. These problems are among the most acute and least discussed subjects in mod-ern Iran. The primary focus is placed on the works of the Russian scientists, including the spe-cialists in Iranian studies of the Soviet period. However, there are also mentioned the studies by Iranian, American, Israeli researchers, as well as works of some specialists in Iranian studies from the countries of near abroad. Moreover, there are highlighted the works on ethno-confessional problems of modern Iran, which continue to arouse the interest of researchers, de-spite the constantly decreasing number of representatives of these communities in Iranian socie-ty. The analysis of the presented works on the national issues in domestic and foreign Iranian studies allows concluding that the national/ethnic discourse does occupy an important place in Iranian studies of the past and present, and that this tradition will be continued in the future.
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Wardin, Katarzyna. "Security of passenger transport in the Baltic Sea in the context of foreign terrorist fighters." Journal of Transportation Security 13, no. 3-4 (July 8, 2020): 215–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12198-020-00213-3.
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AbstractThe Baltic Sea basin is one of the busiest areas in Europe in terms of the passenger transport and is considered as a domestic sea of the European Union, very important for the development and prosperity of all citizens. A high number of ferries connections along with exclusive cruise ships, visiting the Baltic countries, make the sea very busy. At the same time the security of lines of communications has become the highest priority, especially that a possibility of terrorist attacks still poses a serious threat. Although terrorism has been being fought intensively since 11th September, terrorist organizations such as Al-Qaeda or Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant, are still able to attack. The article considers the threat of organizing a terrorist attack posed by Foreign Terrorist Fighters returning home to the Baltic countries. Due to the fairly high number of Foreign Terrorist Fighters in some countries around the Baltic Sea, very intense passenger traffic in the area, and the appeals which have been proclaimed by Al-Qaeda and Islamic State leaders, there is a possibility of a terrorist attack occurrence in the near future. Cited facts lead to the conclusion that some precautions should be taken both in terms of technical and organizational measures to make passenger traffic secure.
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Zamaraeva, Natalia A. "PAKISTAN — INDIA: REGIONAL CONTFRONTATION (2018–2023)." Journal of the Institute of Oriental Studies RAS, no. 4 (26) (2023): 237–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2618-7302-2023-4-237-249.
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The author of the article went beyond the analysis of the traditional bilateral relations between Pakistan and India, focusing on the confrontation of these countries at the regional and international levels. The struggle for influence in the region, for sales markets, for profitable multibillion-dollar commercial projects, for increasing labor quotas, in particular with the Gulf countries, is intensifying. Not being an Islamic state, India is strengthening its position in the Organization of Islamic Cooperation. The withdrawal of US/NATO troops from Kabul in August 2021 also had an impact on the Afghan vector of the countries’ foreign policy. The Anti-Taliban case (2001–2021) of the Indian Foreign Ministry has failed. But the danger of losing the Afghan, and as a result, the likely logistical challenges of cooperation with the Central Asian states, convinced New Delhi to reconsider the approaches the Afghan Taliban. Pakistan welcomed it’ return to power. However, his tough policy towards the terrorist organization the Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) was the challenge for Pakistani-Afghan relations, which India took advantage of. The government of Prime minister Narendra Modi, since coming to power in 2014, characterizes Pakistan as a terrorist state; and refuses bilateral negotiations and cooperation in «small» regional organizations, in particular with the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) starting from 2016. It paralyzed the activity of this organization. But the Pakistani economy is facing the deepest economic crisis, that is why is interested in the increasing the volume of export of domestic products in region, and an influx of foreign currency, primarily to safe foreign exchange reserves. Logistically, Pakistan is ‘cut off ’ by the territory of India from the states of South East Asia. Continuing the theme of the ‘terrorist state’, New Delhi (Pakistan has been in the ‘grey’ list in 2018) insisted on the transfer of Islamabad to the ‘black list’ of the Financial Action Task Force on Money Laundering and Terrorist Financing (FATF). The result of the subsequent sanctions was, first of all, the downgrading of the country’s investment rate, which hurt the country’s business. New Delhi did not abandon its position even on the day the sanctions were lifted from Pakistan in September 2022. It is difficult to admit, but India’s tendencies towards political isolation and measures indirectly aimed at curbing Pakistan’s trade and economic ties in the region are evident.
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Yurtaev, V. "Iran and Sanctions: Limits of Self-Reliance." World Economy and International Relations 60, no. 5 (2016): 26–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2016-60-5-26-29.
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The article considers the problem of external validity of sanctions as a tool to influence the state based on the principles of Shia Islam and self-reliance. The Obama administration significantly increased the political component of pressure in an attempt to find the “pain points” of the regime of the Islamic Republic. One of such points is a threat to be isolated in relation to such powers as Russian Federation and People’s Republic of China. In 2010, Tehran de facto started to use nuclear factor to log into the world politics. Therefore, the “atomic diplomacy” of Iran turned to be a rather unexpected result of the tightening of foreign sanctions. In this situation the West led by the USA embarked on a strategy of escalating sanctions as the most important instrument of pressure on Tehran. Finally, the system of sanctions was formed at the following levels: the restrictions imposed by the UN Security Council (resolutions of 2006–2010); the sanctions imposed by several groups of countries (EU and others); the unilateral sanctions of certain countries (USA). The evaluation of the effectiveness of sanctions is very difficult as far as Iran does not publish relevant information. So the only plausible assumptions can be made through the analysis of the bilateral trade and economic relations of Iran with other countries. Generally, the example the Islamic Republic of Iran which was under foreign sanctions since 1979 shows that only after the introduction of tiered sanctions, created the system of multivector effects on the Iranian economy, the sanctions’ impact has become a fairly significant factor that influenced the position of the Iranian leadership on the nuclear issue.
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Novikov, Maxim, and Stella Zemlyanskaya. "Free Trade Zone Agreements Between the EAEU and Iran: Trends, Problems and Development Prospects." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Ekonomika, no. 4 (December 2022): 163–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/ek.jvolsu.2022.4.14.
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The purpose of this article is to review and analyze domestic and foreign studies on the effectiveness of the application of preferential trade regimes. The main objective of the article is to summarize the theoretical and practical experience of using preferential trade instruments and to develop recommendations for improving the efficiency of the EAEU tariff preferences system. The modern normality of international economic relations is the growth of regional trade agreements, which are used not only as instruments of economic cooperation, but also as agents of the political will of individual states. One of the manifestations of such a policy is the strengthening of foreign policy confrontation between the United States and the countries of the Middle East, which is practically reflected in the growth of economic and administrative barriers to mutual trade. Having foreign policy disagreements with Western powers served as prerequisites for strengthening the foreign economic rapprochement of these states and the EAEU member states. The optimal format for the implementation of such initiatives is the economic integration of countries through preferential agreements. The first practical step towards the implementation of this process was the signing of the agreement on a free trade zone between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the EAEU. In such a situation, improving the effectiveness of national preferential trade schemes is a priority.
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Bielicki, Pawel. "THE MIDDLE EAST IN YUGOSLAVIA’S FOREIGN POLICY STRATEGY IN THE 1970s." Istorija 20. veka 39, no. 2/2021 (August 1, 2021): 397–414. http://dx.doi.org/10.29362/ist20veka.2021.2.bie.397-414.
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The main purpose of this article is to present the most important conditions and variables characterizing the role of the Middle East in Yugoslavia’s foreign policy strategy in the 1970s, based on available literature and documentation. I also intend to analyze the conditions that contributed to intensifying Yugoslavia’s position in the region and led to a decrease in Yugoslavia’s importance in the Middle East in the second half of the decade. Firstly, I will describe Yugoslavia’s relations with the countries of the Middle East in 1970–1973, especially with Egypt, where Gamal Abdel Nasser, after his death, was succeeded by the country’s Vice President, Anwar Al-Sadat. It will also be important to shed light on the Yugoslav Government’s stance regarding the Middle East conflict from the point of view of the situation in Europe. Next, I will present the significance of the Yom Kippur War for Yugoslavia’s foreign policy and its implications for Belgrade’s relations with Cairo and Tel-Aviv. Moreover, it will be extremely important to explain why Yugoslavia’s importance in the Middle East gradually diminished as of the middle of the decade. In addition, I will address the issue of Yugoslav President Josip Broz-Tito’s position toward the Islamic Revolution in Iran and the fading of Yugoslavia’s interest in the region following Tito’s death and the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan. In the summary, I want to note that the period under analysis in Yugoslav-Middle Eastern relations was decisive for the country’s foreign policy and its internal situation, as Yugoslavia never again played a significant role in the Arab world.
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Zavada, Yaryna. "Development of Syria-Iran Bilateral Relations in the 20-21st Centuries." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 44 (December 15, 2021): 17–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2021.44.17-22.
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The article analyzes the evolution of Iranian-Syrian relations and describes their features. Iran and Syria are historically, politically and geographically related states, diplomatic relations between which were established in 1946. However, after the Islamic Revolution, in 1979 and the leadership of A. Khomeini, relations between the countries strengthened and began to develop rapidly. Because Syria was the first Arab country to diplomatically recognize the Islamic Republic of Iran and actively support Iran during the Iran-Iraq war of 1980-1988. It is worth to say that these two countries combine many factors, especially such as common interests and position on current regional issues and the presence of shared enemies. Оfficial Damascus and official Tehran consider themselves as part of the Middle East's "axis of resistance" of the defense alliance, thus responding to joint threats from Israel and the United States. The position and role of Iran in the civil war in Syria are highlighted. In fact, since the beginning of the Syrian crisis, Iran has provided political, economic and military support to Assad, and has since become a major player in the Syrian conflict. In the current context, Iranian leaders have described Syrian President Al-Assad as his main ally and are working hard to keep him in power. According to a study published by the Office of the US Special Envoy to Syria Staffan de Mistura, financial, military and economic assistance to Iran in Syria is estimated at about $ 6 billion USA per year. It is also investigated that Syria fully shares and supports the foreign policy of official Tehran and the active development of nuclear and missile programs. Syria strongly condemns the decision of former US President D. Trump to withdraw from the JCPOA and is in full solidarity with the leadership, government and people of Iran.
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Dolanbay, Hadjer. "Modern world history:a look at world events 1975-1984." SCIENTIFIC WORK 61, no. 12 (December 25, 2020): 18–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.36719/2663-4619/61/18-23.
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In this study, the events that shaped the recent world history were evaluated together with their impact on the foreign political life of Turkey. In the study field, literature was scanned with document analysis. The data collected are presented in a meaningful whole, in a controversial manner. In these years, the oil crisis caused by the Arab-Israeli war has left the countries of the world, especially Turkey, in economic difficulties. In relations with the Middle East, the Camp David treaty, the Israel - Egypt treaty and, the Golan Heights issue are among the important events of the period. In Iran, the fall of the Shah's regime and, the establishment of the Islamic Republic in its place are among the events that continue to echo from that period to the present. The overthrow of the Shah in Iran, Soviet Russia's invasion of Afghanistan and finally the Iraq-Iran war were important events that occurred in the early 80s. Although all these events seem to be separate, they are related. After the mentioned events, many countries changed their politics and economic policies. Key words: Modern History, Camp David Treaty, Islamic Revolution in Iran, Iran-Iraq War
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Dudaiti, Albert K., Javad Morshedloo, and Moussa Abdollahi. "Some Aspects of Iran’s Relations with the Countries of the South Caucasus after the August 2008 Crisis." Vestnik of North Ossetian State University, no. 3 (September 25, 2023): 39–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.29025/1994-7720-2023-3-39-46.
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The states of the South Caucasus, which have preserved historical and cultural ties with the Iranian world, inherited from the Persian Empire, are traditionally given an important place in the foreign policy priorities of the Islamic Republic of Iran. In the interests of ensuring the national security of the country, the Iranian power elites consistently advocate the settlement of conflicts in the South Caucasus by political means and the creation on this basis of favorable conditions for the peaceful, stable and secure development of this region. At the same time, Iran shows a high interest in the development of good-neighborly relations with the South Caucasian states, based on mutual respect and observance of each other’s interests. This article examines the main directions of Iran’s foreign policy in the South Caucasus after the August 2008 crisis; the features and characteristic features of this policy, as well as the forms and methods of its implementation are revealed. Particular attention is paid to the study of problem areas in Iran’s relations with its South Caucasian neighbors, in particular Georgia and Azerbaijan. The paper notes that the implementation of Iran’s plans to achieve a leading role in solving regional problems was opposed by the United States and its Western partners, which have strong influence and positions in the South Caucasus. Nevertheless, against the background of geopolitical transformations in the region, favorable conditions arose for a significant increase in the role and place of Iran in the political processes in the South Caucasus. But in order to take advantage of them, it was necessary not to limit ourselves to mere measures to achieve a balance of power in the South Caucasus, but to more actively promote our own initiatives in this region, the authors of the study emphasize.