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Journal articles on the topic 'Islamic Empire – Ethnic relations'
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1
Meirison, Meirison. "The Political-Religious Relations between Kurds and the Ottoman Empire." TEOSOFI: Jurnal Tasawuf dan Pemikiran Islam 9, no. 1 (June 1, 2019): 131–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.15642/teosofi.2019.9.1.131-151.
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The Kurds are an ethnic group that has undergone a lot of friction with other countries such as Persia, Arabia, Mongols, and Turkey. However, the Kurdish and the Ottoman Empire had established a completely distinct relation, including the mutual attraction of the Islamic Faith, school of thought, and the problem of nationalism. Islam discerns no people due to ethnicity they belong to, but it is a devotion that distinguishes their degree before God. This article attempts to examine how the Kurds have been able to survive under the auspices of the Ottoman Empire, an empire that was considered a substitute for the previous Islamic caliphate that ruled based on Islamic shari‘a. This study finds that the political and legal transformation in the body of the Ottoman Empire made the Kurds extremely depressed and agitated. This has subsequently brought about the rise of their nationalism and intention to establish an independent state. Unfortunately, this was difficult to realize since the map of the region is shaped by the winning countries of World War I. These countries did not recognize what so-called Kurdistan State. Besides, the surrounding countries like Turkey, Iran, Syria, and Iraq did not want to lose their territory.
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Benevolenski, Vladimir, and Andrei Kortunov. "Ethics, Integration, and Disintegration: A Russian Perspective." Ethics & International Affairs 7 (March 1993): 97–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7093.1993.tb00145.x.
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This article is concerned mainly with the array of moral, ethnic, and nationalistic questions that emerged as a result of the disintegration of the Soviet Union. Its claim is that the cause for the collapse of the empire was not so much its poor economic performance, rather the moral bankruptcy of which the people could no longer endure. Now Russia (and the West) must tackle, for example, the rise of nationalism in the new states; the rise of Islamic fundamentalism in Central Asia; the highly unstable new states and their drive to dominate Soviet troops stationed within their territorial boundaries. Russia's role as a great power is imperative in maintaining global peace and acting as a stabilizing force in the area, as it was throughout the Cold War era. Reemergence of morality in Russian politics is the main success of Yeltsin's government, yet what alarms the authors most of all is the immoral treatment of ethnic minorities within the breakaway republics. The West is urged to make relations with these countries contingent upon this issue. As for the future, though prospects for a comprehensive collective security structure encompassing all new states is not realistic, regional alliances based on mutual interests are likely to surface.
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Kluge, Pascal. "Turkish Views on Christians: Implications for Armenian-Turkish Relations." Iran and the Caucasus 12, no. 2 (2008): 363–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157338408x406119.
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AbstractSamuel Huntington argues in The Clash of Civilizations that a principal cultural fault line is to be found between the Muslim world and the Western non-Muslim world. In this context it is not surprising that the Christian West often assumes Muslims to be suspicious or even hostile towards Christians. Periodic cases of anti-Christian public statements and actions support this impression and are indicative of profound inter-religious tensions. This notion also influences the relations between peoples and nations. In the South-Caucasian case, the Armenian-Turkish relations are affected most by this phenomenon. When conflicts arise, religion plays a role in the perception of the Other. What is needed, therefore, is more inter-religious understanding on all societal levels. Although politics play a key role in establishing friendly ties between nations, it is the grassroots of the population upon which fruitful relations stand and which secure a more consistent quality to the results of political efforts. When considering Turkish views on Christians, field research indicates that the average Turk harbours an overall benevolent view of Christians and, therefore, that there exists considerable potential for successful inter-religious dialogue. Christians are generally regarded with respect, and most Turkish participants showed little to no negative attitudes towards them. The Christians of Turkey, notably Armenians and Greeks, were, furthermore, perceived as part of Turkey's society. The reason for these predominantly positive attitudes may be sought in the institutional incorporation of Christians and Jews into the broader context of Islamic society or, more inherent to Turkish history, in the positive remembrance of the multi-religious and multi-ethnic face of the Ottoman Empire—and thus in the appreciation of religious diversity as an asset and historical obligation.
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Lange, Dierk. "Les Rois de Gao-Sané et les Almoravides." Journal of African History 32, no. 2 (July 1991): 251–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002185370002572x.
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In recent years the impact of the Almoravid movement on the sahelian societies has been the object of some debate. Ancient Ghana seemed to be the most rewarding area of investigation, since al-Zuhrī (1154) and Ibn Khaldūn (end of the fourteenth century) suggested its ‘conquest’ by Almoravid forces. The evidence provided by these narrative sources has been disputed, but it could not be discarded.A new field of investigation was opened by the discovery in 1939 of a number of royal tombstones in Gao-Sané close to the old capital of the Gawgaw empire. The dates of the epitaphs extend from the early twelfth to the late thirteenth century. However, none of the Arabic names given to the rulers of Gao-Sané seemed to correspond to any of the names provided in the chronicles of Timbuktu, the T. al-Sūdān and the T. al-Fattāsh. A closer look at the epitaphs shows that the third ruler of Gao-Sané, called ‘Umar b. al-Khaṭṭāb and also Yāmā b. K.mā and who died in 1120, is in fact identical with Yama Kitsi mentioned in the chronicles. The available evidence suggests that by 1080 the local Berbers of Gao-Sané were able to seize power from the earlier Qanda/Kanta dynasty of Old Gao. This change of dynasty was certainly not the result of a military conquest, although it is likely that Almoravid propagandists contributed to arouse the religious fervour of the local Muslims in both Gao-Sané with its community of traders and Old Gao with its Islamic court members and dynastic factions. The clear message of the Gao epitaphs is that the new rulers of Gao-Sané, the Zāghē, tried to establish good relations with members of the former ruling clan resorting to a policy of intermarriage. By the middle of the thirteenth century the Zāghē rulers were so much integrated into the local Mandé society that they adopted the title Z.wā (Zā) which was originally the title of the Kanta rulers. Thus it would appear that in spite of the far-reaching dynastic effects resulting from the religious and political upheaval of the Almoravid period, there was no major incursion of Berber people into the kingdom of Gawgaw. Indeed, there are reasons to believe that the basic institutions of the original‘Mande’ society were destroyed only in the course of the fifteenth century, when Songhay warrior groups from the east under the leadership of the Sonni radically changed the ethnic set-up of the Middle Niger. In spite of these changes the Zarma, whose aristocracy descend from the Zā, preserve the tradition of their origin from Mali until the present day.
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Banton, Michael. "Islamic faith as a cultural dimension to ethnic relations." Ethnic and Racial Studies 39, no. 3 (January 5, 2016): 463–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01419870.2016.1103378.
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von Sicard, Sigvard. "The Almohads: the rise of an Islamic empire." Islam and Christian–Muslim Relations 22, no. 2 (April 2011): 225–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09596410.2011.560437.
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Sartori, Paolo. "Exploring the Islamic Juridical Field in the Russian Empire: An Introduction." Islamic Law and Society 24, no. 1-2 (March 8, 2017): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685195-02412p01.
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When studying Muslim-majority regions of the Russian empire, one sees substantial variations in the relations between the imperial state and Islam. These variations may be less reflective of changes in imperial policies designed to administer Islam than a function of the material we choose to study relations between the empire and its Muslim communities and, especially, of the assumptions that we bring to the study of such relations. Over the last decade, the historiography relating to Muslim communities living under Russian rule has shifted between two major interpretations. In this introduction I show that attention to Islamic juristic literature allows us to understand that such interpretations are not without problems and helps us to complicate the dominant narratives about Muslim culture in the Russian Empire.
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Kirillina, S. A., A. L. Safronova, and V. V. Orlov. "THE IDEA OF CALIPHATE IN THE MUSLIM WORLD (LATE 19TH — EARLY 20TH CENTURY): CHALLENGES AND REGIONAL RESPONSES." Islam in the modern world 14, no. 3 (October 2, 2018): 133–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.22311/2074-1529-2018-14-3-133-150.
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The article deals with theoretical approaches to the essence of Caliphate as they were formulated by Middle Eastern and South Asian Islamic thinkers. The distinguishing characteristics of Pan-Islamic and Pan-Ottoman conceptions and their perception in the Muslim communities of Arab provinces of the Ottoman Empire and among the Sunni Muslims of South Asia are analyzed. The study explores the historical and cultural background of the appeal of Caliphatist values for Muslims of various ethnic origins.
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Сквозников, Александр, and Aleksandr Skvoznikov. "LEGAL STATUS NON-MUSLIM COMMUNITIES IN THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE IN THE XVI-XIX CENTURIES." Advances in Law Studies 4, no. 2 (June 29, 2016): 102–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/19638.
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The aim of the article is to investigate the legal status of non-Muslim communities in the Ottoman Empire. The author concluded that the sources of Islamic law, including the Koran and Islamic legal doctrine, formed the basis of the legal system of the Ottoman Empire, recognized the equality of people regardless of their racial, ethnic or religious affiliation. Non-Muslim subjects of the Ottoman Empire guaranteed the right to life, security of person and property, freedom of religion, freedom of economic activity, the right to judicial protection and protection against external enemies. However, the scope of rights and duties of citizens depend on their religious affiliation. The Ottoman Empire was essentially theocratic state, where Islam is the state religion and regularly held a dominant position among the other denominations. Served non-Muslim were somewhat limited in their rights: they could not come to the state, including military service, which does not allow us to talk about full equality of all subjects of the Ottoman Empire, regardless of religion.
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Amzi-Erdoǧdular, Leyla. "Inter-Islamic Modernity at the End of Empire." Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East 41, no. 2 (August 1, 2021): 249–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/1089201x-9127154.
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Abstract This review essay of Faiz Ahmed's Afghanistan Rising: Islamic Law and Statecraft between the Ottoman and British Empires focuses on the late imperial and the postimperial context of inter-Islamic networks. It emphasizes the Ottoman, Balkan, and Eurasian exchanges within the historiographical framework of the changing global order characterized by novel deliberations among Muslims across geographic and political boundaries. Situating Afghanistan Rising within these networks reveals the complexity of the inter-Islamic region and the consequence of Muslim agency.
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Muslim, Nazri, Helimy Aris, and Nik Yusri Musa. "Ethnic Relations in Malaysia from the Perspective of Hadiths." Asian Social Science 15, no. 12 (November 20, 2019): 140. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ass.v15n12p140.
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Ethnic relations have never escaped Islamic scrutiny. This is made clear through the observation on two of its primary sources, namely the Quran and Hadiths. This is very apparent through the observation about two primary sources namely the Quran and Hadiths. According to Islam, ethnic differences are not the aim as to why humans are created on this earth. According to Islam, ethnic differences are not the sole reason why humans are created on this earth. It does not stop someone from following and practising Islam. It is also unreasonable for one to be discriminated against, and from, getting his or her rights. Thus, this article discusses the hadiths that touch on ethnic relations and the analysis of ethnic relations in Malaysia from the perspective of hadiths.
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Szász, Zoltán. "Inter-Ethnic Relations in the Hungarian Half of the Austro-Hungarian Empire." Nationalities Papers 24, no. 3 (September 1996): 390–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999608408455.
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The collapse of the three great multi-national and multi-ethnic empires—the Czarist Russian, the Ottoman Turkish and the Austro-Hungarian—was an immediate consequence of World War I and the ensuing revolutions. Of these three, only the empire of the Habsburgs was really considered to be an integral part of nineteenth-century European developments. Although historians and contemporaries may have questioned its modernity and viability, few would have challenged its credentials as part of Europe. Yet its demise was rooted—as for the other empires—in the unresolved nationality questions which still bedevil the region in our own time.
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Yahaya, Nurfadzilah. "Juridical Pan-Islam at the Height of Empire." Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East 41, no. 2 (August 1, 2021): 253–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/1089201x-9127167.
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Abstract Located at the intersection of four regions, the Middle East, East Asia, Central Asia, and South Asia, Afghanistan is a country whose legal history is sure to be diverse and exciting at the confluence of multiple legal currents. In the book Afghanistan Rising: Islamic Law and Statecraft between the Ottoman and British Empires, Faiz Ahmed shows how Afghanistan could be regarded as a pivot for Islamic intellectual currents from the late nineteenth century onward, especially between the Ottoman Empire and South Asia. Afghanistan Rising makes us aware of our own assumptions of the study of Islamic law that has been artificially carved out during the rise of area studies, including Islamic studies. Ahmed provides a good paradigm for a legal history of a country that was attentive to foreign influences without being overwhelmed by them. While pan-Islamism is often portrayed as a defensive ideology that developed in the closing decades of the nineteenth century in reaction to high colonialism, the plotting of Afghanistan's juridical Pan-Islam in Ahmed's book is a robust and powerful maneuver out of this well-trodden path, as the country escaped being “landlocked” mainly by cultivating regional connections in law.
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Verkuyten, Maykel, and Katarzyna Zaremba. "Interethnic Relations in a Changing Political Context." Social Psychology Quarterly 68, no. 4 (December 2005): 375–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019027250506800405.
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The aim of this study was to examine evaluations of multiple groups by both ethnic majority-group (Dutch) and minority-group (Turkish-Dutch) members during a turbulent political period in the Netherlands, marked by the rapid rise and subsequent decline of a new-rightist, populist movement. The analysis of cross-sectional data from three periods (2001 to 2003) showed clear changes in these evaluations. As expected, both the Dutch and the Turkish participants showed higher ingroup identification and ingroup evaluation in 2002 than in 2001 and 2003. In addition, in 2002 the Dutch participants evaluated the Islamic outgroups (Turks and Moroccans) more negatively, whereas their evaluation of other ethnic minority groups did not differ across the three years. In contrast, Turkish participants evaluated all ethnic outgroups, including the Dutch and the Moroccans, more negatively in 2002. We conclude that it is important to study ethnic relations across time, in relation to political circumstances, from the perspective of both majority- and minority-group members, and in relation to different ethnic outgroups.
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Carpenter, T. G. "Restless Empire: Washington's Goals and Problems in the Islamic Arc." Mediterranean Quarterly 14, no. 4 (October 1, 2003): 99–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10474552-14-4-99.
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Holzer, Werner, and Rainer Münz. "Ethnic Diversity in Eastern Austria: The Case of Burgenland." Nationalities Papers 23, no. 4 (December 1995): 697–723. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999508408412.
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Unlike the Habsburg Empire, the Republic of Austria established in 1918 saw and sees itself basically as an ethnically homogeneous state—as did the Weimar Republic and Federal Republic of Germany. Austria's constitution of 1920 made German the official language, just as Hungarian became the official language in Hungary. The relatively high degree of ethnic homogeneity in Austria and Hungary were a result of the collapse of the multi-ethnic Austro-Hungarian Empire and the new borders of these two successor states. Before 1918, the German-speaking and Hungarian-speaking population of the Empire were politically dominant, but. from a quantitative point of view, “minorities.” It was only the borders established by the Entente in the peace treaties of Saint-Germain and Trianon that reduced Austria and Hungary geographically to two territories, in which the German-speaking population on one side and the Hungarian on the other also became numerically superior, while creating large German and Hungarian minorities in the neighboring countries of Italy, Czechoslovakia, Romania, and SHS-Yugoslavia.
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Bulutgil, H. Zeynep. "Ethnic Cleansing and Its Alternatives in Wartime: A Comparison of the Austro-Hungarian, Ottoman, and Russian Empires." International Security 41, no. 4 (April 2017): 169–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00277.
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According to the extant literature, state leaders pursue mass ethnic violence against minority groups in wartime if they believe that those groups are collaborating with an enemy. Treating the wartime leadership of a combatant state as a coherent unit, however, is misleading. Even in war, leaders differ in the degree to which they prioritize goals such as maintaining or expanding the territory of the state, and on whether they believe that minority collaboration with the enemy influences their ability to achieve those goals. Also, how leaders react to wartime threats from minority groups depends largely on the role that political organizations based on non-ethnic cleavages play in society. Depending on those cleavages, wartime minority collaboration may result in limited deportations and killings, ethnic cleansing, or minimal violence. A comparison of the policies of three multinational empires toward ethnic minority collaborators during World War I—the Austro-Hungarian Empire and Italians, the Ottoman Empire and Armenians, and the Russian Empire and Muslims in the South Caucasus—illustrates this finding.
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Yakubu, Suleiman. "The Role and Impact of the Islamic Religion on the Auchi Kingdom in Nigeria Since 1914." European Scientific Journal, ESJ 17, no. 28 (August 31, 2021): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.19044/esj.2021.v17n28p1.
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Academic discourse on religion and inter-group relations over the years has been trending in Nigeria. This is due to several cases of inter-ethnic and inter-religious conflicts witnessed in multi-cultural and ethnic Nigeria. The paper argues that despite the escalating ethnic and religious crisis the Islamic religion had played significant roles in the lives of the people of the Auchi kingdom since 1914. It also affirms the view that, as far as Islam is concerned, there were transformative roles the religion played in the lives of the people since 1914 till date. A high level of cordial inter-group relations has been achieved between the Auchi Kingdom and neighbouring communities, owing to inter-communal mechanisms of the same religion and similar culture over the years of interaction. The Islamic religion, which preaches peace, has become interwoven with the cultural practices of the people of the Auchi Kingdom This paper relies heavily on primary and secondary sources. Consulted written sources were cross examined.
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Karagedikli, Gürer. "Overlapping Boundaries in the City: Mahalle and Kahal in the Early Modern Ottoman Urban Context." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 61, no. 4 (May 24, 2018): 650–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685209-12341458.
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AbstractIn the present article, I examine the construction and articulation of urban and communal identities in the early modern Ottoman Empire with special reference to the complex and dynamic local Jewish identities in Edirne. I analyse the terminology used for identifying Jewish litigants at the Islamic court in Edirne based on 12 cases selected from the Islamic court registers. In other words, I scrutinize in which cases the court identified Jews by their membership of a particular congregation (Heb.kahal; pl.kehalim), in which cases by their residential affiliations (Ott.mahalle; pl.mahallat, “urban quarter”), and in which by a combination of these aforementioned ascriptions. In so doing, I attempt to enhance our understanding about pre-modern people who were simultaneously members of multiple religious, spatial, ethnic or occupational sub-communities. More specifically, I examine which of the Jews’ multiple identities (i.e.,kahalas religious/ethnic;mahalleas spatial) were emphasized by the judges of the Muslim courts. I suggest that various identification markers were employed by court personnel to define the Edirne Jews. While in some matters the fiscally, administratively, as well as socially defined spatial identity based on the termmahallewas employed, in other cases the ethnic/communal identity based on the Jewishkahal—that was also a taxable unit—was the prevalent concept.
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al-Gharbi, Musa. "People of the Book: Empire and Social Science in the Islamic Commonwealth Period." Socius: Sociological Research for a Dynamic World 7 (January 2021): 237802312110212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/23780231211021200.
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Social science is often described as a product of nineteenth-century Europe and as a handmaiden to its imperial and colonial projects. However, centuries prior to the Western social science enterprise, Islamic imperial scholars developed their own “science of society.” This essay provides an overview of the historical and cultural milieu in which “Islamic” social science was born and then charts its development over time through case studies of four seminal scholars—al-Razi, al-Farabi, al-Biruni, and Ibn Khaldun—who played pivotal roles in establishing fields that could be roughly translated as psychology, political science, anthropology, and sociology. The axioms undergirding Islamic social science are subsequently explored, with particular emphasis paid to the relations between said axioms and the discursive tradition, “Islam.” The essay concludes with an exploration of how looking to social science enterprises beyond the “modern” West can clarify the purported relationships between social science and empire.
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Kisovskaya, N. "Christian-Islamic Dialogue in Western Europe." World Economy and International Relations, no. 7 (2010): 55–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2010-7-55-64.
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The meaning of an inter-religious dialogue has increased in the context of globalization, which has put different ethnicities and religions face-to-face within the fledging "planetary community". Furthermore, it encouraged a remarkably emerging role of religion, in particular in politics. The dialogue became of key importance in Western Europe due to the Muslims turning into the largest diaspora of the region, and Islam – into the second religion after Christianity. The author dedicated this work to investigation of this dialogue's aspects, since the unceasing growth of the Muslim migration and terroristic threats cause the expansion of islamophobia and ethnic tension that have become a destabilizing factor in the region.
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Jersild, Austin Lee. "Ethnic Modernity and the Russian Empire: Russian Ethnographers and Caucasian Mountaineers." Nationalities Papers 24, no. 4 (December 1996): 641–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999608408474.
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Late Imperial Russian society experienced a time of profound social and cultural change in spite of the fact that aristocratic privilege and monarchical power endured until 1917. Contemporary writers bear witness to an emerging working-class consciousness in the cities, a peasant culture increasingly in contact with the wider world of the city and beyond, and a literary culture shaped by the latest currents in the experimental modernism of the West.1 Scholars have long explored the Russian variant of interest group politics that emerged in the wake of the Great Reforms, such as technological innovation and the Russian Navy, the development of a legal consciousness, new cultural expectations about the city and the process of urbanization, the modern aspirations and ambitions of a thriving popular culture, and even an emerging modern set of assumptions about individual sexual autonomy.2
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Mojab, Shahrzad. "Theorizing the Politics of ‘Islamic Feminism’." Feminist Review 69, no. 1 (November 2001): 124–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01417780110070157.
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This article examines developments in ‘Islamic feminism’, and offers a critique of feminist theories, which construct it as an authentic and indigenous emancipatory alternative to secular feminisms. Focusing on Iranian theocracy, I argue that the Islamization of gender relations has created an oppressive patriarchy that cannot be replaced through legal reforms. While many women in Iran resist this religious and patriarchal regime, and an increasing number of Iranian intellectuals and activists, including Islamists, call for the separation of state and religion, feminists of a cultural relativist and postmodernist persuasion do not acknowledge the failure of the Islamic project. I argue that western feminist theory, in spite of its advances, is in a state of crisis since (a) it is challenged by the continuation of patriarchal domination in the West in the wake of legal equality between genders, (b) suspicious of the universality of patriarchy, it overlooks oppressive gender relations in non-western societies and (c) rejecting Eurocentrism and racism, it endorses the fragmentation of women of the world into religious, national, ethnic, racial and cultural entities with particularist agendas.
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Antosik-Piela, Maria. "The Galician Ethnic Triangle and the Polish Big Oil Fiction." Ruch Literacki 57, no. 4 (September 1, 2016): 438–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ruch-2017-0073.
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Summary This article examines the Big Oil fiction, a type of novel which sprang up in Galicia in the last decades of the 19th century. Its practitioners – Artur Gruszecki, Sewer (Ignacy Maciejowski) and Stanisław Antoni Mueller – depicted the complex relations between the Poles, the Jews and the Ukrainians against the background of the Galician oil boom in the late 19th century and the rapid modernization of that remote corner of the Austrian Empire.
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Mughal, Abdul Ghaffar, and Larbi Sadiki. "Shari‘ah Law and Capitulations Governing the Non-Muslim Foreign Merchants in the Ottoman Empire." Sociology of Islam 5, no. 2-3 (June 21, 2017): 138–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22131418-00503006.
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Muslim-non-Muslim relations have a long and checkered history. The concept of Siyar (Muslim code governing international-interfaith relations) developed by early Muslim jurists, provided the legal basis for coexistence with ‘foreignness’ and ‘foreigners. Yet, the classical norms of Siyar were seldom strictly implemented by Muslim rulers. Thus, Capitulations, governing the presence and movement of foreign merchants and diplomats in the Ottoman empire, increasingly broke with the classical norms of Siyar in their successive incarnations. However, there have been few investigations of how the religious establishment’s stance vis-à-vis Capitulations evolved over time. The present study is a modest attempt to fill this gap. The paper departs from essentialist conceptions of Shariah Law, and examines how successive Ottoman jurists interpreted Siyar and accommodated it to the changing political and economic realities. Our investigation bears out the non-essentialist position that Islamic laws have been anchored in empirical realities, pre-Islamic norms, and legalistic traditions.
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Manea, Elham. "Religious Pluralism and Islamic Law: Dhimmis and Others in the Empire of Law." Islam and Christian–Muslim Relations 25, no. 2 (November 9, 2013): 267–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09596410.2013.854971.
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Eder, James F. "Ethnic Differences, Islamic Consciousness, and Muslim Social Integration in the Philippines." Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs 30, no. 3 (September 2010): 317–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13602004.2010.515812.
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Burki, Shireen K. "A COMMENT ON TARA POVEY’S REVIEW OF THE POLITICS OF STATE INTERVENTION: GENDER POLITICS IN PAKISTAN, AFGHANISTAN, AND IRAN (IJMES 46 [2014]: 838–40)." International Journal of Middle East Studies 47, no. 2 (April 27, 2015): 411–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743815000306.
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Tara Povey's review of my book, The Politics of State Intervention: Gender Politics in Pakistan, Afghanistan, and Iran (Lanham, Md.: Lexington Press, 2013) in IJMES 46:4 misrepresents my comparative work on the gender politics of three Muslim-majority neighboring states whose territory invading Arab armies during the early Islamic period called “Khurasan.” The Safavid Empire encompassed modern-day Iran (known as “Persia” until 1935), Afghanistan, and the southwestern portion of present-day Pakistan. The Afsharid Empire, based out of Isfahan, also included this vast territory; its hegemonic ambitions led to military expeditions to wrest control of the entire Indian subcontinent to the east from the Turkic Mughals, which included the sacking of Delhi by Nadir Shah in 1739. Thus, these contemporary states have historical linkages with shared cultural, ethnic, linguistic, and religious characteristics across what some citizens (Kurds, Baluch, and Pashtuns, for example) perceive as artificial—albeit internationally recognized—borders.
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Hanifi, Shah Mahmoud. "Local Experiences of Imperial Cultures." Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East 41, no. 2 (August 1, 2021): 243–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/1089201x-9127141.
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Abstract The constitutional history thread woven through Faiz Ahmed's Afghanistan Rising: Islamic Law and Statecraft between the Ottoman and British Empires unites Afghan, Indian, Ottoman, Islamic, modernist, and other strands of analysis. Hanifi's essay addresses issues relevant to the comparative study of Afghanistan, namely, epistemology, class, culture, and empire. It explores how urban Persianate state elites in Kabul exploited imperial opportunities, especially educational opportunities, over the century since constitutional independence.
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Dashkovskiy, Petr K., and Elena A. Shershneva. "The Status of Muslim Communities in the Altai in the Context of State-Confessional Policy in the 1960s – 1980s." Study of Religion, no. 3 (2019): 35–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.22250/2072-8662.2019.3.35-42.
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The article deals with the attitude to Muslim communities in the USSR in the 1960s–1980s. Special attention is paid to the status of Muslims in the Altai, where during the existence of the Russian empire period, lived a significant number of followers of this religion. Special attention is paid to the attitude of the state to the Islamic communities as elements of the preservation of national identity of a large part of the soviet people. The authors come to the conclusion that the preservation of Islamic traditions in a large part of the population of the Soviet State was identified with the observance of traditions and self-identification with a particular ethnic group. Islam had been playing the role of an ethnic marker for centuries, as confirmed by years of anti-religious propaganda. During the 1960s–1980s, the preservation of religious worldview among “ethnic Muslims” is still noted, which is well confirmed by archival materials. The policy of the Soviet government towards Muslim communities was not always carried out in an unambiguous way. As evidenced by historical materials, even since the mid-1960s, when the course of liberalization of religious policy was planned to a certain extent, Muslim communities also remain under close control by the commissioners for religious affairs. The article also reflects the facts of professional competence of the commissioners for religious affairs in the regions, the activities of which largely depended on the implementation of state and religious policy in the field.
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Sinopoli, Carla. "FROM THE LION THRONE: POLITICAL AND SOCIAL DYNAMICS OF THE VIJAYANAGARA EMPIRE." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 43, no. 3 (2000): 364–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852000511330.
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AbstractThe fourteenth- through seventeenth-century A.D. Vijayanagara empire of south India spanned a vast area and incorporated diverse ethnic, linguistic, socioeconomic and political groups. Beyond the imperial bounds, Vijayanagara was also part of complex subcontinental political and cultural nexus, with cooperative and antagonistic relations with neighboring states and empires. In this paper, I examine both scales of these relations: the local responses to empire and the nature and creation of an imperial identity within the broader framework of subcontinental politics. As inhabitants of incorporated regions within the empire maintained aspects of their regional identities, they were also drawn into the broader polity through both economic and symbolic practices. And even as it incorporated local traditions of conquered states, Vijayanagara's court also forged a distinctive imperial identity by adopting and adapting cultural, political, and military elements from a larger subcontinental framework.
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Chinn, Jeff, and Steven D. Roper. "Ethnic Mobilization and Reactive Nationalism: The Case of Moldova." Nationalities Papers 23, no. 2 (June 1995): 291–325. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999508408378.
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1. IntroductionUntil the October 1991 Soviet coup, Moldova, previously known as Bessarabia and the Moldavian Soviet Socialist Republic, had known independence only briefly, having been part of the Russian Empire, Romania, or the Soviet Union for almost its entire history. As a result of shifting foreign influences and borders, Moldova, like most modern political entities, has a multiethnic population. The conflicting perspectives and demands of Moldova's different ethnic groups underlie many of today's controversies.
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ZANG, XIAOWEI. "Major Determinants of Uyghur Ethnic Consciousness in Ürümchi." Modern Asian Studies 47, no. 6 (May 29, 2013): 2046–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x12000558.
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AbstractRising Uyghur ethnic consciousness in the post-1978 era is believed to cause tense Uyghur-Han relations and conflicts in Xinjiang. There are different accounts linking rising Uyghur consciousness with variables such as Han migration into Xinjiang, ethnic inequalities, Uyghur language, and Islamic religiosity. Yet there is no concrete effort to summarize, elaborate, and verify these accounts. Nor is there a quantitative study of the levels of Uyghur ethnic consciousness in Xinjiang. Using data from a survey (N = 799) conducted in Ürümchi in 2007, this paper shows a high level of ethnic consciousness among Uyghurs. It also shows that Uyghur consciousness is based more on cultural and psychological properties than on instrumental sentiments.
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Fromherz, Allen. "North Africa and the Twelfth-century Renaissance: Christian Europe and the Almohad Islamic Empire." Islam and Christian–Muslim Relations 20, no. 1 (January 2009): 43–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09596410802542128.
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Majer, Hans Georg. "The functioning of a multi-ethnic and multi-religious state: the Ottoman Empire." European Review 5, no. 03 (July 1997): 257. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798700002623.
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Al Mujahid, Sharif. "Jinnah, Pakistan, and Islamic Identity." American Journal of Islam and Society 15, no. 3 (October 1, 1998): 149–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v15i3.2165.
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Dr. Akbar S. Ahmed is probably the most published author in Pakistan. His published works, some of which have earned excellent reviews, make a fonnidable list. Asperhaps the best known contemporary Muslim anthropologist, his commitment to the discipline,despite his avocation of being an administrator, is the key to his success. Whatsets Ahmed apart from most Pakistani authors is that his writings are informed by theoreticalconsiderations and anchored in empirical data. He exudes easy familiarity withmethodology, is creative and imaginative in his approach, and can conceptualize.Moreover, he can intellectu.alize problems and issues. As with his earlier writings, his presentwork is marked by these characteristics.
The work is structured around one major theme (Jinnah), and the subthemes of thenature of nationhood, Islam, ethnic and religious identity, the problems of minorities, andthe pervasive and ubiquitous influence of media, race, empire, and other factors. Usingthe methodologies of cultural anthropology, semiotics, and media studies, Ahrnedexplores old ground with new insights and interpretations. What we have here is neitherbiography nor history per se; it is part biography, part history of partition, an explorationof Muslim nationhood and Pakistani statehood, and part the Muslim search for identity, aquest that not only inspired the Muslim struggle for Pakistan during the 1940% but whichis still relevant (e.g., northern Cyprus, Bosnia, Chechnia, Kashmir, Kosovo, Mindanao[the Philippines], Pattani [Thailand], and even for the Turkish minority in Bulgaria).All said and done, it was the critical problem of identity to which Jinnah addressedhimself in the Indian context of the 1930s and 1940s. Thus he represents not onlyPakistan, but also a manifestation of the very search for identity in the present largerMuslim world context. His solution to the problems of marginalization, alienation, andeven exclusion of Muslims from the corridors of power serves as a beacon to Muslimcommunities struggling for identity, self-expression, and self-realization. Hence the relevanceof Jinnah to the modem Muslim world ...
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Fox, Jonathan, Patrick James, and Yitan Li. "Religious Affinities and International Intervention in Ethnic Conflicts in the Middle East and Beyond." Canadian Journal of Political Science 42, no. 1 (March 2009): 161–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423909090064.
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Abstract. This study asks questions that are important for both theory and policy: Do ethnoreligious minorities attract more intervention than other ethnic minorities? Do Middle Eastern and Islamic ethnic minorities attract more international intervention than ethnic minorities living elsewhere, and if so, why? The Minorities at Risk database, which contains information on intervention in all ethnic conflicts between 1990 and 1995, is used to answer these questions. The findings show that Middle Eastern and Islamic minorities do, in fact, attract more international intervention than other minorities. This is due to a larger pattern where states, especially Islamic ones, rarely intervene on behalf of ethnic minorities with which they share no religious affinities. The results also show that ethnoreligious minorities are more likely to attract political intervention than other ethnic minorities. These results confirm the importance of religious affinities in spite of a general disposition in the field of international relations to minimize their effects.Résumé. Cette étude répond à des questions d'importance théorique et pratique. Est-ce que les minorités ethnoreligieuses attirent plus d'interventions internationales que les autres types de minorités? Est-ce que les minorités ethniques islamiques et du Moyen-Orient attirent plus d'interventions internationales que les minorités ethniques d'ailleurs et si oui, pour quelle raison? La banque de données du programme Minorities at Risk, qui répertorie les interventions dans tous les conflits ethniques survenus entre 1990 et 1995, est outillée pour répondre à ces questions. Les résultats de recherche démontrent que les minorités ethniques islamiques et du Moyen-Orient attirent, en effet, plus d'interventions internationales que les autres minorités. Cela s'explique par le fait que les États, et plus particulièrement les États islamiques, interviennent rarement en faveur des minorités avec lesquelles ils ne partagent aucune affinité religieuse. Les résultats démontrent également que les minorités ethnoreligieuses ont tendance à attirer plus d'interventions étrangères à caractère politique que les autres types de minorités. Les conclusions de recherche confirment donc l'importance que revêt l'affinité religieuse pour les interventions internationales dans les conflits ethniques, à l'encontre de l'opinion générale des experts en relations internationales, qui tendent à minimiser son rôle.
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Kuruvilla, Samuel J. "Church–State Relations in Palestine: Empires, Arab Nationalism and the Indigenous Greek Orthodox, 1880–1940." Holy Land Studies 10, no. 1 (May 2011): 55–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hls.2011.0003.
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The need to negotiate and resolve ethno-nationalistic aspirations on the part of dependent and subject communities of faith-believers is a complex issue. The Ottoman Empire formed a classic case in this context. This article is a historical-political reflection on a small group of Christians within the broader Arab and ‘Greek’ Christian milieu that once formed the backbone of the earlier Byzantine and later Ottoman empires. The native Arab Orthodox of Palestine in the twilight years of the Ottoman Empire found themselves in a struggle between their religious affiliations with Mediterranean Greek Orthodoxy and Western Christendom as opposed to the then ascendant star of nationalist pan-Arabism in the Middle East. The supersession of the Ottoman Empire by the British colonial Mandatory system in Palestine and the loss of imperial Russian support for the Arab Orthodox in the Holy Land naturally meant that they relied more on social and political cooperation with their fellow Palestinian Muslims. This was to counter the dominance extended by the ethnic Greek ecclesiastical hierarchy in the Holy Land over the historically Arab Orthodox Patriarchate of Jerusalem with support from elements within the Greek Republic and the British Mandatory authorities.
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Trepavlov, Vadim V. "Keeping cultural codes: the customs and ceremonies of ethnic minorities under Russian rule." RUDN Journal of Russian History 20, no. 3 (December 15, 2021): 378–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8674-2021-20-3-378-387.
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When establishing its rule over other nationalities, the Russian Empire relied on local elites, including their aristocracy, tribal chiefs, and sometimes the clergy. In addition to retaining some of their traditional privileges, they were also granted new benefits. The same paradigm applied to the ethnic policy of both the Muscovite state and the Russian Empire: a combination of nation-wide standards of citizenship and management with local traditional principles of organizing society. The cultural codes of Russian officials and settlers on the one hand and the expanding states non-Slavic population on its the eastern and southern frontiers overlapped and influenced each other. To lessen the opposition of its minorities, the empires administration often adapted new regulations to their cultural norms. For pragmatic reasons, officials acknowledged the importance of at least showing some respect to subjects who spoke different languages and professed different beliefs. As a result of this interaction, the cultures of the rulers and the non-Russian nationalities they ruled influenced each other.
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Bastos, Susana Pereira. "«In Mozambique, we didn't have apartheid», Identity constructions on inter-ethnic relations during the «Third Portuguese Empire»." Cadernos de Estudos Africanos, no. 9/10 (June 1, 2006): 77–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/cea.1220.
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Acar, Keziban. "An Examination of Russian Imperialism: Russian Military and Intellectual Descriptions of the Caucasians during the Russo-Turkish War of 1877–1878." Nationalities Papers 32, no. 1 (March 2004): 7–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0090599042000186151.
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In nineteenth-century Russia, the Caucasus was a large region composed of various territories and ethnic and religious groups. This region included Circassia, Mingrelia, Georgia, a part of Armenia, the ancient Media, Daghestan and the territories of Suanctians, Ossetians, Abkhazians, Karakalpaks and other mountaineer nations. During the nineteenth century, Persia, Russia and the Ottoman Empire wanted to establish their influence and power on the Caucasus. Due to this conflict, these powers, especially Russia with Persia and Russia with the Ottoman Empire, fought with each other.
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Dimitriadis, Sotirios. "Visions of Ottomanism in Late Ottoman Education: The ıslahhane of Thessaloniki, 1874–1924." Die Welt des Islams 56, no. 3-4 (November 28, 2016): 415–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700607-05634p07.
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In 1874, Midhat Paşa, then serving as governor-general in Thessaloniki, founded a vocational school (ıslahhane) in the city. The paşa had been a pioneer of vocational education in the Ottoman Empire and believed that ıslahhane schools could serve as models for his inclusivist Ottomanist policies. Soon after the ıslahhane of Thessaloniki was founded, however, official state ideology was reoriented towards consciously Islamic principles and symbols. During the reign of Sultan Abdülhamid II, the ıslahhane of Thessaloniki became associated with the local Muslim community and became the focal point for the emergence of an Ottoman Muslim civic identity in the city. After the Revolution of 1908, the Committee of Union and Progress expanded upon the policies of religious and ethnic partıcularism despite paying lip service to the legacy of Midhat; students of the ıslahhane provided the Committee with an activist base. After the Balkan Wars and the collapse of Ottoman rule in the Balkans, the school remained one of the most important links connecting the community to the empire.
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Yusuf, Imtiyaz. "MANAGING RELIGIOUS AND ETHNIC DIVERSITY FOR PEACE AND HARMONY: ISLAM AND BUDDHISM IN THE MALAY WORLD OF SOUTH EAST ASIA." Journal of Malay Islamic Studies 1, no. 2 (December 30, 2017): 129–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.19109/jmis.v1i2.3835.
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This article discusses the phenomenon of the relationship between Islam and Buddhism in the Malay World of Southeast Asia. The ultimate goal is to uncover social facts about the relationship between adherents of the two largest religions in Southeast Asia: Islam (42%) and Buddhism (40%). This research shows that the relations between Islamic and Buddhist communities in various Southeast Asian Countries are full of dynamics. The dynamics can take the form of peaceful relations or vice versa: conflicts with various levels of escalation. Among the reasons that also triggered the emergence of conflict is the problem of political, economic, socio-cultural, and religious disparities. The solution to this problem can be done with a historical approach, an intra and interfaith dialogue approach in order to foster mutual understanding between adherents of both religions, a political policy approach in the form of granting basic rights to followers of a minority religion, and an academic approach through the study of religions in various universities in Thailand, Malaysia, Singapore, Indonesia and various other countries in the Southeast Asian region. Meanwhile, Islamic studies in various Islamic universities need to be done with an interdisciplinary approach and understanding of languages and cultures that exist in Asian countries.
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Wink, André. "III. ‘Al-Hind’ India and Indonesia in the Islamic World-Economy, c. 700–1800 A.D." Itinerario 12, no. 1 (March 1988): 33–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300023354.
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In the aftermath of the Islamic conquests of the seventh and early eighth centuries the territory which came under effective domination of the caliphate extended from the Iberian peninsula and North Africa to Central Asia and into the Persian-Indian borderland of Sind which for three centuries remained its easternmost frontier. Beyond Sind a vast area was left unconquered which the Arabs calledal-Hindand which, in their conception, embraced both India and the Indianised states of the Indonesian archipelago and Southeast Asia. In the countless kingdoms ofal-Hindthe Muslims penetrated, up to the eleventh century, only as traders. By the time that Islamic power was established in North India the political unity of the Abbasid caliphate was already lost. Neither India nor Indonesia were provinces of the classical Islamic state. But in the Middle East three decisive developments had occurred and these created patterns which were to survive the political fragmentation of the empire. Most important was that a thoroughly commercialized and monetised economy with a bureaucracy and a fiscal polity had been established which continued to expand. Secondly, from the ninth century onwards, the Islamic military-bureaucratic apparatus had begun to be staffed with imported slaves on an extended scale. And thirdly, from its Arab roots the Islamic conquest state had shifted to a Persianised foundation, adopting Persian culture and the Sassanid tradition of monarchy and statecraft.
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Chehabi, H. E. "Ardabil Becomes a Province: Center-Periphery Relations in Iran." International Journal of Middle East Studies 29, no. 2 (May 1997): 235–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800064485.
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Amid all the attention that Iranian politics has received since the Islamic Revolution of 1979, local politics has been almost totally neglected. This neglect vitiates our understanding of contemporary Iran, as it is at the local level that state policies are carried out, contested, reshaped, resisted, or revised. Beginning with the centralizing state-building of Reza Shah Pahlavi (r. 1926–41), Tehran increasingly dominated Iran's politics, commercial activities, and cultural life, and most of the country's Westernized elites lived in the capital. The 1979 revolution was to some extent a populist revolt against this Westernized elite, and among the new rulers those whose social and family roots are outside Tehran abound. Among the common people, “the experience of participation in mass political activity … undermined the feeling of political abjection,” while the new rulers have attempted, not always successfully, to lessen the gap not only between rich and poor, but also between rich and poor provinces. The new prominence of provincials in national life has gone hand in hand with a greater recognition of Iran's ethnic and linguistic diversity, while at the same time the sense of common participation in the revolution and the Iran–Iraq War has knitted people of different ethnic backgrounds more closely together.
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Fiskesjö, Magnus. "Rescuing the Empire: Chinese Nation-building in the Twentieth Century." European Journal of East Asian Studies 5, no. 1 (2006): 15–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006106777998106.
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AbstractThis paper takes modern China's dilemma of how to deal with the legacy of its imperial past as the starting point for a discussion of the drawn-out re-creation of China in the twentieth century. The particular focus is on the important role of non-Han ethnic minorities in this process. It is pointed out that the non-recognition and forced assimilation of all such minorities, in favour of a unified citizenship on an imagined European, American or Japanese model, was actually considered as a serious alternative and favoured by many Chinese nation-builders in the wake of the overthrow of the last imperial dynasty in 1911. The article then proceeds to a discussion of why, on the contrary, ethnic minorities should instead have been formally identified and in some cases even actively organised as official minorities, recognised and incorporated into the state structure, as happened after 1949. Based on the formal and symbolic qualities of the constitution of these minorities, it is argued that new China is also a new formulation of the imperial Chinese model, which resurrects the corollary idea of civilisation as a transformative force that requires a primitive, backward periphery as its object.
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Neubauer, John. "The Fin de Siècles in literature." European Review 2, no. 3 (July 1994): 221–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798700001125.
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Jacques Derrida's remark, ‘What is proper to a culture is to not be identical to itself,’ serves as a point of departure for a discussion of artistic and ethnic identities in late-19th and late 20th century literatures. The first part of this paper studies the images of the European and the colonized ‘Other’ in Joseph Conrad's The Heart of Darkness and J. M. Coetzee's Waiting for the Barbarians. The second part examines notions of artistic and ethnic identity in the culture of fin de siècle Vienna. The ‘crisis of liberalism’, which plays a pivotal role in Carl Schorske's study of that culture, gains new and urgent meaning through the ethnic conflicts that arose in the wake of the dissolution of the Soviet empire. Studying artistic identity today, we must distinguish between notions of diffuse identity in post-modern culture and the ethnic identity that writers not infrequently assume in Middle-and Eastern Europe.
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Herzstein, Rafael. "Saint-Joseph University of Beirut: An Enclave of the French-Speaking Communities in the Levant, 1875–1914." Itinerario 32, no. 2 (July 2008): 67–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300001996.
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The origin of the Saint-Joseph University of Beirut, or USJ, dates back to the Seminar of Ghazir founded by the Jesuit Fathers in 1843. The College of Ghazir, established with the intention of training the local Maronite clergy, was transferred to Beirut in 1875. This centre for higher studies was named Saint-Joseph University. In his audience of 25 February 1881, Pope Leo XIII conferred the title of Pontifical University on the USJ.This article deals with the history of the USJ, the first great French-speaking Jesuit institution in the area which, at the time, bore the name of “Syria”. (The term Syria is used henceforth to represent the geographical entity of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, which includes Syria and Lebanon of the present.) The underlying reasons for the creation of Saint-Joseph University of Beirut have to do with its being located in a province of the Ottoman Empire coveted by the future mandatory power, France. By the 1870s, the Ottoman Empire was being preserved chiefly by the competition between the European powers, all of whom wanted chunks of it. The Ottoman territory, like the territory of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, encompassed a great many ethnic groups whose own nationalism was also stirring. Under Ottoman rule, the region of the Levant developed economic and religious ties with Europe. Open to the West, it became a hotbed of political strife between various foreign nations including France, Russia and Britain. These powerful countries assumed the protection of certain ethnic and religious groups, with France supporting the Christian Maronites and Britain supporting the Druzes.
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Naydenko, V. N. "Factors of interethnic conflicts in the Russian Federation." RUDN Journal of Sociology 19, no. 4 (December 15, 2019): 707–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-2272-2019-19-4-707-721.
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The article considers the conflict factors of interethnic relations in the Russian Federation. The survey of experts, qualified professionals in the spheres of ethno-extremism and interethnic conflicts, the data of opinion polls, analysis of academic papers and relevant mass media allowed the author to identify factors that can have a negative impact on interethnic relations and provoke ethnic conflicts in the next five to seven years. The first group of factors that are highly dangerous in terms of their impact includes economic crisis, low living standards, corruption, migration, proliferation of international Islamic extremism, activities of foreign states, struggles for power and access to federal money between governing elites and ethnic groups in national republics, ineffective educational and cultural policies. The second group of negative factors with a medium impact on interethnic situation consists of activities of interethnic and ethno-religious organizations, organized crime (including ethnic), decrease in the share of Russians in the population, ineffective ethnic policy and poor performance of law enforcement agencies. The third group of factors with a modest impact consists of foreign policy and systematic violations of the rights and freedoms of citizens.
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Tobin, David. "A “Struggle of Life or Death”: Han and Uyghur Insecurities on China's North-West Frontier." China Quarterly 242 (July 9, 2019): 301–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s030574101900078x.
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AbstractIn July 2009, nearly 200 people were killed in ethnically targeted mass violence between Turkic-speaking Muslim Uyghurs and Han Chinese in Urumqi, overshadowing the 60th anniversary of the founding of the People's Republic of China (PRC). How have ethnic relations between Han and Uyghurs descended into mass violence among ordinary people? This paper argues that the party-state exacerbates ethnic tensions between Han and Uyghurs through ethnocentric security narratives. These narratives frame China's identity as being under threat from Turkic enemies within who are supported by Islamic terrorists and Western “enemies of China” from outside. Discourse analysis of official texts, participant-observation of security practices, and interviews with Han and Uyghurs reveal the interplay between official identity discourses and everyday security practices before, during and after the violence. Since July 2009, one official solution to ethnic violence has been the construction of a shared multi-ethnic identity, officially described as a “zero-sum political struggle of life or death.” However, Han-centric conceptualizations of ethnic unity promote Han chauvinism and portray the Uyghur as a security threat. The party-state thus creates hierarchical ethnic relations that exacerbate both Han and Uyghur insecurities and contribute to spirals of violence. China's extra-judicial internment camps in Xinjiang are the logical conclusions of the ethnocentric insecurity cycles analysed in this article.