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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Islamic Empire – History'
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1
Zaman, Muhammad Qasim. "Early Àbbāsid religious policies and the proto-Sunnī ùlamā'." Thesis, McGill University, 1994. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=28557.
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This dissertation studies the evolving relationship of the early 'Abbasid caliphs with the proto-Sunni 'ulama'. By the time of Harun al-Rashid, the 'Abbasids had aligned themselves with the emergent proto-Sunnitrends; a pattern of state - 'ulama' relations, with the caliph's view of his function approaching that of the 'ulama ', had begun to emerge. al-Ma'mun was uncharacteristic of the early 'Abbasids in claiming religious authority for himself, apparently to challenge the 'ulama's influence and authority. That effort proved abortive, and confirmed in its failure the earlier pattern of state - 'ulama' relations. The pattern was one of collaboration between the caliphs and the 'ulama'. Proto-Sunni scholars were among the beneficiaries of extensive caliphal patronage, and it was their viewpoints which caliphal interventions in religious life upheld. Owing perhaps to the effects of 'Abbasid patronage, but also to the implications of certain proto-Sunni viewpoints, proto-Sunnis were generally favourable towards the 'Abbasids. A convergence is discernible in the interests of the Caliphs and the 'ulama', and partly explains not only the latter's pro-'Abbasid sentiment but also why it was the proto-Sunni viewpoints that the 'Abbasids came to patronize.
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Auni, Luthfi. "The decline of the Islamic empire of Aceh (1641-1699)." Thesis, McGill University, 1993. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=26066.
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This thesis deals with the history of the Acehnese Islamic empire, focusing on the events leading up to its decline in both its internal stability and its hegemony in the surrounding regions in the second half of the seventeenth century. During the given period (1641-1699) the empire was ruled successively by four female rulers. The thesis deals with the political and economic developments in this period.Aceh was an Islamic empire in the Indonesian archipelago which emerged as the greatest and most influential Islamic power in the region from the middle of the sixteenth century to the early seventeenth century. It reached its golden age during the reign of Sultan Iskandar Muda (1607-1636) who succeeded in developing the empire into an unrivaled Muslim power whose control included the West Sumatran coast and the Malay peninsula. During his reign, Aceh became the holder of the political and economic hegemony in the region.
Towards the second half of the seventeenth century, the power of Aceh gradually declined from its peak both internally and externally. Internally, political disintegration paved the way for the process of power transition between political groups within the empire. Externally, both the political importance and the economic supremacy of the empire in the region was drastically reduced. Consequently, its power again shrank back into the north-Sumatran area from which the empire originally emerged.
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Mead, Jason Andrew. "The survival of the Oriental church during the early Muslim empire." Online full text .pdf document, available to Fuller patrons only, 2001. http://www.tren.com.
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Walmsley, Alan G. "The administrative structure and urban geography of the jund of Filasṭīn and the jund of al-Urdunn : the cities and districts of Palestine and East Jordan during the early Islamic, 'Abbāsid and early Fāṭamid periods." Thesis, Faculty of Arts, 1987. https://hdl.handle.net/2123/13119.2.
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The administrative structure, routes and urban geography of south ash-Sham (Palestine and Jordan) during the first four centuries of Islamic history are neglected topics in spite of their relevance to contemporary archaeological research. The thesis uses both literary sources and archaeological results to discuss these questions, thereby establishing the pattern of major settlement in the region.
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Wood, Michael John. "A history of the Balqāʾ region of central Transjordan during the Umayyad period." Thesis, McGill University, 1995. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=23363.
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Drawing on a variety of primary and archaeological sources, this study attempts to recreate the political history and the social and economic character of the Balqa' region during the Umayyad period. The Balqa' was a provincial area of Transjordan, which had long been part of the classical world heavily influenced by the Arab tribes of the Syrian desert. After the Arab conquest the Balqa' took on a new role as the home or some of the ruling Umayyad elite. But a process of economic, demographic and urban decline had already begun in the middle of sixth century. Even the ethnic and religious composition of the Balqa's population remained stable; the region was primarily inhabited by Christian Arabs during both the late Byzantine and the Umayyad periods. In passing from Byzantine to Umayyad control the Balqa' underwent a process of transformation, especially in regards to political matters. But the more important trend was one of continuity, even the transfer of political power from the Byzantine bureaucracy to Arab notables was but the culmination of a trend which had begun with the rise of the Ghassanids in the previous century.
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Azmeh, Wayel. "Misconceptions About the Caliphate in Islam." University of Dayton / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=dayton1460735934.
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Lamey, Emeel S. "The Idea of ‘Holy Islamic Empire’ as a Catalyst to Muslims’ Response to the Second Crusade." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2014. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/2359.
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The oral traditions in the Islamic world presented only the moral benefits of Jihad. Yet, the fact is that, though the moral benefits continued to exist before and after the First Crusade, though the interest seemed to have been present and the necessary intellectual theories continued on, Muslims did not advance the practical Jihad. Nonetheless, the disastrous Second Crusade struck a powerful chord among Muslims. It forced Muslims to battle for their very survival, and to do so they would have to adapt, but equally they could only survive by drawing on their imperial inheritance built up over centuries. A number of concerns identified with the “golden age” of the Islamic empire influenced the Jihad movements for Muslims associated the imperial traditions with Islam itself. Given the examples of the First and Second Crusades, this study proposes that the idea of “Islamic Empire” constituted Muslims’ practical response to the crusades.
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Slight, John Paul. "The British Empire and the hajj, 1865-1956." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610358.
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Erginbas, Vefa. "THE APPROPRIATION OF ISLAMIC HISTORY AND AHL AL-BAYTISM IN OTTOMAN HISTORICAL WRITING, 1300-1650." The Ohio State University, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1363868855.
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Joscelyn, Morgan T. "British Imperialism Of The Ottoman Empire Gender, Nationalism, And Cultural Changes." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2014. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/914.
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British imperialism of the Ottoman Empire is analyzed in terms of power and influence. Changes in gender roles, nationalism, and culture are all examined through the lens of imperialism. The discourse flows thematically and discusses brief histories of both Britain and the Ottoman Empire. The construction of the Imperial Museum created a unified image of the nation through the collection of material items. As a result of European imperialism, the Ottoman Empire developed a sense of national culture.
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Curry, John Joseph IV. "Transforming Muslim mystical thought in the Ottoman Empire: the case of the Shabaniyye Order in Kastamonu and beyond." The Ohio State University, 2005. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1117560455.
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Smiley, William Allen. "'When peace is made, you will again be free' : Islamic and Treaty Law, Black Sea conflict, and the emergence of 'Prisoners of War' in the Ottoman Empire, 1739-1830." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/283908.
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Torunoglu, Gulsah. "A Comparative History of Feminism in Egypt and Turkey, 1880-1935:Dialogue and Difference." The Ohio State University, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1545531906081599.
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Low, Michael Christopher. "Empire of the Hajj pilgrims, plagues, and pan-Islam under British surveillance,1865-1926 /." unrestricted, 2007. http://etd.gsu.edu/theses/available/etd-07082007-174715/.
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Thesis (M.A.)--Georgia State University, 2007.Stephen H. Rapp, committee chair; Donald M. Reid, committee member. Electronic text (210 p. : ill. (some col.), maps, facsim.) : digital, PDF file. Description based on contents viewed Dec. 20, 2007; title from file title page. Includes bibliographical references (p. 192-210).
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Scharfe, Patrick. "Muslim Scholars and the Public Sphere in Mehmed Ali Pasha's Egypt, 1801-1841." The Ohio State University, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1440432505.
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Ozturk, Doga. "“Remembering” Egypt’s Ottoman Past: Ottoman Consciousness in Egypt, 1841-1914." The Ohio State University, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1595487290477278.
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Zubani, Alessia. "Les machines du pouvoir : technique et politique entre l’Iran sassanide et le califat abbasside." Thesis, Université Paris sciences et lettres, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020UPSLP055.
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Dans l’Antiquité, la recherche et la réflexion sur la technique permettent les premières réalisations de dispositifs ingénieux, tels que des appareils qui accomplissent une série d’actions par le biais de stimulus externes et de mécanismes cachés. Les organismes politiques et religieux saisissent rapidement la puissance communicative de ces machines, en devenant les promoteurs et patrons privilégiés de leur production. L’Empire sassanide (224-650) ne constitue pas une exception. En effet, les souverains perses consacrent, au moins à l’époque tardive, une grande attention à la conception et au déploiement de dispositifs savants et ingénieux. De même, un siècle plus tard, dans le milieu du califat islamique, les Abbassides (750-1258) semblent également s’entourer de tels dispositifs. La continuité entre les deux empires dans plusieurs domaines, de la théorie politique à l’administration, est bien connue. Cependant, la question de la réutilisation du patrimoine technique et scientifique ancien, et notamment sassanide, par la cour abbasside, demeure encore largement inexplorée. L’étude d’un corpus de sources, aussi vaste qu’hétérogène, rassemblant des ouvrages historiographiques, géographiques, poétiques et d’adab, ainsi que des traités scientifiques et techniques en plusieurs langues, permet d’analyser différents aspects de la production et de l’usage politique des machines. Au sein de la cour sassanide, comme de la cour abbasside, la machine s’avère constituer un véhicule préférentiel de représentation et de diffusion de l’idéologie politique. À travers sa mise en scène publique, elle contribue de manière substantielle à la définition de l’espace du pouvoir, en participant à la création d’une image de la cour comme un microcosme au cœur duquel le Roi des rois, et plus tard le calife, occupaient le rôle cardinal de maître incontesté du monde. La continuité entre l’empire sassanide et l’empire abbasside dans le domaine technique ne se limite donc pas à une récupération de savoirs, mais s’opère aussi sous la forme d’une véritable réactivation d’un patrimoine symboliqueIn the Antique world, research on technology and applied sciences allowed for the construction of the very first ingenious devices, i.e. apparatuses which, through external stimulation and hidden mechanisms, can perform a series of actions and movements. Political and religious organisms quickly came to appreciate the communicative power of such devices, thus actively sponsoring their production. The Sasanian Empire (224-650) is no exception. In fact, at least since the late period, Iranian rulers devoted remarkable attention to the conception and material deployment of ingenious devices. Similar efforts seem to have been taken about a century later by the Abbasids (750-1258). The continuity between these two empires in various domains, such as political theory and administration, is widely acknowledged. However, the issue of the recovery of the ancient – and, particularly, Sasanian – technical and scientific heritage by the Abbasid court is still largely neglected. The study of a various corpus of historiographic, geographic, poetic, and literary sources, as well as of scientific treaties, allows shedding light on various aspects regarding the production and political use of machines at the Abbasid court. Both at the Sasanian and the Abbasid court, ingenious devices prove themselves to be a preferential vehicle of representation and diffusion of political ideology. Through their public display, they substantially contributed to the definition of the space of power, taking part in the creation of an image of the court as a microcosm in which the King of kings, and later on the Caliph, hold the cardinal place of universal world-rulers. The Sasanian-Abbasid continuity in the realm of technology and science thus is not limited to the recovery, by Abbasid scholars, of Sasanian scientific knowledge, but rather takes the form of a true reactivation of a symbolic heritage
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Broidy, Lauren. "“Ni a fuego, ni a pleto” as Jewish Lament: Re-Animating Diversity and Challenging Monolithic Assumptions in the Late Ottoman Empire and Nascent Middle Eastern Nations." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2019. https://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/2278.
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This thesis examines how Jews of the Ottoman Empire responded to newfound opportunities that emerged across the domains of the late Ottoman Empire in the nineteenth century due to the Ottoman bureaucratic reforms (Tanzimat). It challenges the discourses that argue that Jews engaged probing issues such as nationalism in a monolithic fashion. Rather, Sephardi and Arab Jews, based on socioeconomic status and geographic location in the Empire approached questions of affiliation with the Empire or attachment to new forms of nationalism based on divergent structures that informed their lives and personal political choices. This project explores the main avenues that Jews in the Ottoman world used to approach questions that animated the public discourse not just of Jews, but of peoples across the globe who struggled to find new avenues for belonging in shifting geopolitical terrains. For Jewish communities in the Ottoman world, four dominant avenues and attitudes emerged: traditionalists who desired to maintain the status quo; those who sought an Ottoman or Turkish Republican future; Sephardi Zionists who believed they were integral to Ottoman communal history; provincial nationalists who agitated for distinct regional identities. The thesis also briefly examines the Armenian millet’s socio-political situation during the nineteenth and twentieth century in order to show the ways in which the Jewish millet was both in tandem with broader nationalist discourses but were also less cohesively politically organized than other millets in the Empire.
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Poyraz, Serdar. "Science versus Religion: The Influence of European Materialism on Turkish Thought, 1860-1960." The Ohio State University, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1290905453.
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Kadric, Sanja. "Ottoman Bosnia and Hercegovina: Islamization, Ottomanization, and Origin Myths." The Ohio State University, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1523972390663303.
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Çelik, Faika. "Gypsies (Roma) in the orbit of Islam : the Ottoman experience (1450-1600)." Thesis, McGill University, 2003. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=79830.
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The main premise of this thesis is to demonstrate how the Gypsies, (Roma)---both Muslim and Christian, both settled and nomadic---were marginalized by the Ottoman State and society in Rumelia (Rumili) and Istanbul during the "Classical Age" of this tri-continental Islamic Empire.The Ottoman state and the society's attitudes towards this marginal group are analyzed through the examination of the Muhimme Registers of the second half the sixteenth century and four major Kanunnames concerning the Gypsies issued in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. Travelers' accounts and Turkish oral traditions have also been used to explore the social status of the Gypsies in Ottoman society, as well as their image in Ottoman popular culture.
The history of people who were marginal and voiceless in their societies is not just important for its own sake but for what it reveals about the nature of the societies in which they lived. Thus, this present work not only sheds light upon the history of the Gypsies but also attempts to open new grounds for further discussions on the functioning of the "Plural Society" of the Ottoman Empire.
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Bouali, Hassan. "De la révolte au califat zubayride : histoire d'une expérience politique dans les débuts de l'islam." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris 10, 2021. http://www.theses.fr/2021PA100110.
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La fin du VIIe siècle est marquée par une longue guerre civile entre Ibn al-Zubayr et les Umayyades. Ibn al-Zubayr parvint à s’imposer durant une décennie sur une partie majeure de l’empire islamique. Cette expérience politique zubayride est le cœur de cette recherche doctorale. Loin des évidences et des simplifications, cette partie vise à montrer que la révolte d’Ibn al-Zubayr ne fut pas le fait d’un seul homme, il convient également de prendre en considération sa dimension collective et de l’inscrire dans le cadre plus large de la construction de l’empire islamique, de la genèse d’un État patrimonial umayyade, de la périphérisation de l’Arabie, et de l’affrontement entre différents groupes à l’intérieur de la communauté des croyants. Dans un second temps, notre recherche étudie la genèse et l’affirmation de l’autorité califale et impériale acquise par Ibn al-Zubayr à la fin du VIIe siècle. Bien que de nombreuses recherches aient en effet bien souligné certains éléments qui permettent de mieux cerner les référents à partir desquels Ibn al-Zubayr a promu son autorité califale, le sujet reste largement sous étudié. Notre recherche permet de jeter un nouveau regard sur la figure du calife mecquois et son statut nouveau d’imām de la communauté des croyants dans différentes sphères, qu’il s’agisse de l’idéologie et de la conception du califat, de la justice ou encore de la direction du pèlerinage musulman. Une troisième et dernière partie de cette thèse porte plus précisément sur le gouvernement des territoires. L’enjeu de cette partie vise avant tout à analyser la « construction impériale » zubayride. Notre réflexion consiste surtout à mettre en lumière la façon dont les territoires qui étaient précédemment sous domination umayyade furent gouvernés en contexte zubayride. Une large place est accordée à l’histoire sociale, aux pratiques militaires et à la construction d’un pouvoir patrimonial zubayride au cœur de la province d’Irak. Tout au long de cette partie, nous avons tenté de ne pas perdre de vue le contexte de la fin du VIIe siècle, lequel mit les Zubayrides devant la nécessité de gouverner les territoires de l’empire à l’épreuve des défis posés par la seconde fitnaThe end of the 7th century is marked by a long civil war between Ibn al-Zubayr and the Umayyads. Ibn al-Zubayr managed to impose himself for a decade over a major part of the Islamic empire. This Zubayrid political experience is the main subject of this doctoral research. Far from obviousness and simplification, we aim to show that the rebellion of Ibn al-Zubayr was not the fact of a single man. It is also necessary to take into account its collective dimension and to include it in the framework larger part of the building of the Islamic empire, the peripherization of Arabia, and the struggle between different groups within the community of believers. Secondly, our research studies the genesis and the assertion of Ibn al-Zubayr’s caliphal and imperial authority. This part allows to understand his new status of imām of the community at the end of the 7th century. A third and final part of this thesis deals more specifically with the government of the Islamic empire. The aim of this part is above all to analyze the Zubayrid "imperial construction"
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Fischer, Maureen Julia. ""Turkey is the Key": Studies on America's Relationship with the Ottoman Empire, The Turkish Republic, and Islam in the Near and Middle East." W&M ScholarWorks, 2016. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1477068545.
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Mission Accomplished: Manifest Destiny and American Foreign Missions to the Ottoman Empire in the 1830s William Goodell’s memoir, Forty Years in the Turkish Empire, was a compilation of some of his journals, letters, and other writings during his tenure as a missionary living in Constantinople. This paper analyzes Goodell’s motivations, activities, and reflections during the 1830s in order to discuss Goodell’s role as an agent of Manifest Destiny. Though the United States did not have the desire or ability to conquer the Ottoman Empire by the sword, some Americans asserted their power through the spread of religion, and many of these Americans supported the efforts of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions (ABCFM). William Goodell provides a view into the Protestant missionaries from the United States to the Ottoman Empire and the world at large who, in the 1830s, were intrinsic component of the burgeoning Manifest Destiny mentality and reflected physical American expansion westward in the form of Christian American expansion eastward. These evangelical missionaries were also a force of expansion, and a strand of manifest destiny expressed in the form of ideological imperialism. “A Colorful and Turbulent Career”: Depictions of Turkey in American Tourist Guidebooks, 1920-1935 Americans who wanted to visit Turkey around its establishment as a nation could consult a variety of sources which help to demonstrate the American perceptions of the Turkish Republic and its leaders during the 1920s and 1930s. The ultimate marker of these American guidebooks is the time they devoted to Robert College in Constantinople. These authors’ depiction of Robert College as an American stronghold in the Oriental East represents the type of Western gaze that acted as a penetrating force and constituted a mental and physical imposition on Turkey in the 1920s and 1930s, a process which continued as travelers used the guidebooks for their various needs. This paper discusses the differences in wants and needs between the Turkish government and Western travelers, reconciled effectively through the reality of İstanbul as the destination of choice for Westerners who wanted a taste of the Orient that was still comfortably “Western.”
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El, Hmidi Lahsen. "Les aspects sociaux et politiques de la diffusion de l'Islam au Mali et au Songhai, 14-16e siècles." Grenoble 2, 1993. http://www.theses.fr/1993GRE29067.
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Le "miracle arabe" n'avait pas permis seulement le bouleversement de la carte geopolitique du monde ancien, mais avait e galement ouvert l'afrique noire a l'ere de la revelation divine et des lois universelles. C'est en tekrour que l'islam trouva son second souffle et son extraordinaire renaissance faisant du sahara-soudanais une econde terre de predication. Cette renaissance etait due, en grande partie, a l'habilite, aux talents des commercants arabo-berberes et surtout a l'esprit guerrier du mouvement almoravide. Ainsi, en introduisant leur culture, leur religion et leur langue, les arabes avaient contribue puissament au grand mouvement d'arabisation du soudan qui, du 11eme au 16eme siecle, a pousse les adeptes de mohamed a faconner le monde soudano-sahelien a leur image en persuadant les chefs locaux a mener une vie plus inspiree du modele oriental que de l'heritage ancestral soudanais. Cependant, cette persuation n'avait engendre qu'une influence tres superficielle. Les masses paysanes etaient restees profedement animistes et etrangeres au dialogue qui s'instaurait entre leur chefs et les ressortissants arabo-berberes. Mais si les cites nigeriennes ont connu une vie religieuse et culturelle tres animee aunmoyen-age, c'est grace, il faut le dire, a la politique bienveillante des souver ains soudanais ( les mansas et les askias ) qui ne cesserent de couvrir les lettres musulmans d'honneurs et de presents. Quoiqu'il en soit, la rencontre de l'islam avec l'afrique noire a permis a celle-ci de s'ouvrir sur le monde et d'appre hender les temps modernes avec une mentalite nouvelleThe "arabe miracle" did not only allow the compete change of the geopolitic map of the ancien world, but also allowed bl ack africa to have access to the divine revelation era of universal laws. It is in tekrur that islam found its second br eathe and its extraordinary rebith turning the sudaness sahara into a second earth of predication. This rebith was mostl y due to the gifted arabo-berbertradesmen and more particularly to the warlik spirit of the almoravid movement. Thus, by introducing their culture, religion and language, the arabe had greatly contributed to the great arabization movement of sudan, which from the 11 th century to 16 th century drove mohamed followers to build the sudano-sahelian world in their own image, persuading the local cheifs to live in a more oriental way, rather than in the ancestral sudanese herit age. The agricultural work forces were still strongly animist and did not take part in the dialogue which involved their cheifs and the arabo-berber peopole ( or citizen ). But , if the nigerian cities knew a lilively religious and cultural life during the middle -age, we must say that it is thanks to the benevolent politics of the sudanese sovereigns ( the mansas and askias ) who never stopped honoring muslim scholars. Although, the meeting between islam and black africa permitted the latter to open us itself
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Soler, Renaud. "Une histoire de la sīra à l’époque ottomane (XVe-XIXe siècle). Production et formes de la manifestation du savoir historique sur la vie du prophète Muḥammad." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Sorbonne université, 2021. https://accesdistant.sorbonne-universite.fr/login?url=https://theses-intra.sorbonne-universite.fr/2021SORUL112.pdf.
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Entre la fin du XVe siècle et la fin du XIXe siècle, dans les frontières de l’Empire ottoman, Arabes et Turcs produisirent un savoir historique sur la vie du Prophète Muḥammad, au sens que l’on donnait à cette époque au mot « histoire ». Cette production était assurée à la fois par l’écriture de la sīra, ou des siyer-i nebī, et par des formes d’actualisation du passé, qui impliquaient la monumentalisation ou l’incorporation de fragments de ce savoir historique. La monumentalisation consistait à rendre tangible la présence agissante du Prophète dans le monde. L’incorporation relevait de l’inscription dans le corps des fidèles, par des visites, des rituels ou des fêtes communautaires, de fragments de ce passé prophétique. Dans un monde dominé par l’analphabétisme, ces deux modes d’actualisation concouraient à la présence du passé dans le présent, au moins autant que l’historiographie. À partir d’une étude quantitative de la production historiographique sur la vie du Prophète, nous explorerons pas à pas le corpus arabe et turc ottoman de la sīra produit à l’époque ottomane, pour tenter de cerner la structure de son intertextualité, son évolution historique, et surtout établir les règles du fonctionnement de cette économie manuscrite du savoir. Nous essaierons aussi de déterminer quelques formes de monumentalisation et d’incorporation associées aux grands moments de la vie du Prophète, telle qu’elle était racontée dans l’historiographie. Nous montrerons comment, selon des rythmes divers, cette économie de la sīra se désintégra dans la deuxième moitié du XIXe siècle, sous l’effet de la diffusion du livre imprimé, des transformations politiques et de la mise en place de nouvelles modalités de production et de manifestation du savoir historiqueBetween the end of the 15th century and the end of the 19th century, within the borders of the Ottoman Empire, Arabic and Turkish speaking people produced a historical knowledge about the life of Prophet Muḥammad. This production was ensured both by the writing of the sīra, or the siyer-i nebī, and by forms of updating the past, which involved the monumentalization or the incorporation of fragments of historical knowledge about the Prophet. The monumentalization consisted in making tangible the active presence of the Prophet in the world. The incorporation was the inscription, in the body of the faithful, through visits, rituals or community celebrations, of fragments of the prophetic past. In a world dominated by illiteracy, these two modes of actualization contributed to the presence of the past in the present, as much as historiography. From a quantitative study of the historiographical production on the life of the Prophet, we will explore step by step the Arabic and Turkish Ottoman corpus of the sīra produced in the Ottoman period, to discern the structure of its intertextuality, its historical evolution, and above all to establish the rules of this manuscript economy of knowledge. We will also try to determine some forms of monumentalization and incorporation associated with the great moments of the Prophet’s life, as it was told in historiography. We will show how, according to various rhythms, this economy disintegrated in the second half of the 19th century, under the effect of the growing role of the printed book, political transformations and the establishment of new modes of production and manifestation of historical knowledge
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Yardim, Müserref. "La pensée politique et religieuse du "rénovateur ottoman" (islamci) Said Nursî de 1908 à 1926." Strasbourg, 2010. https://publication-theses.unistra.fr/restreint/theses_doctorat/2010/YARDIM_Muserref_2010.pdf.
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Said Nursî, né à la période de la première monarchie constitutionnelle et ayant assisté à la naissance de la République turque, tente d'adapter son discours religieux et politique aux exigences de la société ottomane et turque de l'époque. Ses activités sont implantées tant dans le domaine religieux que dans le domaine social et politique. Il réussit à fonder un mouvement après la création de la République qui non seulement a marqué l'histoire moderne de la Turquie républicaine, mais qui continue encore de se manifester à l'heure actuelle avec un dynamisme social à travers les "dershane", les maisons d'édition, les médias, les institutions et les organisations. Le mouvement nurcu, nurculuk, qui prétend être moderne en même temps que fidèle aux principes religieux, suscite un grand intérêt d'étude pour l'histoire de l'islam contemporain. Notre travail se donne pour objectif de détenniner le rapport de Said Nursî à son temps. En d'autres termes, il est question de savoir comment il adapte son discours, tant religieux que politique, à l'esprit de son temps : est-il moderne ou traditionnel? Qu'entend-il par « modernité »? Nous tentons de mettre en exergue les traits de sa démarche qui se revendique à la fois moderne et fidèle aux principes religieux du courant islamcl, renouveau ottoman attesté au début du XXe siècle, et plus précisément durant la seconde monarchie constitutionnelleSaid Nursî, born at the time of the First Constitutional Monarchy and having attended the advent of the Turkish Republic, tries ta adapt his religious and political speech ta the requirements of the Ottoman and Turkish society of the time. His activities are established as mueh in the religious field as in the social and political domain. He succeeded in founding a movement after the creation of the Republic which not only marked the modern history of republican Turkey, but which still continues to appear at the present time with a social dynamism through the dershane, publishing hou ses, media, institutions and organizations. The nurcu movement, nurculuk, which claims to be modern and faithful to the religious principles at the same time, arouses a great interest for studying the history of contemporary Islam. Our work aims to determine Said Nursî's relationship to his time. In other words, it is a matter of knowing how he adapts his speech, both religious and political, to the spirit of his time : is it modern or traditional? We try to put forward the features of his approach, which claims to be modern and, at the same time, faithful to the religious principles of the islamci current, the Ottoman revival attested at the beginning of the 20th. Century, and more precisely, of the Second Constitutional Monarchy
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Sendesni, Wajda. "Les jeunes Turcs en Egypte 1895-1908 : histoire politique et intellectuelle." Paris, EHESS, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009EHES0133.
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L'objectif de cette thèse est de faire connaître les Jeunes-Turcs d'Égypte qui sont restés le grands oubliés du mouvement d'opposition au régime d'Abdülhamid -qui avait vu le jour en 1889 et dont le but était de rétablir la constitution ottomane de 1876. Sans être plus importante que le autres, la branche égyptienne de ce mouvement avait joué un rôle dans la préparation idéologique de la révolution de 1908, et le Caire avait été un centre important des activités et publication jeunes turques. L'Égypte dans laquelle les Jeunes-Turcs avaient trouvé refuge dans les années 1891 et la première décennie du XXe siècle favorisait, par son contexte politique particulier, l, développement de leurs activités. Sous l'occupation, l'Égypte dont le consul anglais, le khédive e le sultan se disputaient le pouvoir, offrait aux opposants d'Abdülhamid une liberté quasi-total, d'expression et d'action. Le fait d'être implanté au cœur d'une terre encore considérée comme ottomane donnait une importance stratégique à la branche égyptienne. La proximité avec l'Empire rendait les activités des Jeunes-Turcs au Caire plus inquiétantes pour Abdülhamid que celles qui avaient lieu en Europe. En Égypte, les Jeunes-Turcs n'étaient pas les seuls à critiquer le régime despotique d'Abdülhamid, il y avait les libéraux arabes, des syro-libanais, qui partageaient leurs idées et poursuivaient le même objectif qu'eux. À travers cette étude, on peut découvrir qui étaient les Jeunes-Turcs d'Égypte, comment ils étaient organisés, quelles étaient leurs activités, mais également quelles étaient les principales idées qu'ils véhiculaient et ce qu'ils pensaient de question comme l'ottomanisme, le panislamisme, le califat, le nationalisme et le matérialisme. Les Jeune, Turcs étant à l'origine de ce qui s'appelle la révolution de 1908 dans l'Empire ottoman, il étai nécessaire de se pencher sur la conception qu'ils se faisaient de la révolution en général et de voir quelle évolution idéologique de leur mouvement les avait amenés de l'opposition pacifique al régime despotique d'Abdülhamid au choix de l'action armée pour rétablir la constitution en juillet 1908The purpose of this thesis is to make known the Young Turks of Egypt who remained the big forgotten of the opposition movement to the regime of Abdülhamid which had been born in 1889 and the aim of which was to restore the Ottoman constitution of 1876. Without being more important than the others, the Egyptian branch of this movement had played a role in the ideological preparation of the revolution of 1908, and Cairo had been an important center for Young Turks' activities and publications. Egypt in which the Young Turks find refuge in the 1890s and the first decade of the XXth century facilitates, by its particular political context, the development of their activities. Egypt under occupation in which the British consul, the khedive and the sultan fight over the power offers to the opponents of Abdülhamid a quasi-total freedom of expression and action. The fact of being implanted in a country still considered as an ottoman province gives a strategic importance to the Egyptian branch. The nearness with the Empire makes the activities of the Young Turks in Cairo more disturbing for Abdülhamid than those that take place in Europe. In Egypt, the Young Turks are not the only ones to criticize the despotic regime of Abdülhamid, there are the Arabic liberals who share their ideas and pursue the same objective as them. Through this study, we can discover who the Young Turks in Egypt were, how they were organized, what their activities were, but also what they wrote and thought about questions like ottomanism, panislamism, caliphate, nationalism and materialism. Because the Young Turks are at the origin of what is caIled the revolution of 1908 in the Ottoman Empire, it is important to see which conception they had of the revolution generally and which ideological evolution of their movement had brought them of the peaceful opposition to the regime of Abdülhamid to the armed action as a way to restore the constitution
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Chiti, Elena <1979>. "Écrire à Alexandrie (1879-1940) : capital social, appartenances, mémoire." Doctoral thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/4650.
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Cette thèse est une étude d’histoire culturelle sur les processus de construction des appartenances. Le cadre spatio-temporel de départ est la ville d’Alexandrie entre la fin du XIXe siècle et le premier tiers du XXe. Son statut compliqué d’interface entre plusieurs horizons politico-culturels (ottoman, arabe, européen) en fait un terrain privilégié pour analyser les notions d’étranger, égyptien, ottoman, local, national, cosmopolite comme catégories mouvantes, façonnées par les acteurs. Dans la volonté de faire de l’imaginaire un objet d’histoire, ces catégories sont appréhendées à travers les textes littéraires (en arabe, français, italien, anglais) produits par les acteurs de la vie culturelle alexandrine. Une étude de leurs trajectoires personnelles, des sociabilités qui se nouent (ou pas) dans les milieux littéraires citadins et des critères sur lesquels se font et se défont les réputations littéraires permet de lier la dimension individuelle de ces acteurs à une dimension collective, sociétale. Pour prolonger le débat dans l’actualité, on propose enfin une approche socio-historique de la survie ou de la disparition de ces réputations littéraires au-delà du cadre spatio-temporel de départ. Réfléchir aux milieux dans lesquels une réputation d’auteur construite dans l’ère des empires survit, ou ne survit pas, au passage à l’ère des États-nations, ou à celui de la période coloniale à l’époque des décolonisations, permet d’explorer le champ de la mémoire sur des bases autres que celles de la nostalgie ou de l’idéologie.This dissertation is a cultural-history study of the building up of categories of belonging. The spatio-temporal context is the city of Alexandria between the late 19th century and the first third of the 20th. Being a field of confrontation between several cultural and political horizons (ottoman, Arab, European), Alexandria is a privileged domain to study the notions of foreigner, Egyptian, ottoman, local, national, cosmopolitan as shifting categories, built-up by actors. In the aim of treating imagery as a historical object, these categories are investigated through a set of literary texts (in Arabic, French, Italian, English) produced by the actors of Alexandrian cultural life. By studying their trajectories, the sociability that emerges (or not) in Alexandrian literary milieus and the criteria on which literary reputations are built up, we can link the individual scale to a societal dimension. In conclusion, to extend the perspective, we propose a socio-historical analysis of the survival or disappearance of these literary reputations beyond the space and time firstly considered. Analyzing the milieus in which an author reputation built up in the age of empires survives, or not, through the age of Nation-states, or from the colonial epoch to the age of decolonization, is offering an approach to the field of memory which is not based on nostalgic or ideological positions.
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Hage-Ali, Chady. "La mission évangélique américaine et le monde arabo-musulman : une histoire géopolitique de la rencontre islamo-chrétienne du XIXe siècle à nos jours." Thesis, Valenciennes, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017VALE0028.
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L’histoire de la mission évangélique américaine et de son influence sur la politique américaine au Moyen-Orient depuis le début du XIXe siècle demeure largement méconnue du grand public. Pourtant, les missionnaires ont fortement contribué à l’ouverture de leur pays au monde et à son positionnement comme acteur majeur de la scène internationale. Dans les provinces ottomanes, leurs apports en matière d’éducation, de santé, de culture et d’action sociale furent souvent plus significatifs que leurs résultats en matière d’évangélisation. En partant du postulat que l’influence des missions chrétiennes sur les choix politiques reste relative au cours de l’histoire, notre thèse entend distinguer la responsabilité des missionnaires et des leaders religieux du rôle joué par Washington dans l’apparition des crises et des conflits qui secouent le Moyen-Orient et le monde arabo-musulman. Elle examine les causes de l’échec à évangéliser massivement et à implanter les valeurs laïques et démocratiques. Elle souligne également les ambivalences et les divergences qui traversent le protestantisme américain, les attitudes, les représentations et les pratiques des évangéliques et du gouvernement américain à l’égard de l’islam, d’Israël, des nations arabes et musulmanesThe history of the American Evangelical Mission and its influence on American policy in the Middle East, since the beginning of the nineteenth century, remains largely unknown to the general public. However, protestant missionaries have greatly contributed to the opening of their country to the world and to its status as a major player on the international scene. In the Ottoman provinces, their contributions to education, health, culture and social action were often more significant than their results in terms of evangelization. On the assumption that the influence of Christian missions on political choices remains relative in the course of history, our thesis seeks to distinguish the responsibility of missionaries from the political role played by Washington in the emergence of crises and conflicts that shake up the Middle East and the Arab-Muslim World. It examines the reasons for the failure of massive evangelization and implementation of democratic and secular values. It also highlights the ambivalences and divergences that cross American Protestantism, the attitudes, representations and practices of Evangelicals and American government towards Islam, Israel, the Arab and Muslim nations
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Brelaud, Simon. "Présences chrétiennes en Mésopotamie durant l’époque sassanide (IIIe-VIIe siècles) : géographie et société." Thesis, Sorbonne université, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018SORUL146.
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La présente thèse étudie à la fois les réalités de la présence chrétienne en Mésopotamie ainsi que l’image que les chrétiens se sont données d’eux-mêmes. Installé sur les rives du Tigre et de l’Euphrate, le christianisme de l’empire perse s’est diffusé à l’ombre d’un pouvoir non chrétien, comme dans l’empire romain. Toutefois les destinées des deux christianismes, celui d’Occident et celui d’Orient, se sont séparées lorsque l’empire romain est devenu chrétien. Les chrétiens de la Mésopotamie sassanide ont dû alors osciller entre l’hostilité franche du pouvoir et les périodes de tolérance jusqu’à la chute de la dynastie au milieu du VIIe siècle. Le christianisme mésopotamien fut caractérisé par une forme de diversité à la fois linguistique et religieuse, marqué par la porosité avec les autres groupes, contre laquelle les autorités religieuses n’ont cessé de délimiter des frontières claires. Il s’est progressivement étendu à l’ensemble des couches de la société sassanide, jusqu’aux élites dirigeantes, et jusqu’aux campagnes. Alors, une production littéraire et historiographique d’ampleur a contribué à la formation d’un portrait cohérent et linéaire dans la documentation syro-orientale dominante, issue de l’Église de l’Est. Ailleurs, des mémoires divergentes des chrétiens de Perse nous sont parvenuesThis dissertation looks at both the realities of the Christian presence in Mesopotamia and how the Christians constructed their own image. Established on the Tigris and Euphrates rivers, Christianity during the Persian Empire it developed under a shadowy non-Christian power, as with the case with the Roman Empire. However, the fate of Western and Eastern Christianities diverged when the Roman Empire became Christian. In Sasanian Mesopotamia, the treatment of Christians wavered between direct hostility from Zoroastrian power and periods of tolerance, until the fall of the dynasty in the middle of the 7th century. A form of linguistic and religious diversity characterized Mesopotamian Christianity. The lines between Christians and the other communities were narrow, which caused religious authorities to draw clear boundaries between Christians and non-Christians. Christianity expanded into the whole Sasanian society, including the peasantry and ruling elites. Therefore, after the 5th century, there was a large proliferation of East-Syrian literature and historiography, which had a key role in the development of the dominant Christian image within the Church of Persia. However, other literary traditions passed down different views of the Christians of Sasanian Mesopotamia
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Eid, Hadi. "Histoire de la controverse religieuse entre Byzance et l'Islam pendant la première époque Abbasside." Paris 1, 1990. http://www.theses.fr/1990PA010562.
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L'épitre d'Ibn al-Layât adresse au nom du calife Haroun al-Rasid (786-809) à l'empereur byzantin Constantin six que j'ai exhumée est un des éléments majeurs de notre étude intitulée : "histoire de la controverse religieuse entre Byzance et l'Islam pendant la première époque Abbasside". Elle apparait comme le premier ouvrage d'apologétique musulmane que nous possédons, et la seule correspondance royale à cette période. Dans cette lettre, le calife engage une vive polémique en abordant de nombreux points : ce qui dépend de l'unicité de dieu, le caractère prophétique de Muhammad ; le caractère inimitable du coran ; les miracles et les prophéties du Muhammad ; le dogme de la trinité avec ses trois hypostases ; la filiation divine de Jésus, les miracles opérés par lui, et l'annonce de Muhammad par l'ancien et le nouveau testament, et de la falsification des écritures par les chrétiens. A travers toutes ces discussions religieuses, le calife invite l'empereur à choisir entre : la conversion à l'Islam ou, le paiement de la gizya qui doit lui apporter beaucoup d'avantages. Comme auparavant, en cas de refus de celui-ci, l'unique choix pour le calife est la guerre sainte (jihad) contre les byzantinsThe epistle which Ibn al-Layt has addressed on behalf of the caliph Harun al-Rasid (786-809) to the byzantine emperor Constantine six, and which i have unearthed,is one of the major elements of our study entitled : "history of the religious controversy between byeantium and Islam during the first abbasid era". It stands out as the first work of muslim apologetic which we possess, and the only royal correspondence from that period. In that letter, the caliph engages in a lively polemic discussing numerous points : what depends on the uniqueness of god, the prophetic character of Muhammad ;the inimitable character of the Coran ; the miracles and prophetics of Muhammad ; the dogma of the trinity with its three hypostasis ; the divine filiation of Jesus, the miracles which he effected, the announcement of muhammad by the old and new testament, and the falsification of scriptures by the christians. Through all these religious discussions, the caliph invites the emperor to choose between the conversion to Islam or the payment of the gizya which should bring him a lot of advantages. In the case of the emperor's refusal, then, as in the past, the only choice for
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Kunselman, David E. "Arab-Byzantine War, 629-644 AD." Ft. Leavenworth : Army Command and General Staff College, 2007. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA494014.
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Balivet, Michel. "De byzance aux ottomans : attitudes de conciliation et comportements supraconfessionels." Université Marc Bloch (Strasbourg) (1971-2008), 1992. http://www.theses.fr/1992STR20030.
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Des le moyen-age, deux groupes concurrents cohabiterent en anatolie, puis dans les balkans: le groupe greco-byzantin, de tradition helleno-chretienne, imperiale, sedentaire, mediterraneenne se trouva etroitement mele, par le jeu des circonstances, a une population de langue turro-mongole, musulmane, d'origine nomade, centre-asiatique, peu gournee vers la mer. Entre ces deux mondes que tout separait, les conflits furent nombreux du xie s, jusqu'a la crise des nationalites qui opposa, au xixe, turcs ottomans et sujets du sultan de tradition byzantino-orthodoxe. Cependant, etudier en termes exclusivement conflictuels une cohebitation greco-turque presque millenaire, c'est se condamner a ne bien comprendre ni la rapidite de la conquete turque ni la longevite de l'empire ottoman ni le patrimoine commun des peuples qui en sont issus. La presente etude reunit documents medievaux et ottomans destines a montrer qu'a cote des conflits indeniables, il y a eu, entre societes byzantino-orthodoxe et turco-islamique, au cours de leur longue cohabitation, une dynamique des alliances politiques, des echanges culturels, des courants d'idees et des comportements , qui permit un consensus intercommunautaire et une coexistence relativement harmonieuse. Ce courant d'entente exista meme dans le domaine des croyances, ou certains mystiques des deux groupes jouerent un role actif de rapprochement transreligieus, voire supraconfessionnel qui alla dans le sens unificateur d'un syncretisme commun a tous les sujets des sultans, ou, au contraire, qui s'opposa parfois par l'anarchie et la revolte armee, au pouvoir centralAs soon as the middle-ages, two competitive parties coexisted in anatolia and later in the balkans : the greek-byzantine group, from hellenic and christian filiation, a sedentary and imperial people from mediterranean tradition, happened to be tightly mingled with a population whose language was turco-mongolic, who was muslem, from central-asian nomadic origin. Between those two very different worlds, many were the conflicts from the xith century down to the nationality crises that opposed the ottoman turks in the xixth century to the sultan's sujects from orthodox and byzantine tradition. However, if one limits one's study to the sole aspect of war and conflicts between greeks and turks who have been living on the same territory for almost a millenary, one cannot understand neither how quick was the turkish conquest, neither the long life of the ottoman empire, nor the common inheritance of the peoples born from it. The present study gathers medieval and ottoman sources that were chosen so as to show that besides the undeniable conflicts, there has been between the two societies, along their long living together, a dynamics in political alliances, in cultural exchanges, in trends of ideas and behaviours, that allowed a common consensus and a relatively harmonious coexistence. The peace trend even existed in religion and a few mystics in both parties played an active part in a transreligious and even sometimes supraconfessionnal approach that lead to unite all the sultan's subjects by the means of syncretism, or, on the contrary, that sometimes opposed the government through anarchy and armed rebellion
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Abdrakhmanov, Talgat. "L'islam au Kazakhstan : les rapports Etats-religion (XVIIIème - XXème siècles)." Phd thesis, Université Michel de Montaigne - Bordeaux III, 2012. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00817205.
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Les relations entre l'Etat et la religion sont déterminantes dans l'histoire de chaque pays. Au Kazakhstan, le statut de l'islam a varié au gré du régime sur place. Implanté en plusieurs vagues, commençant par la conquête arabe du sud du pays, puis officialisé par les Qarakhanides, la Horde d'Or sous le khan Özbek et les khans kazakhs, l'islam a trouvé une certaine régulation à partir du XVIIIème siècle avec la colonisation russe. L'Empire russe, intéressé par le fait de gagner les musulmans à sa cause, favorise leur religion en créant l'Assemblée spirituelle à Orenbourg. L'impératrice Catherine II envoie des mollahs tatars dans la steppe kazakhe et construit de nombreuses mosquées pour mieux contrôler les Kazakhs. Mais le renforcement de l'islam donne des résultats inverses à ceux escomptés et l'empire durcit sa position envers le dernier, il limite le nombre de mollahs et de mosquées par région. Avec l'arrivée des soviétiques au pouvoir, tout semble changer. Mais provisoirement seulement ; les premières " déclarations démocratiques " n'aboutissent qu'à se retourner contre toutes les religions par une série de répressions à la fin des années 1920, et l'idéologie communiste espère mettre fin à l'islam. Pourtant les Directions spirituelles musulmanes avaient été rétablies durant la Deuxième Guerre Mondiale par Staline qui avait voulu utiliser le potentiel religieux pour servir ses buts. Elles ont fonctionné jusqu'à l'effondrement de l'URSS en reflétant les décisions du parti. L'indépendance du Kazakhstan a donné une chance aux croyants de rétablir la religion, mais en même temps elle a contribué à l'apparition de mouvances radicales. Depuis les années 2000 le gouvernement revoit sa politique en matière religieuse, en effectuant de nouveau des restrictions. L'histoire recommence-t-elle ?
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Le, Torrivellec Xavier. "Histoire des identités en Russie musulmane : la République autonome du Bachkortostan (1969-2003)." Paris, EHESS, 2006. http://www.theses.fr/2006EHES0073.
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Prenant acte de l'importance des questions identitaires dans les sociétés contemporaines, ce travail explore les conditions historiques qui les ont rendues pensables dans le contexte particulier d'une république nationale de la Fédération multiethnique de Russie. Il propose à partir d'un faisceau de sources locales, une réflexion circonstanciée et compréhensive sur le passage discontinu d'un régime d'appartenances collectivement ordonnées à un régime d'identités individuellement choisies, en retraçant l'histoire longue des migrations et de la territorialisation des tribus nomades, leur inclusion classificatoire dans l'Empire de Russie et leur éclosion nationale durant la modernisation soviétique (première partie). Il opère ensuite au même niveau fondamental de la structuration symbolique de l'être-ensemble pour appréhender, au sein de la séquence contemporaine, les dimensions politique (deuxième partie) et anthropologique (troisième partie) de cette autonomisation identitaire. Ce qu'il met finalement à jour, c'est une histoire européenne commune : derrière la diversité des phénomènes observés (revendications et rivalités nationales, «retour» du religieux, écritures ethno-centrées de l'histoire. . . ), l'enchevêtrement de leur contenu implicite (justification de la souveraineté régionale, légitimation du régime autoritaire, apprentissage du pluralisme. . . ) et leur étrangeté dans le regard d'un observateur occidental (lequel aura tendance à essentialiser la rupture de 1991 et à dénier la validité autochtone de l'ethnicité), la variante bachkire de l'histoire des identités s'avère indispensable pour mieux comprendre qui nous sommesTaking into account the importance of identity issues in contemporary societies, this work explores the historical conditions wich made them thinkable in the particular context of a national republic of multi-ethnic Federation of Russia. Using a range of local sources, it proposes a detailed and "comprehensive" analysis of the discountinuous transition from membership pattern wich was collectively ordered to a model based on individually chosen identities, by relating the long-term history of migrations and settling process of the wandering tribes, their classifying inclusion in the Empire of Russia and their national blossoming during Soviet modernization (first part). It then operates on the same fundamental lebel of the structuring system of community involvement to grasp, within the contemporary period, both political (second part) and anthropological (third part) dimensions of this individualization process. What it finally reveals is a common European history : behind the diversity of the observed phenomena (national claims and rivalries, religious "come-back", ethno-centred interpretations of history. . . ), the interweave of their implicit content (justifying regional sovereignty, legitimating the local authoritarian regim, initiating pluralism. . . ) and their strangeness in a Western observer point of authoritarian regim, initiating pluralism. . . ) and their strangeness in a Western observer point of view (who will tend to reify the 1991 break and to deny indigenous validity of ethnicity), the Bashkir variant of the history of identities turns out to be essential to understand better who we are
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Montrose, Christopher Cleveland. "Christian Missions and Islam: The Reformed Church in America and the Origins of the Moslem World." unrestricted, 2006. http://etd.gsu.edu/theses/available/etd-11302006-134821/.
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Thesis (M.A.)--Georgia State University, 2006.Title from title screen. Mohammed Hassen Ali, committee chair; Ian Fletcher, committee member. Electronic text (109 p. : ill.) : digital, PDF file. Description based on contents viewed July 23, 2007. Includes bibliographical references (p. 104-109).
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Echouaibi, Mohamed-Amine. "Contribution à l'histoire de l'Etat et de la société sous le règne d'Ahmad al-Kabīr al-Madanī (1864-1893) d'après les sources arabes." Paris 1, 1997. http://www.theses.fr/1997PA010530.
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En 1864, al-Haj Umar disparait en pleine campagne avant que son ambitieux projet ne soit réalisé dans son ensemble. Le grand état islamique d'obédience Tijaniyya auquel il aspirait resta inachevé. Il légua néanmoins a son successeur un territoire très vaste allant du Sénégal oriental jusqu'à Tombouctou. Au lendemain de son avènement, Ahmad al-Kabîr al-Madani dut affronter de nombreuses difficultés de natures diverses. Le problème de la succession fut le principal puisqu'il resta irrésolu jusqu'à la fin. Il divisa le centre de commandement entre Ahmadou et ses frères, ce qui porta profondément atteinte à l'unité de l'état. De même, les soulèvements de la population contre l'autorité d'Ahmadou se sont succédés à des intervalles de temps très proches les uns des autres. Par conséquent, l'état s'affaiblit et devint incapable de parer aux dangers venant de l'extérieur. Ce travail tente de reconstituer les différentes phases de cette histoire méconnue encore, faute d'exploitation des textes relatifs à cette période, et essaie d'analyser a la lumière des manuscrits inédits qu'il publie (122 manuscrits) les différentes causes de l'effondrement de l'empire toucouleur sous le règne d'Ahmadou (1864-1893), et son incapacité à résister face à l'impérialisme colonialIn 1864, al-haj umar disappears in full campaign before his ambitious project is not realized in its totality. The great islamic tijaniyya state to which he aspired remained unfinished. He bequeathed nevertheless to his successor a very vast territory going from oriental senegal until tumbuktu. Immediately after his advent, ahmad al-kabir al-madani had to confront many difficulties, with various nature. The problem of the succession was the principal since it remained irresolute until the end. It divided the center of commandment between ahmadu and his brothers, what provoke deeply reached to the unit of the state. Similarly, uprisings of the population against the authority of ahmadu have succeeded to intervals of very close time of each other. Consequently, the state weakens and become incapable to dress to dangers coming from exterior. This work tempts to stroller the different phases of this misunderstood history, because of the lack of research relative at this period, and tries to analyze trough original manuscripts (122 manuscripts) the different cause of collapse of the toucouleur empire under the reign of ahmadu (1864-1893), and its incapacity to resist at colonial imperialism
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Ragab, Ahmed. "Le Bīmāristān al-Manṣūrī : l'institution dans le contexte politique et social mamelouk (1285-1390)." Paris, EPHE, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012EPHE4030.
Full textAbstract:
Cette thèse étudie l'histoire du Bīmāristān al-Manṣūrī, établi au Caire en 1285 par le Sultan mamelouk al-Mansur Qalāwūn et considére le symbole de gloire de la dynastie qalawunide. L'analyse de l'histoire du Bīmāristān cherche à exposer les perceptions socio-culturelles de cette institution et les métaphores qui lui ont été attachées à travers l'analyse des chroniques, des ouvrages juridiques, des fatawas et des dictionnaires biographiques. L'étude nous montre comment le Bīmāristān était perçu généralement comme une institution caraitative motivée par la bienveillance des souverains soutenue par des personnes pieuses. Dans ce contexte, l'élite médicale a perdu sa position influente au sommet du Bīmāristān. Cette perception du Bīmāristān n'était pas la même à travers les empires islamiques médiévaux mais elle était dominante en Égypte et au levant, alors qu'en Iraq et en Iran, les bīmāristāns, qui étaient toujours moins grands et duraient moins longtemps, étaient soutenus et motivés par des membres importants de l'élite médicale qui s'y sont investis et influençaient leurs patrons pour établir des bīmāristāns. La thèse commence par une discussion du document du waqf du Bīmāristān afin de comprendre les conditions légales de l'institution dans le contexte de ce système de loi islamique. Ensuite, elle étudie la vie médicale de l'institution en analysant les témoignages des auteurs qui contrôlaient le Bīmāristān et les rôles des médecins-chefs dans le Bīmāristān et les formulaires de pharmacologiques de l'institution. Enfin, la thèse examine l'administration du Bīmāristān et ses changementsThis dissertation studies the history of al-Bīmāristān al-Manṣūrī, which was built in Cairo by the Mamluk Sultan al-Manṣūr Qalāwūn in 1285 and remained a symbol of the Qalāwūnid Dynastic glory. This analysis tries to discover the sociocultural perceptions and the metaphors attached to this institutions throughanalysing different chronicls, biographical dictionaries and fatawa. This study shows the Bīmāristānwas generally perceived as a charitable institution motivated by the benevolence of sovereigns and others pious fiigures in the society. In this context, the medical life lostits influential position in sponsoring and maintaining the institution and its administration. This perception was found more in the west of Islamdom; in Egypt and the Levant, while theses institutions were perceived differently in the East as in Iraq and the Persianate world. In the East, the Bīmāristānremained a project motivated, sponsored and supported by the medical elite, whose membres influenced their patronsto built and renovate Bīmāristāns and controlled the functionning of these institutions
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Hoorelbeke, Mathias. "Se faire poète : le champ poétique dans les premières années du califat abbasside d’après le Livre des chansons." Thesis, Paris, INALCO, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013INAL0020.
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Ce travail porte sur le champ poétique dans les premières décennies de l’époque abbasside, en se concentrant non pas sur les trajectoires individuelles des poètes, mais sur les contraintes et les logiques collectives auxquelles ils sont soumis. Il s’appuie sur l’analyse de près de 70 notices du Livre des chansons d’al-Iṣbahānī (m. ca. 360/970). La première partie porte sur la contrainte la plus évidente et la plus étudiée : le rapport du poète au prince. Elle postule que la force du verbe poétique dérive d’un lien plus vaste, celui du walā’, qui implique des devoirs réciproques, inscrits dans le temps. La parole poétique n’est dès lors qu’une modalité particulière de la négociation de la distance entre le patron et son protégé. Cette négociation permanente influe sur les déplacements et les modes d’expression du poète.La seconde partie examine comment les poètes se positionnent face à la multitude d’acteurs qui prétendent dire ce que la poésie doit être. Elle analyse comment les rapports des poètes avec leurs pairs ou avec les savants sont déterminés par l’histoire cumulée du champ. L’accent est ensuite mis sur les modalités de ces multiples positionnements : comportements précodés, mise en scène et en texte de l’être social et charnel du poète, autant de coups dont le Livre des chansons est non seulement le témoin mais aussi le théâtreThis study deals with the poetic field in the first decades of the Abbassid era. It does not focus on the poets’ individual biographies but on the logics they obey and the constraints that weigh on them as a group. It is based on the analysis of about 70 chapters taken from the Book of Songs by al-Iṣbahānī (d. ca 360/970). The first part examines the most conspicuous and most studied constraint: the connection between the poet and the prince. It assumes that the strength of the poetic word derives from a wider relation: the walā’, which implies enduring mutual obligations. Poetic speech is therefore just a particular aspect of a negotiation of the distance between the patron and his protégé. This negotiation affects the poets’ moves and modes of expression.The second part investigates how poets position themselves when interacting with the multitude of protagonists that claim the right to say what poetry should be. It analyses how the poets’ relations with their peers or with scholars are determined by the cumulated history of the field. Emphasis is then laid on how poets position themselves in the field by playing precoded roles, by “staging” their personae and giving the episodes of their lives a textual expression. As a result, the Book of Songs cannot be seen as a neutral record of these struggles ; it is also the battlefield where they take place
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Choplin, Cédric. "La représentation des peuples exotiques et des missions dans Feiz ha Breiz (1865-1884)." Phd thesis, Université Rennes 2, 2009. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00370510.
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Feiz ha Breiz était un hebdomadaire catholique et monarchiste entièrement rédigé en breton et publié sous le patronage de l'évêque de Quimper. Cet organe de presse s'inscrit dans le mouvement des Semaines Religieuses mais s'en différencie partiellement par la multitude des sujets qui y sont traités. Ainsi, pendant 19 ans (1865-1884), ce journal nous offre sa vision d'un monde en pleine mutation avec le développement de la société industrielle, scientifique et démocratique mais aussi le formidable essor des missions catholiques et la reprise de l'expansion coloniale française qui amènent ce journal à présenter des populations jusque-là inconnues à ses lecteurs. Héritiers de la tradition chrétienne, les rédacteurs de Feiz ha Breiz doivent se positionner face aux théories scientifiques évolutionnistes et racialistes développées par des savants majoritairement républicains et athées. Combattue en Europe, l'Eglise se développe outre-mer durant cette période et les missionnaires sont les instruments héroïques de l'annonce de l'Évangile et par conséquent du salut de millions d'âmes. En montrant la barbarie des peuples infidèles, Feiz ha Breiz entend démontrer la véracité de l'axiome « hors de l'Eglise, point de salut » et mettre en évidence les périls qui guettent l'Europe chrétienne si elle se détourne de l'Eglise. La période de Feiz ha Breiz étant aussi celle où la France du Second Empire et de la IIIe République commence à se tailler un empire colonial, ce journal ne manque donc pas de nous éclairer sur « l'alliance du sabre et du goupillon », pour reprendre une formule célèbre.
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Buljina, Harun. "Empire, Nation, and the Islamic World: Bosnian Muslim Reformists between the Habsburg and Ottoman Empires, 1901-1914." Thesis, 2019. https://doi.org/10.7916/d8-j4hx-8k88.
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This dissertation is a study of the early 20th-century Pan-Islamist reform movement in Bosnia-Herzegovina, tracing its origins and trans-imperial development with a focus on the years 1901-1914. Its central figure is the theologian and print entrepreneur Mehmed Džemaludin Čaušević (1870-1938), who returned to his Austro-Hungarian-occupied home province from extended studies in the Ottoman lands at the start of this period with an ambitious agenda of communal reform. Čaušević’s project centered on tying his native land and its Muslim inhabitants to the wider “Islamic World”—a novel geo-cultural construct he portrayed as a viable model for communal modernization. Over the subsequent decade, he and his followers founded a printing press, standardized the writing of Bosnian in a modified Arabic script, organized the country’s Ulema, and linked these initiatives together in a string of successful Arabic-script, Ulema-led, and theologically modernist print publications. By 1914, Čaušević’s supporters even brought him to a position of institutional power as Bosnia-Herzegovina’s Reis-ul-Ulema (A: raʾīs al-ʿulamāʾ), the country’s highest Islamic religious authority and a figure of regional influence between two empires.
Methodologically, the project functions on two primary levels. The first is a close reading of the reform movement’s multilingual and multi-scriptural periodical press and publishing scene, situating this fin-de-siècle Muslim print culture in its late imperial and trans-regional context. The second is a prosopographical approach to the polyglot generation of writers and theologians who stood behind it, emphasizing networks of collaboration, education, and kinship that tied them both to the wider world and previous generations of Bosnian scholars. The dissertation ultimately argues that Čaušević and his movement emerged from and represented a locally grounded tradition of Muslim cosmopolitan reform, which insisted on religious instruction in the Bosnian vernacular not at the expense of the classical languages of higher Islamic learning or the Ottoman (and later Habsburg) imperial order, but rather as a foundation that would enable Muslims to pursue the former and buttress the latter as well. In making this case, the project contributes to the wider historiography on empires and nationalism in Eastern and Southeast Europe, reconsidering the role of multilingualism in imperial demise and moving beyond the prevailing top-down focus on Muslims and other ethno-religious minorities as beleaguered subjects of nationalizing states. At the same time, it serves as a Bosnian case study for outstanding concerns in global Islamic intellectual history, arguing that the late and post-Ottoman Balkans played an active and underappreciated role in the formation of transnational Pan-Islamist thought during the late imperial period.
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Amzi-Erdogdular, Leyla. "Afterlife of Empire: Muslim-Ottoman Relations in Habsburg Bosnia Herzegovina, 1878-1914." Thesis, 2013. https://doi.org/10.7916/D8N01DR4.
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"Afterlife of Empire" explores Ottoman cultural, social, and political continuities in Bosnia Herzegovina during the Habsburg administration (1878-1914). The research focuses on the enduring influence of the Ottoman Empire - an influence perpetuated both by the efforts of the Ottoman imperial state, and by the former subjects in Bosnia Herzegovina itself to explain the lingering aftereffects of the Ottoman Empire in the province. At the core of this dissertation is the argument that the Ottoman subjects and the former territories did not stop being Ottoman in any significant sense immediately after the separation from the empire, and that the break with the empire was not that of rupture, but characterized by enduring features of the empire that evolved to respond to diplomatic and strategic interests in the region. A shift from the common inclination to analyze the Habsburg period as the introduction of modernity, and a focus, not on the national/ethnic framework constructed around identity, but on the overlapping, multiple loyalties in this study convey a more accurate representation of the period and an assessment of what legitimacy and sovereignty meant in this region. By drawing on Ottoman and Bosnian archival sources in focusing on Bosnia's overlapping imperial, regional, religious, linguistic, and cultural frameworks, this dissertation demonstrates the importance of considering the Ottoman context after its formal departure, and the significance of incorporating Islamic intellectual history in understanding the past and present of Bosnia Herzegovina and Southeastern Europe in general.
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Theron, Jacques. "Rethinking the Crusades." Diss., 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/13767.
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The study focuses on the unique phenomenon of society’s changing attitudes towards the Crusades. Right from its inception the Crusades made a lasting impact on history, an impact which is still evident in the present day. Several aspects contributed to the start of the Crusades, among them the world and ideology of the eleventh century, the era in which the Crusades began.
In current times there have been calls demanding an apology for the Crusades, while at the same time some within Christianity have felt the need to apologise for the atrocities of the Crusades. The Crusades are often blamed for the animosity between Christians and Muslims, a situation worsened by the fact that leaders on both sides misuse the word ‘crusade’ for their own agendas.
The thesis is written within a historiographical framework making use of both critical enquiry and historical criticism.Christian Spirituality, Church History & Missiology
M. Th. (Church history)
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Pikkert, Pieter. "Protestant missionaries to the Middle East: ambassadors of Christ or culture?" Thesis, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/722.
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The thesis looks at Protestant missions to the Ottoman Empire and the countries which emerged from it through Bosch's "Enlightenment missionary" (2003) and Huntington's "Clash of Civilizations" (1996) paradigms. It argues that Muslim resistance to Christianity is rooted in innate Muslim intransigence and in specific historical events in which missionaries played important roles. The work utilizes a simple formula: it contrasts the socio-political and cultural framework missionaries imbibed at home with that of their host environment, outlines the goals and strategies they formulated and implemented, looks at the results, and notes the missiological implications. The formula is applied to four successive periods.
We begin with the pre-World War I missionaries of the late Ottoman Empire. We look at their faith in reason, their conviction in the cultural superiority of Anglo-Saxon Protestantism, their attitude towards Islam, their idea of reaching the Muslim majority by reviving the Orthodox churches, and the evolution of their theology and missiology.
World War I changed the landscape. The Empire's demise led to a struggle for Turkish and Arab national self-determination leading to the establishment of the Turkish Republic and various Arab entities, notably French and British mandates. Protestant missions almost disappeared in Turkey, while a small number of "veterans" kept the enterprise alive in the Arab world. While the Arabs struggled to liberate themselves from the Mandatory Powers, these veterans analyzed past failures, recognized the importance of reaching Muslims directly and began experimenting with more contextualized approaches.
The post-World War II era saw the retreat of colonialism, the creation of Israel, a succession of wars with that country, and the formation of a Palestinian identity. Oil enabled the Arabian Peninsula to emerge as a major economic and political force. The missionary enterprise, on the other hand, virtually collapsed. Unlike their veteran predecessors, the pre-Boomer generation, with a few notable exceptions, was bereft of fresh ideas.
During the 1970s the evangelical Baby Boomers launched a new enterprise. They tended not to perceive themselves as heirs of a heritage going back to the 1800s, though the people they "targeted" did. Their successors, the GenXers, products of post-modernism and inheritors of Boomer structures, face a region experiencing both increased political frustration and the re-emergence of Islam as a socio-political power. In closing we look at Church-centered New Testament spirituality as a foundational paradigm for further missions to the region.Christian Spirituality, Church History and Missiology
D. Th. (Missiology)