Relevant bibliographies by topics / Islamic Movement for Uzbekistan

Contents

  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers
  6. Reports

Academic literature on the topic 'Islamic Movement for Uzbekistan'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 31 January 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Islamic Movement for Uzbekistan"

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Mann, Poonam. "Islamic movement of Uzbekistan: Will it strike back?" Strategic Analysis 26, no. 2 (2002): 294–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09700160208450045.

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JAREMBA, Mirosław. "ISLAMSKI RUCH UZBEKISTANU - OD LOKALNEGO EKSTREMIZMU DO PAŃSTWA ISLAMSKIEGO." Historia@Teoria 1, no. 7 (2019): 167–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/ht.2018.7.1.11.

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This article presents one of the terrorist group in Central Asia. Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan is a fundamentalist Islam organization acting at first in Uzbekistan and then going beyond even to Afghanistan with its actions. This article will present the causes of existence of Islamic extremism in Central Asia, events which were enhancing the ideas of radicalism, as i.e. civil war in Tajikistan (1992-1997) or the Batken crises (1999, 2000), specific IMU actions or circumstances of connection to so-called Islamic State. It is the analysis of extremism in Central Asia and the explanation of this phenomenon; moreover the role of external factors in Islamic mobilization in the region and how the Organized crime works there.
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Türk, Fahri. "Radical Islamic Parties and Movements in Uzbekistan 1990–2012." Reality of Politics 4, no. 1 (2013): 275–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/rop201317.

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Uzbekistan, so as other Central Asian Republics, turned into turbulent times in the beginning of 1990’s. After collapsing USSR, 5 Republics gained its independence. The whole region was very well-known from its religiosity. However, besides the fact that Islamist movements and parties were banned on any political activity and had no right to act as an opposition within the system of Uzbekistan, they have emerged subsequently especiallly in this country. The modern history of Uzbekistan is full of radical Islamic political and social movements. From the very beginning of the Republic, Islam Karimov, its first and the only one till now president, rules though and solidly. He was the biggest opponent of any Islamic initiative which showed up and tried to damp it down immediately. The aim of this study is to explore all the Islamist parties and movements which have been raised in Uzbekistan between 1990 and 2012. Which of them were and still remaining crucial and have the impact on Uzbek political and social life. The Author is trying to investigate the reasons and circumstances that led Islamist movements to arise and effectively influence on Uzbekistan political arena.
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WEITZ, RICHARD. "Storm Clouds over Central Asia: Revival of the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan (IMU)?" Studies in Conflict & Terrorism 27, no. 6 (2004): 505–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10576100490513558.

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Cornell, Svante E. "Narcotics, Radicalism, and Armed Conflict in Central Asia: The Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan." Terrorism and Political Violence 17, no. 4 (2005): 619–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/095465591009395.

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Adam Saud and Azhar Ahmad. "Terrorism and Transnational Groups in Pakistan: A Case Study of Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan." Strategic Studies 38, no. 4 (2019): 37–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.53532/ss.038.04.00132.

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Pakistan has severely been affected by extremism and terrorism for a couple of decades. Much of this terrorism is an outcome of transnational terrorist groups, which are harbouring mostly in Afghanistan and Pakistan. 9/11 and the consequent global war on terrorism has put Pakistan at the forefront of global anti-terrorism efforts. In Afghanistan, the Operation Enduring Freedom (OEF) forced some of the transnational Islamists groups, including the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan (IMU,) to take sanctuary in the Federally Administered Tribal Region (FATA) of Pakistan. In order to survive in a ‘foreign’ territory, the IMU joined its hands with local terrorist organisation, Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP). It carried out terrorists’ activities throughout Pakistan on the directives of TTP in exchange of sanctuary and finances. Nevertheless, it attacked some of the strategically most important targets in Pakistan. As a result of operation Zarb-e-Azb, the IMU has left Pakistan and is currently, stationed in Northern Afghanistan. Set in this context, the article would try to discuss the background, operational capabilities and activities of the IMU in Central Asia and particularly in Pakistan. It will also try to address the questions; what are the objectives of the IMU? What kind of terrorist activities it has conducted in Pakistan? And why has it been stationed in Pakistan? The research is historical, interpretive and analytical in nature. Both primary and secondary sources have been utilised to carry out this research.
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BOTAKARAEV, Baurcan. "HIZB-UT TAHRIR AND THE ISLAMIC MOVEMENT OF UZBEKISTAN IN CENTRAL ASIA. OBJECTIVE AND ANALYSIS." JOURNAL OF INSTITUTE OF ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT AND SOCIAL RESEARCHES 3, no. 5 (2017): 6–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.31623/iksad.15.

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Khalid, Adeeb. "A SECULAR ISLAM: NATION, STATE, AND RELIGION IN UZBEKISTAN." International Journal of Middle East Studies 35, no. 4 (2003): 573–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743803000242.

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The collapse of the Soviet Union a decade ago engendered both hope and fear about the future of Islam in Uzbekistan (and Central Asia in general). Many Muslims from other countries hoped that, freed from the constraints of the Soviet regime, Uzbeks and other Central Asians would rediscover their religious traditions and rejoin the broader Muslim world.1 Other observers feared that Islam would emerge as a political force and threaten the security of the region.2 As the decade progressed and militant Islamist organizations appeared, fear tended to overshadow hope. The events of autumn 2001 in Afghanistan, when fighters belonging to the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan (IMU) played a prominent role alongside the Taliban, seemed to vindicate the darkest fears,3 and to justify the unremitting campaign that the regime of President Islom Karimov has waged against “religious extremism” since 1998.
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Plastun, Vladimir N. "“Islamic State of Khorasan Province” – A Threat to the Central Asian Region." Oriental Studies 20, no. 4 (2021): 169–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/1818-7919-2021-20-4-169-175.

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Over the past several years, there has been an influx of immigrants from Central Asian states into the ranks of “Islamic State” (IS) militants in Syria and Iraq. Those who survived after the defeat of the main detachments of terrorists on their return cannot escape the territory of Afghanistan, the northern regions of which are inhabited by related ethnic groups. It is easy to find supporters of radical Islam in Central Asian countries. The weakness of state and public institutions contributes to the politicization of Islam, especially in the periphery. Islamist preachers, skillfully using the mistakes of local authorities, call for the creation of alternative state structures. Most of the former IS fighters do not hide their intentions to return home. They can gain support in the border provinces of Afghanistan, among their comrades-in-arms in the war, and also join some of the Taliban groups. The planned withdrawal of American troops and their allies from Afghanistan does not yet imply the coming of peace in the region. Therefore, among the main threats to the security of the region are the activities of transnational terrorist groups such as “The Islamic State of Khorasan Province”, “The Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan” and “The Islamic Movement of Eastern Turkestan”.
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Abdullaeva, Munavara, Shokhida Gafurova, and Victor Khandamian. "Central Asian Jadids’ Efforts to Serve the Nation by Bringing Enlightenment to the Country." International Journal of Social Science Research and Review 5, no. 7 (2022): 224–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.47814/ijssrr.v5i7.468.

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The late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries saw fundamental changes in Central Asia’s cultural and social life. During that time, Jadidism emerged as a progressive movement throughout the emergence of new bourgeois relations, resulting in a cultural, spiritual, and moral upsurge in Central Asian society. The Jadids – educated middle-class youth – recognized the importance of studying secular sciences to keep up with Western achievements, provide a boost in development, and close the existing gap with European achievements. Today a discussion about the Jadids’ efforts for a secular society and their perspectives on the role and place of Islam in modern society is more important and relevant than ever since the Jadids worked to restore Central Asian religious traditions while introducing new ideas to the country. The paper examines how the Jadids’ ideas might be related to the changes taking place in Uzbekistan today. Uzbekistan is currently attempting to establish a new society within the framework of modern Islam, by the Islamic concept of dynamic thinking that is constantly adapting to the course of events and history.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Islamic Movement for Uzbekistan"

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Sadibekov, Ulan. "Understanding the Islamic movement of Uzbekistan through social movement theory, and analyzing and evaluating its potential threat to Kazakhstan." Thesis, Monterey, California: Naval Postgraduate School, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/44662.

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Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited<br>The Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan (IMU) is a group of militants from Uzbekistan established by Uzbek youth who were against the pro-communist government. It is tightly connected to the Taliban and was involved in drug trafficking in Afghanistan. After an unsuccessful attempt to revolt against the government of Uzbekistan, the party was banned, and its members fled the country. Islamic militants tried to change the economically and politically weakened governments into an Islamic Caliphate. After going through training camps, these militants were formalized into small groups that were transported through Iran to Turkey and other Central Asian countries in order to create different kinds of radical groups. Their radical ideology spread, such as killing infidels and sacrificing themselves for jihad. Decentralization of the IMU has made it difficult to track. Through social movement theory (SMT), this thesis examines how the IMU is a potential threat to Central Asian states, especially Kazakhstan, by using elements of SMT.
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Padgett, Tammy. "The Three Rs of Militant Politics: Rhetoric, Radicalism and Realpolitik." Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2003. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/691.

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This item is only available in print in the UCF Libraries. If this is your Honors Thesis, you can help us make it available online for use by researchers around the world by following the instructions on the distribution consent form at http://library.ucf<br>Bachelors<br>Arts and Sciences<br>political Science
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Henshaw, C. M. "Early Islamic ceramics and glazes of Akhsiket, Uzbekistan." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2010. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/19688/.

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The thesis examines the technical aspects of ceramics and glazes from Akhsiket, a regional capital in the early Islamic period, which was abandoned in the early 13th century. Ceramics and glazes of the time period under discussion (9th - 13th century) in Uzbekistan are understudied, with minimal scientific analysis of the technological processes. These processes include the forming and firing of ceramic vessels, the origin of raw materials used in ceramics and glazes, and decoration methods such as slip painting and colored glazes. A variety of commonly-seen ceramic types have been studied, giving a well-rounded picture of the ceramic assemblage at Akhsiket. Comparison between ceramics from different sites in Uzbekistan, and the development of the technology over four centuries, is possible with the use of chemical and petrographical data obtained with a variety of scientific techniques - primarily the scanning electron microscope. Contemporary glazed ceramics from Kuva and Tashkent, both in Uzbekistan, were also examined for comparison, and to shed light on the transfer of technological and artistic techniques through Central Asia. Typological analysis of Islamic ceramics shows a progression of artistic and technological knowledge from the Middle East to Central Asia during the Arab expansion in the 8th – 9th centuries. Data from chemical and petrographical analysis has shown interesting similarities and differences between ceramic pastes and glazes used at Akhsiket, Kuva and Tashkent. These analyses are used as evidence for relationships in ceramic production and technology in Uzbekistan and by comparison with published data, to ceramics further afield. Along with providing a clearer picture of ceramic production in Uzbekistan, this work provides a new dimension to the discipline of Islamic ceramic studies, demonstrating the importance of archaeological ceramics of the eastern fringes to the understanding of the production of ceramics and the transmission of knowledge and cultural traditions within the Islamic caliphate.
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Fugere, Charles. "Muslims, National Security and the State in Uzbekistan." Thesis, McGill University, 2005. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=108836.

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The idea of an "Islamic threat" to national security in Uzbekistan is widespread in the media and amongst several academics. The regime of Uzbek President Islam Karimov has repeatedly emphasized the seriousness of this threat and acted to contain it. In this thesis, l examine both the present ability of different Muslim political actors to challenge the Uzbek state's defense position and recent historical elements of the Uzbek security strategy related to Islam. l argue that the relationship between Muslims and national security in Uzbekistan is characterized by the two following observations: 1) it is unlikely that Muslims are able to present a national security risk and 2) there are reasons to suspect that the national security policies of the Uzbek leadership target Islamic fundamentalism at least in part to legitimize the continued repression of most types of opposition.<br>L'existence d'une "menace islamique" à la sécurité nationale de l'Ouzbékistan est une idée répandue dans les médias et chez certains spécialistes. Le régime du Président ouzbek Islam Karimov a souligné cette menace à plusieurs reprises et a agi en conséquence. J'examine à la fois la capacité actuelle de différents groupes musulmans à défier les mécanismes de défense de l'état, ainsi que des éléments d'histoire récente de la stratégie de sécurité nationale ouzbèke liés à l'Islam. L'argument présenté est que la relation entre les musulmans et la sécurité nationale en Ouzbékistan est caractérisée par les deux observations suivantes: 1) il est peu probable que les musulmans soient capables de poser un risque à la sécurité nationale et 2) il existe des raisons de suspecter que les politiques de sécurité nationale du gouvernment s'attaquent à l'intégrisme musulman au moins en partie dans le but de légitimiser la répression continue de la majorité des forces d'opposition.
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Kurbanova, Mohira R. "Times of Courage: Women’s NGO Movement in Uzbekistan." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1273606596.

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Botoiarova, Nuska. "Islamic Fundamentalism In Post-soviet Uzbekistan And Kyrgyzstan: Real Or Imagined Threat." Master's thesis, METU, 2005. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12606058/index.pdf.

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Since the collapse of the Soviet Union, there has been much concern among observers and analysts around the world over what role Islam is to play in the political, economic and social spheres of life in newly independent Central Asian states. Traditionally, Islam is the dominant faith, but had been strongly influenced by the Soviet atheist ideology during the last seven decades before Central Asia became independent in 1991. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, some observers in the West depicted Central Asia as an extension of the Middle East, invoking fears that Islamic fundamentalism was to pose a serious threat to the stability in the region of Central Asia. In this thesis I analyzed the dynamism of Islamic revival in Central Asia&rsquo<br>s two post-Soviet states of Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan through the prism of the imported phenomenon of &lsquo<br>Islamic fundamentalism&rsquo<br>. The thesis demonstrates that Islam in Central Asia is a natural process determined primarily by internal socio-economic and political conditions and not influenced by outside forces. In order to support this argument, I approached the problem by analyzing both external factors and internal conditions. The concluding argument is that even if Islam is to be radicalized it will be because of internal factors, such as authoritarianism, violation of human rights and repression of moderate manifestations of Islam from within, rather than because of the influence of Islamic fundamentalist forces from abroad.
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Musaji, Zahra. "The development of the translation movement." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape11/PQDD_0006/MQ43922.pdf.

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Iqbal, Asep Muhamad. "Cyber-activism and the Islamic Salafi movement in Indonesia." Thesis, Iqbal, Asep Muhamad (2017) Cyber-activism and the Islamic Salafi movement in Indonesia. PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 2017. https://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/id/eprint/36066/.

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Prevailing studies of Islamic activism and the internet tend to evaluate the significance (or insignificance) of the internet for an Islamic movement as a unified whole, ignoring intra-movement heterogeneity and internal dynamics. By contrast, this study offers a pluralistic vision of Islamic activism, identifying separate streams or groups of a particular theological tradition within Islam. It therefore analyses the relevance of the internet for such Islamic groups in a more nuanced and variegated manner. To this end, drawing on resource mobilization theory, it analyses internet use by the Salafi movement with a specific focus of Salafists in Indonesia. It identifies resource inequality among different Salafi groups as accounting for intra-movement difference and the varied significance of the internet for groups within the Salafi movement. The study demonstrates that although each Salafi group adopted the internet as a new important resource for their social, religious, and organizational interests, groups did not actually mobilize it for this purpose in similar ways or degrees. The resource-poor Salafi groups tended to mobilize the internet more actively than the resource-rich ones. Different access to resources among Salafi groups contributed to these different levels of actual mobilization of the internet by the Salafi groups. Accordingly, the significance of the internet is not uniform across the Salafi movement in Indonesia. Rather, each Salafi group’s use of the internet was influenced by offline factors and particularly access to other organizational resources. Therefore, this study argues that the significance of the internet for Islamic movements is not uniform, but rather diverges due to intra-movement complexities and dynamics including internal fragmentation and the differential state of intra-movement organizational resources. The significance of the internet as a resource for an Islamic movement thus varies enormously across intra-movement factions or groups depending on access to other resources.
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Herrington, Lewis. "Incubating extremist terrorism : the UK Islamic fundamentalist movement 1989-2014." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2015. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/74064/.

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The emergence of Islamist terrorism in the UK has its genesis within an environment socially constructed by the organization of fundamentalist Muslims. Since 1989, Islamic preachers arriving in London from the Middle East have religiously mobilized hundreds of British Muslims drawing them into an extremist milieu termed the “Islamic Fundamentalist Movement” by the author. Followers are encouraged to adopt extreme political narratives and pursue activities designed to re-establish an Islamic Caliphate. Contrary to the prevailing discourse, Islamic fundamentalist Muslims are far from constituting a homogenous set of individuals. Based on age, overseas connections, experience of conflict and religiosity, they each fulfill specific tasks. These include but are not limited to recruitment, preaching, fundraising, facilitating and combative jihad. Through socialisation and participation in this movement, a minority of adherents have crossed the line and developed a mindset in which terrorism has become normalised. For this subgroup of extreme fundamentalists, suicide bombing against fellow citizens is considered a legitimate means in which to defend co-religionists, challenge western interference in Muslim lands and support the recently established Islamic State that now spans Northern Iraq and Syria. This doctoral study draws heavily upon recently obtained court transcripts, interviews with counter terrorism officers, politicians, journalists and counter radicalisation workers in order to provide a unique insight to the environment from which the individuals responsible for major UK terrorism conspiracies witnessed since 2003 have emerged.
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Sikand, Yoginder Singh. "The origins and development of the Tablighi Jama'at (1920s-1990s) : a cross-country comparative study." Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.287575.

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Books on the topic "Islamic Movement for Uzbekistan"

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Zahab, Mariam Abou. Islamic networks: The Pakistan-Afghan connection. C. Hurst, 2003.

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Child, Greg. Over the edge. Random House Australia, 2003.

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Over the edge: The true story of four American climbers' kidnap and escape in the mountains of Central Asia. Villard Books, 2002.

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Johannes, Kalter, and Pavaloi Margareta, eds. Uzbekistan: Heirs to the silk road. Thames and Hudson, 1997.

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Dauda, Yunus. Political elites and Islamic movement. Iman Services Ltd., 1997.

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Meraṭhī, Qamaruddīn Aḥmad Qamar. The Mahdawi movement in India. Idarah-i Adabiyat-i Delli, 1985.

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Burgat, François. The Islamic movement in North Africa. Center for Middle Eastern Studies, University of Texas at Austin, 1993.

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Burgat, François. The Islamic movement in North Africa. 2nd ed. Center for Middle Eastern Studies, University of Texas at Austin, 1997.

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The Islamic movement of Iraqi Shi'as. Lynne Rienner Publishers, 1992.

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Khan, Sohail. The Islamic movement: An invitation for change. s.n, 2008.

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Book chapters on the topic "Islamic Movement for Uzbekistan"

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Moten, Abdul Rashid. "Nahḍah: The Islamic Movement." In Political Science: An Islamic Perspective. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230377578_8.

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Brown, Nathan J. "Kuwait’s Islamic Constitutional Movement." In Interpreting Islamic Political Parties. Palgrave Macmillan US, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230100770_6.

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Quamar, Md Muddassir. "Islamic Movement in Israel." In The Palgrave International Handbook of Israel. Springer Singapore, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-2717-0_25-1.

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Ebaugh, Helen Rose. "The Turkish-Islamic Culture of Giving*." In The Gülen Movement. Springer Netherlands, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4020-9894-9_5.

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Machmudi, Yon. "The PKS and Tarbiyah movement." In Rising Islamic Conservatism inIndonesia. Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003010920-10.

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Peled, Alisa Rubin. "The Islamic Movement in Israel." In Islam, Muslims and the Modern State. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-14208-8_14.

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Orhan, Mehmet. "Islamic Movement, Mobilization, and Authority." In Islam and Turks in Belgium. Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-34655-3_3.

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Post, Jerrold M. "Hamas: The Islamic Resistance Movement." In The World’s Most Threatening Terrorist Networks and Criminal Gangs. Palgrave Macmillan US, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230623293_7.

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Ahmed, Azza Mustafa M. "The ‘Islamic movement’ in Sudan." In Routledge Handbook of the Horn of Africa. Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429426957-41.

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Khan, Mohammad Mansoor, and Muhammad Ishaq Bhatti. "Islamic Banking and Finance Movement Worldwide: Performance and Prospects." In Developments in Islamic Banking. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230582309_3.

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Conference papers on the topic "Islamic Movement for Uzbekistan"

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Tursunov, Anvar S. "Establishment Of Islamic Banking In Uzbekistan." In II International Conference on Economic and Social Trends for Sustainability of Modern Society. European Publisher, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.15405/epsbs.2021.09.02.114.

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Abrorov, Sirojiddin, and Jahongir Imamnazarov. "Islamic Fintech Instruments: New Opportunities for Digital Economy of Uzbekistan." In ICFNDS 2021: The 5th International Conference on Future Networks & Distributed Systems. ACM, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/3508072.3508203.

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, M.Si, Dr Yuanita, Dea S.Sos, and Dr Ikhlasiah , M.Si. "Islamic Populism on 212 Movement." In Proceedings of the First International Conference on Democracy and Social Transformation, ICON-DEMOST 2021, September 15, 2021, Semarang, Indonesia. EAI, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4108/eai.15-9-2021.2315560.

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Hettiarachchi, Shanthikumar. "TURKISH MUSLIMS AND ISLAMIC TURKEY: PERSPECTIVES FOR A NEW EUROPEAN ISLAMIC IDENTITY?" In Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/qdnp5362.

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The paper discusses the potential of Fethullah Gülen’s thinking on the revival of core socio- ethical tenets of Islam to influence an emerging European Islamic identity. The long absence of any substantial Muslim population from the religious landscape of western Europe in the modern period began to end with the post-War immigration of Muslims from South Asia to the UK and other parts of Europe. But Muslims from other parts of the Islamic world have also established communities in Europe with their own, different expressions of Islam. The presence of Muslims represents a religio-cultural counterpoint to the projected ‘post-Chris- tian society of Europe’, since they are now permanently settled within that society. The encounter of ‘Turkish Islam’ (Anatolian &amp; other) and the majority ‘South Asian Islam’ (with its diverse strands, Barelvi, Deobandi and others) in western Europe hints at the build- ing of a new ‘European Islamic’ identity. Arguably, this twenty-first century ‘European Islam’ might be a synthesis of the ‘Turkish’ and the ‘South Asian’ expressions of Islam. Any dishar- mony, on the other hand, might kindle yet another rivalry in the heart of Europe. This paper considers whether Gülen’s thought on community education based on the fundamentals of Islam could help build a positive and fresh expression of Islam that may reform the prevailing image of it as a cultural tradition that resorts to violence in order to redress grievances.
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Muharam, M., and K. Marijan. "Social Media and the 212 Islamic Movement." In Proceedings of the 19th Annual International Conference on Islamic Studies, AICIS 2019, 1-4 October 2019, Jakarta, Indonesia. EAI, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4108/eai.1-10-2019.2291677.

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Toirkhonovna, Alimova, Bobur Sobirov, and Narbayev Erkinjonovich. "Analysis of Current Trends and Prospects of Tourism Development in Uzbekistan." In Proceedings of the 1st Conference on Islamic Finance and Technology, CIFET, 21 September, Sidoarjo, East Java, Indonesia. EAI, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4108/eai.21-9-2019.2293966.

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Arfan, Arfan, As’ad Isma, and Aris Dwi Nugroho. "Linking Open Access Movement to the Indonesian Islamic Higher Education." In Proceedings of the 3rd Asian Education Symposium (AES 2018). Atlantis Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/aes-18.2019.9.

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Akyol, Mustafa. "WHAT MADE THE GÜLEN MOVEMENT POSSIBLE?" In Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/nagx1827.

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Turkey’s most powerful and popular Islamic community, the Fethullah Gülen movement, is also a very moderate one, which embraces liberal democracy and promotes inter-faith toler- ance and dialogue. This paper asks what socio-political conditions enabled this movement to emerge, get established and grow as successfully as it has. The legacy of late Ottoman modernisation, which sought a synthesis of Islamic and modern Western values, assisted the Muslims of Republican Turkey to embrace democracy and es- tablish good relations with the West. Post-war Turkey’s peaceful interaction with the West — via free markets and international institutions — must have been a factor. So too it must be relevant that Turkey was never colonised by Western powers or even occupied for a long time (military interventions by the West in other Muslim countries have provoked quite radi- cal, not moderate, Islamic responses). The paper discusses the historical roots and social dynamics in Turkey that enabled the kind of ‘moderate Islam’ represented by the Gülen movement. That effort could provide lessons for other Muslim countries. It is all but taken for granted that the Islamic world needs some kind of ‘reform’. Élitist and autocratic calls for ‘top–down’ efforts to reshape Islam notwith- standing, what is really needed is to build the social environment (security, freedom, democ- racy, economic opportunity) that will enable a new kind of Muslim, who will, eventually, search for new meanings in traditional texts.
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Mohaghghegh, Mehdi. "Islamic philosophical manuscripts." In The Significance of Islamic Manuscripts. Al-Furqān Islamic Heritage Foundation, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.56656/100130.11.

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It was the translation movement in Islamic civilization which made the works of Greek scholars available to the Muslims.[i] But not only did translators put the various works of Aristotle, Plato, Galen, and other philosophers into Arabic; the works of the Greek philosophers were also classified and catalogued, in which context mention should be made of two works by Abū Naṣr al-Fārābī, in one of which he presented the works of Plato, and in the other the works of Aristotle.[ii] Ḥunayn b. Isḥāq in his letter to ʿAli b. Yaḥyā mentioned individually 129 books that his co-workers had translated with him, and he gives a detailed description of how he obtained the manuscripts and how he compared the manuscripts with each other in order to arrive at correct and complete texts.
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Vicini, Fabio. "GÜLEN’S RETHINKING OF ISLAMIC PATTERN AND ITS SOCIO-POLITICAL EFFECTS." In Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/gbfn9600.

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Over recent decades Islamic traditions have emerged in new forms in different parts of the Muslim world, interacting differently with secular and neo-liberal patterns of thought and action. In Turkey Fethullah Gülen’s community has been a powerful player in the national debate about the place of Islam in individual and collective life. Through emphasis on the im- portance of ‘secular education’ and a commitment to the defence of both democratic princi- ples and international human rights, Gülen has diffused a new and appealing version of how a ‘good Muslim’ should act in contemporary society. In particular he has defended the role of Islam in the formation of individuals as ethically-responsible moral subjects, a project that overlaps significantly with the ‘secular’ one of forming responsible citizens. Concomitantly, he has shifted the Sufi emphasis on self-discipline/self-denial towards an active, socially- oriented service of others – a form of religious effort that implies a strongly ‘secular’ faith in the human ability to make this world better. This paper looks at the lives of some members of the community to show how this pattern of conduct has affected them. They say that teaching and learning ‘secular’ scientific subjects, combined with total dedication to the project of the movement, constitute, for them, ways to accomplish Islamic deeds and come closer to God. This leads to a consideration of how such a rethinking of Islamic activism has influenced po- litical and sociological transition in Turkey, and a discussion of the potential contribution of the movement towards the development of a more human society in contemporary Europe. From the 1920s onwards, in the context offered by the decline and collapse of the Ottoman Empire, Islamic thinkers, associations and social movements have proliferated their efforts in order to suggest ways to live a good “Muslim life” under newly emerging conditions. Prior to this period, different generations of Muslim Reformers had already argued the compat- ibility of Islam with reason and “modernity”, claiming for the need to renew Islamic tradition recurring to ijtihad. Yet until the end of the XIX century, traditional educational systems, public forms of Islam and models of government had not been dismissed. Only with the dismantlement of the Empire and the constitution of national governments in its different regions, Islamic intellectuals had to face the problem of arranging new patterns of action for Muslim people. With the establishment of multiple nation-states in the so-called Middle East, Islamic intel- lectuals had to cope with secular conceptions about the subject and its place and space for action in society. They had to come to terms with the definitive affirmation of secularism and the consequent process of reconfiguration of local sensibilities, forms of social organisation, and modes of action. As a consequence of these processes, Islamic thinkers started to place emphasis over believers’ individual choice and responsibility both in maintaining an Islamic conduct daily and in realising the values of Islamic society. While under the Ottoman rule to be part of the Islamic ummah was considered an implicit consequence of being a subject of the empire. Not many scientific works have looked at contemporary forms of Islam from this perspective. Usually Islamic instances are considered the outcome of an enduring and unchanging tradition, which try to reproduce itself in opposition to outer-imposed secular practices. Rarely present-day forms of Islamic reasoning and practice have been considered as the result of a process of adjustment to new styles of governance under the modern state. Instead, I argue that new Islamic patterns of action depend on a history of practical and conceptual revision they undertake under different and locally specific versions of secularism. From this perspective I will deal with the specific case of Fethullah Gülen, the head of one of the most famous and influent “renewalist” Islamic movements of contemporary Turkey. From the 1980s this Islamic leader has been able to weave a powerful network of invisible social ties from which he gets both economic and cultural capital. Yet what interests me most in this paper, is that with his open-minded and moderate arguments, Gülen has inspired many people in Turkey to live Islam in a new way. Recurring to ijtihad and drawing from secular epistemology specific ideas about moral agency, he has proposed to a wide public a very at- tractive path for being “good Muslims” in their daily conduct. After an introductive explanation of the movement’s project and of the ideas on which it is based, my aim will be to focus on such a pattern of action. Particular attention will be dedi- cated to Gülen’s conception of a “good Muslim” as a morally-guided agent, because such a conception reveals underneath secular ideas on both responsibility and moral agency. These considerations will constitute the basis from which we can look at the transformation of Islam – and more generally of “the religion” – in the contemporary world. Then a part will be dedicated to defining the specificity of Gülen’s proposal, which will be compared with that of other Islamic revivalist movements in other contexts. Some common point between them will merge from this comparison. Both indeed use the concept of respon- sibility in order to push subjects to actively engage in reviving Islam. Yet, on the other hand, I will show how Gülen’s followers distinguish themselves by the fact their commitment pos- sesses a socially-oriented and reformist character. Finally I will consider the proximity of Gülen’s conceptualisation of moral agency with that the modern state has organised around the idea of “civic virtues”. I argue Gülen’s recall for taking responsibility of social moral decline is a way of charging his followers with a similar burden the modern state has charged its citizens. Thus I suggest the Islamic leader’s pro- posal can be seen as the tentative of supporting the modernity project by defining a new and specific space to Islam and religion into it. This proposal opens the possibility of new and interesting forms of interconnection between secular ideas of modernity and the so-called “Islamic” ones. At the same time I think it sheds a new light over contemporary “renewalist” movements, which can be considered a concrete proposal about how to realise, in a different background, modern forms of governance by reconsidering their moral basis.
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Reports on the topic "Islamic Movement for Uzbekistan"

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Bakhrom, M. The Rise of Islamic Fundamentalism In Uzbekistan. Defense Technical Information Center, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada420642.

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Hunter, Jr, and Clarence T. The Islamic Fundamentalist Movement in Algeria. Defense Technical Information Center, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada276719.

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Girdap, Hafza. Liberal Roots of Far Right Activism – The Anti-Islamic Movement in the 21st Century. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/br0007.

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Lars Erik Berntzen aims to probe the growth of far-right and anti-Islamic twist in Western Europe and North America since 2001 through his book “Liberal roots of Far Right Activism – The Anti-Islamic Movement in the 21st Century” by focusing on a specific context in terms of spatial and temporal meanings. According to his book, through “framing Islam as a homogenous, totalitarian ideology which threatens Western civilization” far-right seems to abandon the old, traditional, radical, authoritarian attitude towards a more liberal, modern, rights-based strategy.
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Yusupov, Dilmurad. Deaf Uzbek Jehovah’s Witnesses: The Case of Intersection of Disability, Ethnic and Religious Inequalities in Post-Soviet Uzbekistan. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/creid.2021.008.

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This study explores how intersecting identities based on disability, ethnicity and religion impact the wellbeing of deaf Uzbek Jehovah’s Witnesses in post-Soviet Uzbekistan. By analysing the collected ethnographic data and semi-structured interviews with deaf people, Islamic religious figures, and state officials in the capital city Tashkent, it provides the case of how a reaction of a majority religious group to the freedom of religious belief contributes to the marginalisation and exclusion of religious deaf minorities who were converted from Islam to the Jehovah’s Witnesses. The paper argues that the insensitivity of the dominant Muslim communities to the freedom of religious belief of deaf Uzbek Christian converts excluded them from their project activities and allocation of resources provided by the newly established Islamic Endowment Public charity foundation ‘Vaqf’. Deaf people in Uzbekistan are often stigmatised and discriminated against based on their disability identity, and religious inequality may further exacerbate existing challenges, lead to unintended exclusionary tendencies within the local deaf communities, and ultimately inhibit the formation of collective deaf identity and agency to advocate for their legitimate rights and interests.
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Safi, Omid. ABOUT US NEWS & EVENTS LIBRARY AEMS RESEARCH PUBLICATIONS THE FAIRFAX INSTITUTE “GOD COMMANDS YOU TO JUSTICE AND LOVE” Islamic Spirituality and the Black-led Freedom Movement. IIIT, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.47816/01.005.20.

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Cornel West, widely seen as one of the most prophetic intellectuals of our generation, has famously said: “Never forget that justice is what love looks like in public.” This teaching, bringing together love and justice, also serves as one that links together the highest aspirations of Islamic spirituality and governance (Ihsan) and justice (‘adl). Within the realm of Islamic thought, Muqtedar Khan has written a thoughtful volume recently on the social and political implications of the key concept in Islamic spirituality, Ihsan.[1] The present essay serves to bring together these two by taking a look at some of the main insights of the Black-led Freedom Movement for Islamic governance and spirituality.
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Winter, Charlie, Abdul Sayed, and Abdullah Alrhmoun. A “New” Islamic Emirate? The Taliban’s Outreach Strategy in the Aftermath of Kabul. RESOLVE Network, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.37805/ogrr2022.1.afg.

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As the Taliban’s forces swept across Afghanistan in July and August, their triumphalist—and fundamentally revolutionary—discourse became exponentially more pronounced. The moment it seized Kabul, however, the Taliban had to reorder its communications priorities. As Afghanistan’s new de facto government, it needed to expand on what its outreach strategists had been doing to date, i.e., setting out political aspirations, emphasizing military capabilities, and attacking the legitimacy of adversaries. Now, it had to take on a more complex strategic communications task: demonstrating that its new state would be able to follow through on what as a movement it had been promising for decades. Drawing on tens of thousands of data points ingested by ExTrac’s automated crawlers from the Taliban’s online networks on Telegram and Twitter as well as an array of pro-Taliban static websites, this report examines how the fall of Kabul impacted the Taliban’s outreach strategy.
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My Beloved Brothers in God, This Is An Invitation: The Islamic State’s Dawa and Mosques Administration. George Washington University, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4079/poe.12.2020.01.

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To understand how the Islamic State (IS) attempted to garner support and promote its interpretation of Islam, this paper explores important background on dawa itself, the jihadi movement and dawa, how IS began to implement its use of dawa prior to the Caliphate announcement, and how this was propagated by IS in its official media productions. The paper concludes by exploring how dawa was administered on a daily basis, supported by internal IS administrative documents, providing a deeper understanding of IS and dawa and situating it more broadly in a historical perspective.
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