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1
Bennett, Timothy M. "Violence and institutionalization in Islamic activism explaining moderation." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2006. http://bosun.nps.edu/uhtbin/hyperion.exe/06Dec%5FBennett.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2006.<br>Thesis Advisor(s): Anne Marie Baylouny. "December, 2006." Includes bibliographical references (p. 67-71). Also available in print.
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Askarzoi, Heela Zubieda. "Domestic violence in the Afghan community| A grant proposal." Thesis, California State University, Long Beach, 2015. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1590054.
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<p> The purpose of this grant proposal was to develop a program, identify potential funding sources, and write a grant to fund an Afghan domestic violence program that offers culturally competent services to Afghan women survivors of domestic violence in the San Francisco Bay Area. An extensive literature review was conducted to explore how culture affects perceptions of domestic violence within immigrant communities and the ways in which those perceptions can impede access to domestic violence intervention services. Findings show that while violence against women in Afghan culture is a serious problem, awareness about and services for Afghan women and families in the United States for domestic violence are virtually nonexistent. The proposed program will provide Afghan-specific domestic violence direct services, raise community awareness and train mainstream providers on cultural competency. The actual submission and/or funding of this grant proposal were not requirements for the successful completion of this project.</p>
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Elzain, Carol, and celzain@hotmail com. "Modern Islamic Terrorism, Jihad and the Perceptions of Melbourne's Muslim Leaders." RMIT University. Gloabl Studies Social Sciences and Planning, 2008. http://adt.lib.rmit.edu.au/adt/public/adt-VIT20081128.145202.
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Terrorism has loomed in the public eye for centuries; however, since 9/11 modern terrorism has attracted a new public dimension. On an international and domestic scope, media and government bodies have identified that the 9/11 terrorist attacks were delivered by the hands of Islamic terrorists, namely Al-Qaeda (U.S. Government, 2002). According to Australian, American and British government official reports and numerous international and domestic media reports, Al-Qaeda publicly claimed responsibility for 9/11 and other terrorist attacks such as the Bali, London and Madrid bombings (Al-Jazeera, 2004: 1-6; Gonzales, 2006:3; National Commission on Terrorist Attacks Upon the United States, 2002: 1-49; ). Furthermore, some domestic and international Muslim communities have responded to 9/11 and other attacks by revealing their support of Al-Qaeda's hatred and violence towards the West (Tarakhil, 2004:1; Ziabi, 2006:5). It was here among these media and governmen t reports that the concept of Jihad emerged as a pivotal religious and political concept that justifies terrorism. As a result, Jihad developed a causal link to terrorism and thus, placed Islam in the forefront of controversy as a religion that creates terrorists. Despite such compelling government and media reports on the association made between Jihad and terrorism, questions as to their link remain prevalent. It would be an ignorant and a deeply unjust assumption to make against Islam, if the public are led to believe that an association truly exists between Jihad and terrorism without credibly assessing the construct and application of both concepts. Therefore, it is the aim of this research to analyze Jihad and terrorism first as singular concepts, and then examine the possible link that Jihad may have with Islamic terrorism. In order to successfully conduct such an enquiry, it is important to compare and contrast both the interpretations of Melbourne's Islamic religious leaders to that of academic literature on Jihad and terrorism.
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Wang, Xian. "Islamic religiosity, revolution, and state violence in southwest China : the 1975 Shadian massacre." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/44292.
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The 1975 Shadian conflict was the largest religious rebellion of the Cultural Revolution, however, its political and social impacts have been neglected by both mainstream western scholars and the Chinese state-sponsored historical account. The event also has remained a controversial issue in China, in Yunnan, and of course in Shadian itself. The unresolved questions of the Shadian massacre and the inability of the Chinese government and local community to come to resolution are the focus of this thesis. By stressing the agency of the Shadian villagers and focusing on the interactions between the Shadian villagers and local authorities, it seeks to explain why the conflict between the Shadian Muslims and the government has persisted, even after the CCP redressed the massacre in 1979 and has changed its religious policies in order to cultivate Islamic revival in today’s Yunnan.
Although the communist party-state has aimed to strengthen the socio-political stability of China by undertaking state-sponsored projects, such as rebuilding mosques, opening Islamic schools and so forth, to encourage public practice of Islam in Shadian; it maintains the Cultural Revolution-period mentality (radical secularism and atheism) and continues to deny Islamic religion as the very fundamental virtue that shapes the way the Shadian Muslims understand their religious—Muslim (rather than ethnic—the Hui) identities and the way in which they interact with the communist state. The conflicts and struggles between the Shadian Muslims and the CCP government in the Mao and the post-Mao period reflect the constant power dynamics between the local authorities’ denial of the religious centrality of Islam and the determination of Shadian villagers to define their ethnic identities based on Islam. While the CCP denies the religious motivation of the Shadian Muslim’s resistance by constantly regarding the villagers as reactionaries who always intended to make a disturbance, the Shadian villagers continues to emphasize their Muslim identities by regarding their resistance against the local authorities as religiously glorious and just, meaningful in just the sense that Geertz suggested. As a result, down to today, the mutual understanding between the CCP authorities and the Muslim communities therefore has not been established.
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Hegghammer, Thomas. "Violent Islamism in Saudi Arabia, 1979-2006 : the power and perils of pan-islamic nationalism." Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2007. http://www.theses.fr/2007IEPP0054.
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Ceci est une étude des dynamiques de la violence islamiste sunnite en Arabie Saoudite, et en particulier des causes de la violence qui éclate en 2003. La mouvance djihadiste saoudienne est analysée dans un cadre à trois niveaux emprunté à Donatella Della Porta, théoricienne des mouvements sociaux. La thèse s’appuie sur des sources primaires recueillies en Arabie Saoudite ainsi que sur l’Internet. L’analyse au niveau micro se base sur 787 biographies de militants saoudiens. L’analyse montre que l'Arabie Saoudite n'a pas connu de mouvement islamiste socio-revolutionnaire, et que le djihadisme saoudien s’inspire plutôt d’un nationalisme pan-islamique. La violence en 2003 représente le résultat d’un mouvement qui s’est développé en trois phases. Dans les années 1980 émerge la mouvance djihadiste dite “classique” qui s’engage dans des conflits locaux contre des non-Musulmans. Le djihadisme classique jouit du soutien de l’Etat, ainsi que de l’importance accordée au nationalisme pan-islamique dans la politique intérieure du royaume. Le milieu des années 1990 voit l’émergence d’une branche plus extrême, celle du “djihadisme global” représenté par al-Qaïda, qui combat la présence américaine dans le pays. Après l'invasion de l'Afghanistan en 2001, Ben Laden décide de rouvrir un front dans le royaume. Les vétérans d’Afghanistan mobilisent et lancent une campagne en mai 2003. Les militants échouent car ils sont perçus comme révolutionnaires et parce que les jeunes recrues préfèrent partir se battre en Irak. L’Arabie Saoudite se distingue ainsi des républiques arabes, où la violence islamiste tend à s'orienter vers les régimes, et est alimentée par des problèmes socio-économiques<br>This is a study of the dynamics of Sunni Islamist violence in Saudi Arabia which asks why unrest broke out in 2003 and not earlier. It analyses the Saudi jihadist movement using a three-level framework borrowed from social movement theorist Donatella Della Porta. It uses new primary sources from jihadist Internet sites and fieldwork in Saudi Arabia. A collection of 787 biographies supports the micro-level analysis. The main finding is that Saudi Arabia lacks a strong socio-revolutionary Islamist movement, and that Saudi militancy is driven by pan-Islamic nationalism. The 2003 violence marked the homecoming of a movement which had developed in three stages. In the 1980s emerged the “classical jihadist” movement which fought non-Muslims in local territorial conflicts. It grew strong because it enjoyed initial state support and because pan-Islamic nationalism played a special role in Saudi politics. In the mid-1990s arose the more extreme “global jihadist” branch represented by al-Qaida. Bin Ladin violently opposed the US presence in the Kingdom, but was first unable, and then unwilling to launch operations at home. After the 2001 invasion of Afghanistan, Bin Ladin decided to reopen a front in Saudi Arabia. His deputy Yusuf al-Ayiri recruited hundreds of returnees from Afghanistan and launched an anti-Western guerrilla campaign in May 2003. The campaign failed because the militants were perceived as revolutionaries and lost recruits to Iraq. The dynamics of Saudi Islamist militancy thus differ from the Arab republics, where violence is more inward-oriented and driven by socio-economic grievances
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Aziz, Hanan Pehin. "Domestic and sexual violence against women from the Islamic perspective : focus on Brunei Darussalam." Thesis, University of Wales Trinity Saint David, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.683019.
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White, Owen Thomas. "How does the US utilize Islamophobia in Counterterrorism Policy." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/103321.
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How does the US utilize Islamophobia in counterterrorism policy?
Owen White
The 'War on Terror' has been the longest ongoing conflict that the US has been involved in and shows no sign of ending in the near future. The threat of terrorism is something that the US government has continually warned the populace about prior to the start of the 'war on terror.' The the fear that the US places on terrorism focuses on Islamic extremism in particular and can be considered to be unjust. This leads to the understanding that the US takes part in Islamophobia because of its continuation of an unjust fear towards Islam. Islamophobia is an idea that has primarily been associated with individuals instead of the state or media. This thesis utilizes the work of Khaled Beydoun to show how the US has kept the idea of Islamophobia away from the state's sphere of responsibility while also creating policy that takes part in Islamophobia. Beydoun provides this thesis with new definitions for Islamophobia that allow for new conclusions to be made when the state is considered. This is combined with an understanding of how the media covers events and protects the state from the ideas of Islamophobia. The understanding of violence, as shown by Asad, created within the state influences this thesis greatly because of its connection to how the state reacts to attacks. The state has historically targeted minority groups as an "other" that can be targeted with policy and seen as a threat to the populace. This has allowed far-right groups who target minority groups to grow without being targeted by the state, these groups are allowed to continue their violence because it aligns with the states goals. This thesis looks to combine these ideas with case studies of different attacks in order to show how the US utilizes Islamophobia in counterterrorism policy.<br>Master of Arts<br>How does the US utilize Islamophobia in counterterrorism policy?
Owen White
The United States has been involved in the 'war on terror' since the attacks of September 11, 2001. This has led the US to creating policy that has been meant to protect the populace from another attack of this caliber from happening. The policies that have been created have focused on targeting the threat of Islamic extremist violence. This thesis looks to show how the US has unfairly targeted Muslim populations with the policy that it has created, while other threats have grown without being addressed. First, it will be shown how Islamophobia is not something that can only be committed by an individual, as commonly believed. This thesis will utilize new definitions of islamophobia to highlight how the state can take part in islamophobia and how Islamophobia is kept from being associated with the state. This will be combined with a discussion of three different cases, as well as a discussion of how the US creates policies. The US historically created policy based upon the enemy that it had identified at the time, the current case being Islamic extremism. This targeting has generally been focused on minority groups while larger far-right groups have gone about without being targeted. Far-right groups grew in this time period because the state did not label them as a threat and they carried out violence against the targets identified by the state. This thesis will show how the state has allowed far-right violence to grow within the state and allowed it to become a part of the violence within the state while targeting minority groups that have smaller followings and pose less of a direct threat. It will look to show how the state has enabled this growth while continually focusing policy in another direction. Combining these ideas with the cases that are studied allow this thesis to answer, "how does the US utilize Islamophobia in counterterrorism policy?"
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Karim, Karim H. "Constructions of the Islamic peril in English-language Canadian print media, discourses on power and violence." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/NQ30306.pdf.
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Karim, Karim H. (Karim Haiderali) 1956. "Constructions of the Islamic peril in English-language Canadian print media : discourses on power and violence." Thesis, McGill University, 1996. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=42064.
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This is an inquiry into cultural constructions of "Islamic violence" in dominant Northern discourses. Mainstream Canadian journalism's participation in these discourses is analyzed within the context of its cultural and structural integration into global media networks. Media materials are scrutinized using critical discourse, dramatistic, and ritual analysis methodologies. The thesis follows Hamid Mowlana's suggestion that inquiries into international communication flows should move beyond traditional paradigms of inter-national relations (in which nation-states are the primary objects of study) to consider intra- and transnational participants as well.<br>Borrowing from Jacques Ellul, this study examines the importance of myth as a fundamental basis of communication. However, unlike Ellul, it also explores alternatives to the operations of dominant communication structures. Edward Said's critique of Orientalism informs the analysis of Northern portrayals of Muslim societies; but the dissertation attempts to avoid overstating the Orientalist discourses' hegemony by proposing a model of competition among dominant, oppositional and alternative discourses on "Islam."<br>Mainstream media's adherence to dominant technological myths and their general reticence about the structural and direct violence of elite states are examined. Distinct similarities are found between the utopic orientations and technical operations of dominant Northern and Muslim discourses, as well as in Jewish, Christian and Muslim conceptions of holy/just war. The proliferation of contemporary Northern images about "Islam" are traced historically to four primary stereotypes about Muslims.<br>Examinations of the supposedly objective and secularist media reportage on terrorism show differences in portrayal according to the perpetrators' religions. Analyses of the coverage of wars involving peoples of Muslim backgrounds in the Middle East, Bosnia-Herzegovina, and the former USSR demonstrate the tendency of dominant journalistic scripts to attribute diverse political, economic and territorial conflicts to a monolithic "lslam" The dissertation traces how the global media narrative's transformation of Saddam Hussein from an ally of the West to a demonic despot was aided by according him "Islamic" characteristics. It also looks at the emergence of "Islam" as a post-Cold War Other. Lastly, proposals made by scholars and journalists for enhancing inter-cultural communication between Northern and Muslim societies are considered.
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Ismail, Sooliman Quaraysha Bibi. "The development and rise of Islamic State (IS) and the violence it manifests : a theoretical perspective." Thesis, University of Pretoria, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/65658.
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IS is a new phenomenon in the face of an on-going conflict in the Middle-East in what I refer to as the Shami theatre. It evolved from a fledgling affiliate of al Qaeda into a powerful and organised “pseudo-state” under the leadership of Abu-Bakr al-Baghdadi and operates largely in the Shami theatre. The Shami theatre with its core group of actors has been scripted into a region of conflict, through a toxic approach from 1916 till now (2017), a hundred years and counting. According to the Syrian Network for Human Rights (SNHR), of the 203097 civilian deaths recorded from March 2011 until November 2016, IS has been responsible for 1.48% (2998) of the deaths. Considering this fact alone, it had to be asked, “Why the obsession with IS”? This project considered the rise and development of IS and its choice of violence in the context in which it exists. Violence and the defining of violence have been contested for centuries, mainly because violence involves and refers to different conditions, actions and processes. The consequences of violence may be immediate, short-term or long-term and may be contextualised within an interpersonal framing or as the result of an inherent social condition. What is peculiar about the way in which violence is defined and which aspects of the definition of violence are included or excluded will determine the human experiences being examined and the conclusions drawn. In this regard the study examined the various templates of violence and interrogated the manifestation of these different forms of violence in the context in which IS functions. The research considered a plurality of reasons and motivations drawn from IS’s magazine Dabiq and other academic and news sources to explain IS’s lure for foreign fighters, its use of violence and the claim about its “clash” with western values. It then considered the difference in terms of theodicy vs. theology, so that the question was no longer “why are Muslims so violent?” but “why has this specific group of persons resorted to violence?” Significantly, consolidation of persons under extreme circumstances does not necessarily imply a ‘unity of ideology.’ From this aspect of the theorisation it became evident that limiting the discussion on IS and its attacks on foreign soil to a monologue about religion or demanding a theological reform of Islam to more ‘liberal traditions,’ or to claim that the genesis of IS is to be found in theology has largely been disingenuous. Widening the lens of analysis is a tool of academic integrity when the research demands it, and is not an attempt at denying religious ideology. There is an element of religious ideology certainly, but it cannot be divorced from its social context. What it does is to animate the role and impact of human action. IS has used the tools of language, religion and sectarianism to justify its violence. IS has destroyed shrines, libraries and schools, exhibited blatant intolerance of difference and independent lifestyles and choices and it has specialised in significant levels of barbarity, the killing of the elite and citizens. In this regard the study interrogated the “clash of civilisations” claim by exploring the possibility of explaining the violence and actions of IS in terms of western epistemological fraud and western methods of violence learned from the violence of colonialism/coloniality. The study linked all of these issues to the continuity of the history of dehumanisation and control of the space, bodies and belief of the Muslim subject. Although IS has attacked westerners, the majority of its victims are Muslims. The rabid sectarianism of Maliki and the unspeakable torment and torture committed by Assad has spurred further extremism which will at some point contribute to the rise of IS 2.0 unless an amicable and just political solution is achieved. All the templates examined ultimately led to the plausible conclusion that the violence of IS is motivated by revenge, the greed for power and control and in many ways manifests as the dark side of modernity. Religion is the currency invoked to draw supporters, sympathy and recognition, and to seek legitimacy. But religion, specifically Islam does not constitute the motivation for the violence. This study concluded that IS and those powers unleashing violence on the largely Sunni Syrian and Iraqi populations have been targeting a very specific enemy, with the aim to completely destroy it – they are attacking Islam and the Islamicate. The narrative, the tactics, the behaviour, the propaganda, the ongoing epistemicide and the pacts between Assad, the changing Iraqi regimes, the US, and IS all point to this. And attacking Islam and the Islamicate includes attacking the inheritors of Islam. This is the consolidation of the theorising.<br>Mini Dissertation (LLM)--University of Pretoria, 2018.<br>Jurisprudence<br>DPhil<br>Unrestricted
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Khashman, Zainab Nimer Rajab. "Law and the protection of women from violence in Jordan." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2018. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/78764/.
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There is a legal separation in Jordan between Sharia' (Islamic) Law and Civil Law. Both types of law come together to create criminal law that has a negative effect on women's rights. Laws in Jordan are evolving in the right direction but are not going far enough to protect women from violence. This study explores the issues of violence against women in Jordan through a study the Jordanian legal system and the experience of women who suffer violence. The working of the Jordanian justice system is presented by analysing the responses of state and non-state institutions dealing with violence against women. Included in the research is an analysis of feminist concerns with the law and the position of women in society. My concern is with the way in which women's inferior position impacts on their experience of violence and their ability to obtain redress and access protection. The methods used to complete this study included qualitative data collections such as field observations, and semi-structured participant interviews. It also extended to archival work in which I studied official reports and public policies on VAW. My study attempts to explain the structure of gender relations and women's experiences of violence in the context of Jordanian society by using feminist theory. The empirical work conducted in Jordan considered the effectiveness of law in serving victims. Further analysis considers how the Jordanian socio-economic and legal environment influences women's decisions on whether to seek help. The research found that there is a need to introduce better-developed law accompanied by additional policy measures to affect an essential change in attitudes. This requires changing some laws and policy programmes to increase awareness of legal rights. Additionally, I will suggest that applying Islamic law to women's rights can also give women more freedom and provide them with additional opportunities to access protection. The research identified a need for coherence between Civil and Sharia' (Islamic) Law in developing civil and criminal remedies which would align Jordan's domestic law to its international obligations.
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Acosta, Benjamin Timothy. "The Palestinian Shahid and the development of the model 21st century Islamic terrorist." CSUSB ScholarWorks, 2008. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/3367.
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The purpose of this study seeks to uncover the relationship between the political objectives of the primary Palestinian political entities, the methods used by those entities to pursue their goals, and the socio-cultural fluctuation vis-á-vis the acceptability of, and participation in, suicide terrorism that has occured as a result.
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Camur, Ayse. "Three Theorists on Religious Violence in an Islamic Context: Karen Armstrong, Mark Juergensmeyer, and William T. Cavanaugh." Scholar Commons, 2019. https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/7756.
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Religion is often invoked as a driving force behind violence, disentangled from political, social, and economic reasons. In this thesis, we will be exploring the viewpoints of three prominent religious thinkers in investigating the principal causes behind what is called religious violence. The works of Karen Armstrong, Mark Juergensmeyer, and William T. Cavanaugh are considered as theoretical frameworks for understanding violence in an Islamic context. While Armstrong argues that the root cause of violence can be traced back to economic, political, and cultural reasons, Juergensmeyer contests that religion is the most important cause underlying all violence. In their analyses, both thinkers rely heavily on a distinction between religious and secular violence. Cavanaugh, on the other hand, regards such a distinction as itself a legitimation of secular forms of violence that obscures the real causes of what we call religious violence.
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Seiyefa, E. "Organised violence : a manifestation of elite political culture : a case study of Boko Haram." Thesis, Coventry University, 2016. http://curve.coventry.ac.uk/open/items/ecba3b57-b143-4d9c-b0b7-60c0bdcbf4d5/1.
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The thesis examines the phenomenon of organised political violence in Nigeria exploring its root cause(s) and sustaining factor(s), using the extreme terrorist activities of the Boko Haram sect as a case study. The severe negative impact of this sect on the fabric of Nigerian society has led to a burgeoning scholarly literature investigating the sect and the phenomenon of organised political violence which, for the most part, concentrates on the gamut of political, economic and social ills that are held to drive violence in the country. The thesis contends that, whilst these variables are symptoms or outcomes of political violence, it is the tacit political culture adopted by Nigeria’s political elite that is the core cause of recurring periods of political violence and the groups that use violence. Elements of elite political culture such as zero sum politics, political elite manipulation of social cleavages and identity politics, themselves enabled by elite involvement in governance, leads to mis-governance by the elite in power and the concomitant emergence of social movements or groups to convey the grievances of sections of the country’s diverse population. These movements are, in turn, co-opted by individuals within the elite who use the movements’ muscle and influence to coerce the electorate, notably during election periods. This results in the social movements’ transformation into organised political violent groups. When the alliance with the movement ceases to benefit the elite and/or the level of violence becomes counter-productive, as was the case the northern political elite and Boko Haram, the elite reverses its rhetoric, recasting the movement, its creation, as the enemy.
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Holt, Maria. "Testimonies of violence : a comparative study of the impact of violence and Islamic teachings on Shi'i and Palestinian women in conflict and post-conflict situations in Lebanon." Thesis, University of York, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.420737.
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Hasan, Noorhaidi. "Laskar Jihad : Islam, militancy, and the quest for identity in post-new order Indonesia /." Ithaca, NY : Southeast Asia Program Publ, 2006. http://www.loc.gov/catdir/toc/fy0803/2008530106.html.
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Ahmed, Tanveer. "The role of moderate Muslims in combating violent Jihad." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2007. http://bosun.nps.edu/uhtbin/hyperion-image.exe/07Dec%5FAhmed.pdf.
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Thesis (M.S. in Defense Analysis)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2007.<br>Thesis Advisor(s): Simons, Anna. "December 2007." Description based on title screen as viewed on January 18, 2008. Includes bibliographical references (p. 65-72). Also available in print.
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Bowen, Lauren R. "Free to Hate Freedom and the survival of liberalized states confronting theemergence of political Islam; effective state solutions to the rise of Islamic politicalviolence in democratic societies." Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1440889210.
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Setiawan, Dorita. "Islamic feminist community organizing for combatting violence against women : a case study of Rifka Annisa, Women Crisis Center, Yogyakarta, Indonesia." Thesis, McGill University, 2005. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=83160.
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This thesis focuses on an Islamic feminist community organization, and its activities in combating violence against women. The case example discussed in this study is the Rifka Annisa Women's Crisis Center (WCC Rifka Annisa) located in Yogyakarta, Indonesia. By examining the environment and the issues that WCC Rifka Annisa faces, broader thematic concerns can be applied to Indonesian society in general. This study reviews western feminist and community organizing approaches, and examines them in light of the specific religious, cultural, economic and political context in Indonesia. A blend of Islamic feminim and community organizing approaches has emerged in Indonesia. Data collection for this study was based on interviews and direct observations. Exploring this perspective will contribute to the knowledge, practice and values of social work generally, and development work in similar contexts in particular.
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Yan, Fei. "The politics of factional conflict and collective violence : the Cultural Revolution in Guangzhou, 1966-1968." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:9d95e1f0-91f4-4244-8a08-1cc536d9e21b.
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This thesis examines the nature of mass factionalism and rebellious alignment during the Chinese Cultural Revolution from 1966 to 1968. This period in Chinese history presents an internecine mass conflict that boasts the largest political upheavals of the 20th century. The most puzzling question of the explosion of this intense rebellious rivalry lies in the mechanisms and processes of insurgents’ political choices: Why did people join and affiliate with different insurgent groups? What decision did people make and what were their reasons? In conventional social structural analyses of contentious politics, mass actors’ decisions are affected by functionally differentiated interests inherent in their pre-existing social positions. This model defines mass rebellion and factional alignment as a form of interest group politics, attributing political choices to participants’ pre-existing sociopolitical status quo and thus pits different social groups against one another. As a result, similar occupational and status groups in the previous hierarchical structure would make similar political choices that lead them to form well-defined competing factions. In contrast to this static structural interpretation, I propose a contextual process model to analyze processes of political division and factional contention within political movements. With a case study of Guangzhou, I argue that rebellious alignment was rooted in their political interactions in a rapidly evolving phase of the conflict, rather than rising from the tensions that existed between different socio-economic layers of society. During the times of radical instability such as the Chinese Cultural Revolution, political ambiguity and contingency were the defining characteristics. In such unstable political environment, the basic elements of the movement changed so many times: each phase of the rebel movement projected itself by means of different actors, agendas, targets, and so on. Consequently, individual rebels observed their embedded local political environment, interpreted it, and subsequently chose a course of action in a dynamic process. In this regard, mass actors from identical social strata in the previous hierarchical structure would make different political choices and tactically choose their factional camp.
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Longou, Schahrazède Ungar Steven. "Violence et rebellion chez trois romancières de l'Algérie contemporaine Maissa Bey, Malika Mokeddem et Leila Marouane /." Iowa City : University of Iowa, 2009. http://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/401.
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Raza, Fatima. "Shifting Ideals, Violent Ordeals: Pakistan's Ideological Shift and its Effects on Sectarian Violence." Thesis, Griffith University, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/408501.
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The Islamic Republic of Pakistan was initially conceived as a secular state by its founding fathers. Over time, the state has experienced a shift from secularism to a political ideology based on a Sunni manifestation of Islam, resulting in the exacerbation of sectarian violence. Sectarianism has now become one of the key problems plaguing Pakistan’s political stability and viability. This thesis seeks to understand how this shift occurred. It will analyse the problem of sectarian violence in Pakistan in relation to the global and national emergence of Islam with a particular political orientation. This manifestation of Islam will be referred to as Islamism. This thesis will argue that it was within the climate of a global resurgence of Islam that a conservative Sunni Islam infiltrated the political and social structures of Pakistan and this provided the conditions for sectarianism to worsen. In demonstrating this argument, the thesis employs a four-part framework, analysing the legal, educational, political and geo-political factors underlying the Islamisation of Pakistan. By using a qualitative methodology based on a single case study approach, this thesis analyses the ideological shift of Pakistan from secularism towards Islamism and the resultant effects on sectarian violence. This shift in Pakistan from its initial secular conception to one steeped in a conservative Sunni Islamist ideology and the effects of the shift on sectarianism has not been adequately addressed within the academic literature regarding Pakistan. This thesis aims to bridge this gap, holding important insights and implications for academics, policy makers and students of Pakistan. By providing an analysis of the ideological shift of the state and its effects on sectarian violence this thesis will present a novel approach to understanding Pakistan and its internal problems.<br>Thesis (PhD Doctorate)<br>Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)<br>School of Govt & Int Relations<br>Griffith Business School<br>Full Text
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Ainine, Bilel. "Islam politique et entrée en radicalité violente. Le cas des salafistes radicaux violents algériens." Thesis, Université Paris-Saclay (ComUE), 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016SACLV092/document.
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Résumé : Cette thèse s’intéresse à la question de la radicalisation violente chez les salafistes algériens. Elle tente de comprendre comment s’effectue le glissement d’un militantisme (ou d’une sympathie) en faveur d’un islam politique légal, vers un activisme clandestin versé dans l’action violente sous le seau du djihad armé. Saisir le cheminement de cette entrée en radicalité, nous amène d’abord à réfléchir sur la radicalisation de la pensée religieuse comme première étape du processus étudié. L’engagement au profit du djihad est ensuite tributaire d’une construction (ou reconstruction) identitaire fondée sur un renversement moral de l’ordre socioreligieux établi. Les représentationsqui en émanent sont le produit d’une socialisation de l’individu à une pensée radicalisée qui, lorsqu’elle est combinée à d’autres variables facilitatrices ou incitatrices, le prédispose à passer à l’acte. Ainsi, au niveau macro, les opportunités/menaces agissent comme des facteurs facilitateurs ou précipitateurs dans l’engagement armé ; la répression et la fermeture du champ politique sont à ce titre, les variables les plus redondantes dans l’explication de l’entrée en radicalité chez les salafistes algériens. Au niveau méso et micro, l’influence des réseaux préconstitués (organisations armées, réseaux de soutiens logistiques…) et des liens sociaux (amis, voisins, famille…) pèse lourdement sur le choix de l’engagement collectif et individuel. Enfin, les chocs moraux et les récits mémoriels sur la répression subie peuvent aussi nous éclairer à saisir un certain nombre de trajectoires de radicalisation violente chez les djihadistes algériens<br>Abstract : This thesis focuses on the issue of violent radicalization among Algerian Salafists. It tries to understand how is the shift of activism (or sympathy) for a legal political Islam to a clandestine activism poured into violent action in the bucket of armed jihad. Enter the path of the entry into radicalism, leads us first to reflect on the radicalization of religious thought as a first step in the process studied. The commitment in favor of jihad is then dependent on a construction (or reconstruction) of identity based on moral overthrow of the established socio-religious order. The representations that come in are the product of socialization of the individual to a radicalized thought which, when combined with other variables or incentive-facilitators, predisposes to pass the act. Thus, at the macro level, opportunities / threats act as facilitators factors or precipitators in the armed engagement; repression and the closure of the political field as such are the most redundant variables in explaining the entry into radicalism among Algerian Salafists. At the meso and micro level, the influence of pre-made networks (armed organizations, logistic support networks ...) and social connections (friends, neighbors, family ...) weighs heavily on the choice of the individual and collective commitment. Finally, moral shocks and stories on the memorial suffered repression may also enlighten us to enter a number of violent radicalization trajectories among Algerian jihadists
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Keys-Turner, Karen D. "The violent Islamic radicalization process: a framework for understanding." Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/10630.
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CHDS State/Local<br>The violent Islamic radicalization process is understood differently across disciplines within the homeland security enterprise. Radicalization of U.S. citizens is an emerging threat within the homeland. Current theories and models of the radicalization process offer a linear progression or focus heavily on religious behaviors. When those processes are relied upon to inform policy or procedures for interdiction, civil liberties issues arise. Some theories or models rely on a demographic profile of terrorists. Research suggests that a demographic profile of terrorists is nonexistent. This study analyzes prevailing theories and models that explain radicalization. Using appreciative inquiry, a framework is identified that comprehensively captures the contributions of various theories and models that compose and best explain the dynamics of the radicalization and mobilization process. The identified framework, developed by the National Counterterrorism Center, is comprehensive and suitable for informing training, and counter-radicalization policies and measures within the United States. This research examines radicalization strategies from abroad, as well as studies that identify behavioral indicators of radicalization and mobilization, which establish the basis for future research for behavioral profiling of terrorists. This research recommends a counter-radicalization policy theme that begins with the development of radicalization process expertise and understanding across the homeland security enterprise.
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Gallaher, Paul. "Political exclusion and violence : the Islamist movement in Egypt /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Sep%5FGallaher.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Defense Decision-Making and Planning))--Naval Postgraduate School, Sept. 2004.<br>Thesis advisor(s): Anne Marie Baylouny. Includes bibliographical references (p. 101-105). Also available online.
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Bulhan, Ahmed Mohamed. "Att definiera extremism : En kvalitativ innehålls analys av begreppet våldsbejakande extremism i Sverige." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Sociologiska institutionen, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-155013.
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Sammanfattning 2016 utnämnde den svenska regeringen en nationell samordnare för att lägga upp en strategi mot våldsbejakande extremism (Regeringskansliet, 2016). Då studien syftar att studera om begreppet terrorism är rasifierat och huruvida terrorism beskrivs med hänsyn till fördomar om människors bakgrund eller ursprung - gör författare en analys kring hur Regering framställt och framställer Våldsbejakande Extremismen. Undersökningen tar sin teoretiska utgångspunkt i Robert Miles (1989) rasifieringsteori, och studien använder en kvalitativ innehållsanalys som metodval. Genom att undersöka offentliga dokument som regeringen publicerat i arbetet mot våldsbejakande extremism konkluderar analys att rasifiering förekommer i användningen av ”terrorism” till följd av att Våldsbejakande islamistisk extremism sammankopplas kulturella- och religiösa föreställningar som inte delar samma värdegrund som Västvärlden.Studiens slutsats är att analysens resultat, som understöds av tidigare forskning, påvisar att den politiska kontexten tar ställning i de olika typerna av våldsbejakande extremism.<br>Abstract In 2016, the Swedish Government appointed a national coordinator to set up a strategy against violence-making extremism (Regeringskansliet, 2016). When the study aims at studying whether the concept of terrorism is racially and whether terrorism is described with regard to prejudices about people's background or origin, the author makes an analysis of how Government produces and produces violence-violent extremism. The study takes its theoretical basis in Robert Miles (1989) Theory of Reason, and the study uses a qualitative content analysis as method selection. By examining public documents published by the government in the work on violence-violent extremism, analysis concludes that racism occurs in the use of "terrorism" as a result of violence-violent Islamic extremism interconnecting cultural and religious beliefs that do not share the same value base as the Western world. The study's conclusion is that the results of the analysis, supported by previous research, show that the political context takes a position in the various types of violence-fighting extremism.
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Shahabuddin, Charza. "La production de normes islamiques au Bangladesh : construction, négociations et violences." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris, EHESS, 2024. http://www.theses.fr/2024EHES0136.
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Avec 171 millions d’habitants dont 91% de musulmans sunnites (2024), le Bangladesh est le quatrième pays le plus peuplé de musulmans au monde. Ce jeune État-nation a gagné son indépendance en 1971 à l’issue d’une guerre qui, en séparant les musulmans du Pakistan occidental et oriental, a remis en cause la logique identitaire religieuse de la partition de 1947. Depuis lors, le cas du Bangladesh continue de se caractér iser par un rapport ambivalent du politique au religieux, dans la mesure où y coexistent le sécularisme comme principe constitutionnel (depuis 1972) et l’islam comme religion d’État (depuis 1988). Dans ce contexte, l’enjeu est de déterminer le rôle que joue l’islam dans la vie des citoyens, les musulmans, mais aussi les minorités ethniques et religieuses. S’il existe un consensus entre les fidèles et les principaux représentants de l’autorité religieuse islamique sur la pratique des cinq piliers de l’islam sunnite, la compétition pour établir sa propre normativité islamique a mené de nombreux entrepreneurs politiques et identitaires, des organisations islamistes, des citoyens et fidèles musulmans, des penseurs-libres, des organes étatiques, à construire, négocier et produire différentes normes islamiques. À partir de l’étude du Bangladesh, l’objet de cette thèse est d’analyser l’action et le rôle des différentes instances qui ont l’autorité de produire, valider ou rejeter ce qu’on appelle une norme islamique. Ces acteurs s’engagent dans des processus de négociations mais n’hésitent pas à recourir à la violence. Située à l’intersection de la sociologie politique et de l’anthropologie politique, s’appuyant sur neuf mois d’enquête de terrain [entre 2017 et 2023], cette thèse souligne que l’islam est une construction avant tout politique qui découle de l’action de ceux qui souhaitent produire et diffuser leurs normes islamiques, établir leur morale et représenter une autorité politico-religieuse légitime<br>With a population of 171 million, 91% of whom are Sunni Muslims (2024), Bangladesh is the fourth most populous Muslim country in the world. This young nation-state gained independence in 1971 following a war which, by separating the Muslims of West and East Pakistan, challenged the logic of religious identity of the 1947 partition. Since then, Bangladesh has been characterized by an ambivalent relationship between politics and religion, with secularism as a constitutional principle (since 1972) and Islam as the state religion (since 1988). In this context, the challenge is to define the role of Islam in the lives of citizens, not only Muslims but also ethnic and religious minorities. While there is a consensus between the faithful and the main representatives of Islamic religious authority on the practice of the five pillars of Sunni Islam, the competition to establish one's own Islamic normativity has led many identity and political entrepreneurs, Islamist organisations, Muslim citizens and believers, free thinkers and state bodies to construct, negotiate and produce different Islamic norms. Based on the study of Bangladesh, the aim of this thesis is to analyse the action and role of the various bodies that have the authority to produce, validate or reject what is known as an Islamic norm. These actors engage in negotiation processes but do not hesitate to resort to violence. Situated at the intersection of political sociology and political anthropology and based on nine months of fieldwork [between 2017 and 2023], this thesis emphasises that Islam is above all a political construct that stems from the actions of those who wish to produce and disseminate their Islamic norms, establish their morality and represent a legitimate politico-religious authority
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Gustafsson, Linus. "The Swedish Connection : Exploring the Social Network of Violent and Violence-Promoting Islamist Extremism in Sweden and its Connections to the Global Jihad." Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-2659.
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This study examines who is part of the Swedish network of violent and violence-promoting Islamist extremism and whether the social network is a case of „new social movement‟. Through a social network analysis of violent and violence-promoting Islamist extremists in Sweden the results shows that there is a loose Swedish network with global nodes. The social network in Sweden is analyzed through the framework of New Social Movement theory and the connections between the global jihad and the Swedish network are examined. The result is that the network cannot be seen as a case of „new social movement‟. However, several individuals of the network can be seen as part of the global jihad and therefore a case of „new social movement‟. More academic research is needed on violent and violence-promoting Islamist extremism in Sweden, especially on why and how these actors are radicalized. In addition, more research is needed on how to prevent and counter violent and violence-promoting Islamist extremism.
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Gardner, Simon C. "Political violence in Eurasia : radical Islam or rational acting?" Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2000. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA387402.
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Boukhobza, Amélie. "Jouissances jihadistes : genèse d'une haine intellectuelle." Thesis, Nice, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015NICE2036/document.
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Le jihadisme comporte toujours une dimension apocalyptique. La Fin des Temps ouvrant à la conquête définitive du monde par l'extension du Dar al-islam, passe par la venue d'un Messie politique qui vaincra l'Antéchrist incarné par un juif, dont tous les disciples sont aussi des juifs.Le jihadisme est inséparable d'un montage mental et psychique qui suscite un noyau archaïque de Violence et de Mort. Les paradis offerts par la Mort en Guerrier dans le nom de Dieu sont ceux de la Jouissance absolue.Le judaïsme talmudique, celui auquel s'oppose le Coran médinois, semble être l'antithèse absolu du montage des jouissances jihadistes.Les textes originels ont été interprétés par un des deux courants de l'islam dans une version d'héroïsation, de légitimation et de sacralisation de ce noyau originaire de destructivité. Dès leur origine, la figure du Juif représente donc le point critique qu'il s'agit d'éradiquer aussi bien métaphysiquement que dans sa réalité.Les processus d'adhésion ne conduisent pas nécessairement à une addiction à la jouissance archaïque absolue. De nombreux radicalisés en France sont plutôt des infra-jihadistes pris dans la recherche d'une vindicte restaurant leur narcissisme blessé. Leur engagement dans la restauration de la Gloire de Dieu leur fait espérer une plénitude identitaire rétablissant un sentiment de musulmanité glorieuse.A ce niveau, la Haine-du-Juif inhérente à la lecture radicale du Coran et des Hadiths se trouve potentialisée par les discours complotistes-antisémites, véhiculées par les réseaux sociaux et certaines prêches.Notre recherche se poursuivra autour d'une analyse des processus narratifs inhérents aux textes eux-mêmes<br>Jihadism always has an apocalyptic dimension. The End of Time opening to the final conquest of the world by the extension of the Dar al-islam, through the advent of a political Messiah who will defeat the Antichrist, incarnated by a Jew, of which all followers are also Jewish.Jihadism is inseparable from a mental and psychic assembly that creates an archaic nucleus of Violence and Death. Paradise offered by the Warrior of Death in the name of God is that of absolute pleasure.Judaism under Rabbinic and Talmudic expressions, the one the Koran of Medina is violently opposed to, seems to be the absolute antithesis of the jihadist idea of enjoyment.The original texts have been interpreted in one of the two branches of islam in a heroic, legitimate and sacred version in this original nucleus of destructiveness. Ever since the beginning of time, the figure of the Jew represents the critical point and it is to be eradicated both physically and mentally.The accession process do not necessarily lead to an addiction to archaic absolute enjoyment. Many radicalized in France are rather infra-jihadists caught in the search of restoring vindictiveness narcissism, even though they are hurt. Their commitment on the path to restoring the glory of God is their hope for a true identity restoring a sense of fulness in the Muslim religion.At this level, the feeling of Hate-the-Jew inherent in radical interpretation of the Koran and the Hadith is potentiated by the many complotistes and anti-Semitic speeches, carried on by social networks and sermons.Our research will continue to have a grip on the analysis narrative processes in texts themselves
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Williams, Ryan Jeffrey. "Social networks and promoting resilience to violent extremist Islamism." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610599.
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Harman, Andrew. "A One Percent Chance: Jabotinsky, Bernadotte, and the Iron Wall Doctrine." Chapman University Digital Commons, 2016. http://digitalcommons.chapman.edu/war_and_society_theses/1.
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This thesis is an examination of the long historical processes that have led to the Israel/Palestine conflict to the contemporary period, focusing mostly on the period before Israeli independence and the 1948 war that created the Jewish state. As Zionism emerged at the turn of the twentieth century to combat the antisemitism of Europe, practical and political facets of the movement sought immigration to Palestine, an area occupied by a large population of Arab natives. The answer to how the Zionists would achieve a Jewish state in that region, largely ignoring the indigenous population, fostered disagreements and a split in the Zionist ideology. The Revisionist Zionist organization was founded by Ze’ev Jabotinsky and favored a more militant orientation. With an “Iron Wall” manifesto, and as time passed and international aid waned, the Revisionists evolved into an anticolonial movement that not only viewed Palestinians as an obstacle to the Jewish state but turned their anticolonial furor toward the British and United Nations threats. That evolution reached a crescendo in 1948 when the Revisionist paramilitary group Lehi assassinated the UN Mediator, Count Bernadotte. That act was a catalyst that began the end of the war and the solidification of a Palestinian refugee crisis that persists to the present. As the Iron Wall Doctrine evolved from the early teachings of Jabotinsky through anticolonial violence and the removal of native Arabs from the new state of Israel, future prime ministers who were former Revisionist terrorists maintained the prescribed perpetual state of war Jabotinsky predicted with the now landless Palestinians. This research concludes that both Jabotinsky and Bernadotte were crucial characters in the narrative that allowed for the Iron Wall Doctrine, and thus the Jewish state, to not only exist but to carry on beyond the 1948 independence into the long standing conflict it has become.
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Rahimullah, Riyad. "Prevalence and correlates of radicalised thinking amongst adolescent Muslims in Islamic high schools." Thesis, Griffith University, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/380072.
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A concerning marginal minority of Australian Muslims are believed to be fighting abroad for terrorist organisations such as ISIS. Consequently, it is plausible that there are certain variables influential in the violent radicalisation of some Muslims, although no evidence exists ascertaining the prevalence of this radicalisation process. Existing international research, although prone to methodological limitations, has identified possible reasons for radicalisation that may apply in the current Australian context. The present study seeks to explore (a) the prevalence of radicalised thinking, or otherwise put, violent extremist thinking, (b) the prevalence of factors possibly contributing toward radicalisation, and (c) which of these factors were associated with radicalised or violent extremist thinking among adolescent Muslims within Islamic schools. A mixed-methods design was employed in the present research to address these aims.
For the qualitative component of the study, nine focus groups comprising a total of 94 participants were facilitated to explore adolescents’ perceptions of violent radicalisation. The quantitative component utilised an online questionnaire, which utilised novel and pre-existing scales and questions to explore factors implicated in radicalisation, manifestations of extremist thinking and different forms of terrorism. In total, 334 responses were received throughout the phases of the research. Participants recruited for this research were students enrolled in two Islamic high schools in Australia.
During focus group discussions, participants sympathised with the Palestinian plight and supported Hamas’s conflict with Israel. All participants were opposed to ISIS except for one, who expressed support but did not recognise ISIS as a terrorist group responsible for the inhumane atrocities they were committing. All participants, including this one participant, unequivocally objected to terrorism and the taking of innocent lives.
Focus groups also explored several potentially significant predictors of violent extremist thinking, namely racism and the perceptions of the media. Participants were very aware of anti-Muslim racism. A significant negative perception was observed among many participants who held the view that the media was biased against Muslims in Australia.
The quantitative component of this study, measured various manifestations of violent extremist thinking including takfir (pronouncing a Muslim guilty of apostasy), perceiving a utility in terrorism, support for suicide bombing targeting soldiers and civilians, support for Al-Qaeda and bin Laden, support for groups that attack Western soldiers and civilians, and approval of Muslim attacks on Israeli soldiers, American and Australian soldiers (in Iraq, Afghanistan or based domestically) and Australian and American civilians (in Muslim countries and domestically). The results indicated that, while a very small minority of participants exhibited extremist attitudes, the majority held moderate attitudes and opposed terrorism. However, a modest proportion of participants did not formulate an opinion or did not respond to certain questions.
As the questionnaire highlighted, several factors previously implicated in radicalisation were present among the participants, including ambitions for Islam on the international stage, religiosity, Muslim identification, perceived threats to Islam and attitudes against Westernisation. A smaller proportion of participants ranked high on other implicated factors, which included perceiving the West as being against Islam, perceiving anti-Muslim racism, awareness of socio-political events, and low Australian identification. Other factors tested showed minimal levels of alignment. Despite many participants exhibiting higher levels of these ‘risk factors’, participants who actually exhibited extremist thinking were uncommon, as already mentioned.
This study employed correlation and multiple regression to identify that a consistent pattern of factors correlated with the different expressions of extremist thinking measured within the questionnaire. The factors which always or nearly always correlated with extremist thinking included religiosity, Australian identification, Westernisation, integration, thinking the West is against Islam and anti-Western sentiment. Other factors were sometimes correlated with extremist thinking, including an awareness of the socio-political atmosphere of society during the year 2014 and gender. The remaining factors failed to correlate at all, or correlated on a minor number of examples of extremist thinking, including age, Muslim identification, ethnic identification, experience of racism, perception of racism, awareness of the socio-political events of 2014, ambitions for Islam on the world stage, and perceiving threats to Islam. However, one manifestation of violent thinking did not match the above pattern of correlates: approval of Muslim attacks on Israeli soldiers. This might suggest that participants considered this manner of violence is conceptually different from other forms of violence.
This study demonstrates the uncommon prevalence of violent extremist thinking and the commonality of moderate thinking among adolescent Australian Muslims. Certain limitations to this research’s methodology do exist which will be discussed. However, these do not jeopardise the conclusions drawn from this research. The findings of this study serve to inform policies and practices that can be adopted by schools, communities and governments to prevent violent radicalisation.<br>Thesis (PhD Doctorate)<br>Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)<br>School of Human Serv & Soc Wrk<br>Griffith Health<br>Full Text
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Kooyai, Kusuma. "La présence et la représentation de la violence dans les médias en Thaïlande : réflexion sur la période 2004-2006." Thesis, Paris 2, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA020037/document.
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La presse informe, mais elle élabore aussi les représentations à partir desquelles nous interprétons car elle évoque certains de nos souvenirs historiques et quelques points de repères idéologiques. Ce travail examine la présence et la représentation médiatique de la violence dans les journaux thaïlandais, et les rapports entre médias et pouvoirs, entre 2004- 2006, dans la période de la nouvelle vague de l’insurrection thaïlandaise . Nous proposons des problèmes structurels qui confirment l ’hypothèse selon laquelle violence et médias ne sont pas dans la relation d’harmonie . Les discours médiatiques du conflit thaïlandais oscillent selon des pouvoirs. Le premier problème concerne la manière de qualifier les événements. En 2004, les événements violents sont ramenés à des conduites criminalisées. La presse thaïlandaise a minimisé la menace des groupes d’intérêts clandestins. Le « Faï Taï » et les « bandits du sud » sont d’usage dans la stratégie discursive de la presse pour illustrer les désordres qui nécessitent des actes pathologiques. Les photographies de presse sont traitées aussi dans le même ordre. Au moment où les acteurs violents élaborent mieux leurs stratégies médiatiques, la représentation médiatique de la violence est plus d’amplifier la portée politique du phénomène. Les acteurs violents sont souvent présentés comme de véritables forces de l’ombre, capables de défier le pouvoir de l’État et de menacer la sécurité des civils. De ce cas, le discours médiatique, notamment la représentation photographique, souligne donc la force militaire et l’usage de la violence légitime de l’État contre l’insurrection<br>The press has not only informed, but also constructed the representation, interpreted by evoking some of our historical memories and a few points of ideological marks. This thesis examines the presence and the representation of violence in the southernmost region of Thailand, and the relationships between media and power in conflict situation during 2004-2006 under the new wave of Thailand’s insurgency. We propose the structural problems which confirm the hypothesis that violence and the media are not in the relationship of harmony. The first concerns how the press qualifies the events. In 2004, the violence in southern Thailand was degraded to the lines of crimes. The Thai press has minimized the status of the insurgents to the criminal groups. "Fai Tai " and " bandit " are used as the discursive strategy by the press to illustrate the disturbances, which require pathological acts. The press photographs are also processed in the same order. When the insurgents have better developed their communicative strategies, the media representation of violence has more amplified the political scope of phenomenon. The violent actors are often presented as the real forces in the shadow, challenging the State power and threatening the security of civilians. In this case, the media discourse, including the photographic representation, focuses on the military forces and the use of legitimate violence against the insurgency. The second problem relates to the ideologies and the different identities which are the root of the conflict. The Thainess structures the discourse and the actions of the protagonists of the conflict, as well as the media discourse. The discourse of Thai popular newspapers such as Thairat and Matichon clearly insists on the unity of the Thai society and the security of the nation. As the discourse of southern violence, the representation of the protagonists of conflict can be read. In the Thai press, the Malay-Muslims in the southern provinces are presented in the image of the poor, disadvantaged, being dominated by certain erroneous beliefs
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Thomas, Matthew Nickolai. "Perceived Salafi-Jihadi Exceptionalism and its effects on CVE (Counter Violent Extremism) Policy." Ohio University Honors Tutorial College / OhioLINK, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ouhonors1556284965124805.
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Browne, William W. "Constituency constraints on violence Al-Qaeda and WMD." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2006. http://bosun.nps.edu/uhtbin/hyperion.exe/06Dec%5FBrowne.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs (Homeland Security and Defense))--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2006.<br>Thesis Advisor(s): Michael Freeman, James Russell. "December 2006." Includes bibliographical references (p. 67-72). Also available in print.
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Kassam, Mebarka. "Entre radicalisation violente et islamophobie : L’expérience comparée d'étudiants musulmans engagés au sein d'Étudiants Musulmans de France (EMF) et de Federation of Students Islamic Societies (FOSIS) en Grande-Bretagne (2005 – 2015)." Thesis, Paris Est, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019PESC0026.
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La comparaison du discours de jeunes citoyens français et britanniques de confession musulmane issus de l’immigration postcoloniale et engagés au sein d’Etudiants musulmans de France et des Islamic Societies dans un contexte de lutte internationale contre le terrorisme et d’islamophobie a fait émerger un discours alternatif identique aux deux groupes. Celui-ci s’est inscrit dans le processus d’institutionnalisation de l’islam de l’entre-deux-guerres à la période contemporaine pour retracer l’évolution de la constitution des communautés musulmanes dans les deux pays et le processus de racialisation de l’identité islamique.En considérant les différences entre les systèmes étatiques français et britanniques, notamment les politiques d’immigration et d’intégration, cette thèse a cherché à démontrer les similitudes quant au traitement des populations issues des colonies françaises et britanniques, depuis la présence des soldats, étudiants et travailleurs immigrés de la Première Guerre mondiale au regroupement familial dans les années 1960-1970, à l’émergence sur la scène politique des générations suivantes dans les années 1980, à la criminalisation des jeunes de confession musulmane dans la lutte contre la radicalisation violente à partir de 2005. L’analogie entre les deux pays dans la gestion d’une population issue des colonies est particulièrement lisible dans le processus de gouvernance racialisé des jeunes de confession musulmane à l’ère sécuritaire et de l’islamophobie décomplexée. Les figures du jeune potentiel terroriste et de la fille voilée sont depuis le 11 septembre au cœur des débats sur l’identité nationale, les valeurs françaises et britanniques et l’égalité des sexes, tandis que les communautés musulmanes sont érigées en communautés suspectes. La focalisation dans ce travail sur l’expérience comparée et les subjectivités des étudiants enquêtés a tendu à démontrer comment leurs constructions identitaires, au croisement de la classe, de la race et du genre, brouillent les frontières établies des appartenances ethniques, sociales et culturelles pour faire place à des identifications et des représentations multiples transcendant les représentations établies. C’est à l’interstice de différents espaces (local, national, international) dans un monde globalisé qu’a émergé un discours alternatif au discours homogénéisant et essentialisant des identités musulmanes<br>From the comparison of the discourse of young French and British citizens of Muslim faith from postcolonial immigration who are involved in Etudiants Musulmans de France and Islamic Societies in a context of international war against terrorism and islamophobia, has emerged an alternative discourse identical to two groups. Their discourse has been inscribed in the process of institutionalizing Islam from the mid-war to the contemporary period to trace the evolution of the constitution of Muslim communities in both countries and the process of racialization of Islamic identity.Considering the differences between French and British state systems, particularly immigration and integration policies, this thesis has sought to demonstrate similarities in the treatment of populations from French and British colonies, from the presence of soldiers, students and immigrant workers of the First World War to the settlement of immigrants from the 1960s-1970s, the emergence on the political scene of the following generations in the 1980s, and the criminalization of young Muslims in the war against violent radicalization from 2005. The analogy between the two countries in the management of postcolonial populations is particularly readable in the process of racialized governance of young people of Muslim faith in the era of security and uninhibited Islamophobia. The figures of the young potential terrorist and the veiled girl have been at the heart of the debates on national identity, French and British values and gender equality since September 11, while Muslim communities are erected into suspect communities.The focus in this work on the comparative experience and subjectivities of the students surveyed has tended to demonstrate how their identity constructions, at the intersection of class, race and gender, blur the established boundaries of ethnic, social and cultural belonging to give way to multiple identifications and representations that transcend established representations. It is at the interstice of different spaces (local, national, international) in a globalized world that an alternative discourse to the homogenizing and essentializing discourse of Muslim identities has emerged
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Marsden, Sarah V. "How terrorism ends : understanding the outcomes of violent political contestation." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/3970.
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Existing scholarship suggests terrorism is an ineffective method of political contestation; groups rarely achieve their political objectives and are often disrupted by the security services. These findings invite us to look again at the dominant rational choice paradigm, which suggests that terrorism is selected as the best strategy to achieve predetermined goals. Unpicking the assumptions underpinning this model using historical case studies, comparative analysis and typology development, this thesis broadens our interpretation of what those who use terrorism seek to achieve. It does so via a tripartite framework. First, employing a new reading of American pragmatist thought, interpreting militant group goals as culturally and socially mediated problems opens up a new vista of outcomes, in particular examining the way terrorism seeks to change relations between people. Second, using Social Movement Theory as its organising framework, an empirically derived typology of militant groups sets out the background political conditions and organisational characteristics of 28 dormant groups. Using existing models of interpreting outcomes to assess these historical cases demonstrates the unmet challenges of providing robust explanations for why terrorism ends and what it achieves. Third, the thesis explores the promise of a mechanism and process-led approach to explaining outcomes. It does so through in-depth examination of two historical case studies: Kach and the Aden-Abyan Islamic Army. Despite being classified as failures, using largely neglected primary sources, the case studies reveal a range of fascinating and important outcomes that still resonate in Israel and Yemen today. Most of these methodological and conceptual tools are being applied to the question of terrorism's outcomes for only the first or second time. In doing so, this thesis offers greater depth than existing scholarship on how terrorism ends, by looking beyond measures such as success and failure in interpreting outcomes, whilst affording greater breadth through its ability to make comparative assessments at the level of mechanisms and processes. The result is a more detailed and robust set of explanations as to how terrorism ends and what it achieves, illustrated through detailed historical case studies of two interesting, yet often neglected, groups.
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Hartshorne, Eric. "The making of a terrorist : A discourse analysis of the expert construction of violent Islamic extremism in Sweden." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-329956.
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This study focuses on the ontological and epistemological assumptions within the construction of expert knowledge regarding violent Islamic extremism in Sweden. Setting out from the academic field of critical terrorism studies, previous research highlights how following the 2001 attacks against the United States (9/11) Islam and terrorism have been presented as codependent. In this thesis I argue that in a Swedish context two overarching themes have been constructed by Swedish experts regarding violent Islamic extremists in Sweden, that of the passive victim, who is susceptible to the particular nature of their environment which is tainted by ‘alienation’, ‘segregation’, along with extremist influences; and the active threat, who is ‘anti - democratic‘, ‘manipulative’, and ‘violent’. In order to analyze the discursive constructs of the experts I have strategically selected reports from four Swedish centers of expertise and thereafter analyzed the reports through a theoretical and methodological framework based upon Michel Foucault’s (1972) discourse analysis. I argue that by applying Foucault’s discourse analysis to the reports it is possible to see how the experts do construct a connection between Islam and Muslims to violent extremism and terrorism by ascribing a particular notion of vulnerability amongst the perceived group in regards to their susceptibility to radicalization and violent extremism. In turn, exceptionally associating violent extremism and terrorism with Islam and Muslims. More so, I argue that the experts derive their legitimacy from the Swedish government and from internal and external confirmation and are as such part of a limited epistemological community. Therefore, the Swedish government acts not only as delimiters of the emergence of experts within the field, but also in the discursive rule formation of what is deemed as related to the field of terrorism studies and what is not.
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James, Amilia. "Intimate Partner Violence in Muslim Communities in the United States: A Theological, Psychological, and Legal Perspective." Thesis, Boston College, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:106857.
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Thesis advisor: Natana DeLong-Bas<br>This thesis analyzes intimate partner violence (IPV, also referred to as domestic violence) in Muslim communities in the U.S. from a legal, psychological, and theological perspective. IPV is a global issue—it is in no way confined to one ethnicity or religion. However, every community has its own set of challenges to face when dealing with IPV. This thesis assesses the risk factors that may be present in Muslim communities in the U.S.— risk factors include behaviors and beliefs that may harm victims of IPV as they seek help, support, and safety. It is equally important to assess sources of strength found within the community that help victims fight oppression, re-gain self-esteem, live in safety, and face their experiences of IPV with a resilient spirit. This thesis is a resource for all advocates who work with Muslim IPV victims and will enable them to use an Islamic framework to help bring healing and restoration to survivors of IPV<br>Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2016<br>Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences<br>Discipline: Arts and Sciences Honors Program<br>Discipline: Theology
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Christiansen, Sara. "Preventing Radicalization in Prisons: A comparative analysis of the Danish and Swedish Prison and Probation Service's counter-radicalization strategies within prisons." Thesis, Malmö högskola, Fakulteten för hälsa och samhälle (HS), 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-25955.
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It is important to direct resources to effective evidence- and value-based counter-radicalization strategies, especially within prisons. With the increasing threat ofviolence and terror from various violent extremist groups, such as Daesh, thefocus on prisons should be intensified. While radicalization within prisons was nota significant problem a decade ago, the new recruitment strategies from e.g.Daesh now pose a new challenge for prisons. This thesis identifies contemporaryliterature on radicalization, deradicalization, and violent extremism within aprison context. From this seven recurrent themes were identified: overcrowding,religious chaplains, sectioning, risk assessment, monitoring and supervision,rehabilitation programs and education of staff. This was then used to develop anassessment model, which was based on the Canadian Risk-Need-Responsivitymodel’s three core principles, for evaluating and conducting counterradicalizationstrategies. The assessment model was then used as a framework fora comparative analysis of the Danish and Swedish Prison and Probation Services’counter-radicalization strategies within prisons. The results show that bothcountries adhered to a degree to the assessment model and current literaturewithin the field. The results further reveal that there is a lack of empiricalevidence and data on radicalization and counter-radicalization within prisons, andthat the data available is somewhat outdated.
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Larsson, Gustav. "The Caliphate and the Aiding Sword : A content analysis of "Islamic State" propaganda." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Religionshistoria, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-139864.
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A content analysis of "Islamic State" (IS) propaganda material released around the movement's proclamation of a Caliphate in 2014, this study is an attempt at analysing ways in which presented arguments express a coherent narrative of symbolic meaning. Using Robert Benford & David Snow's ideas on the so-called three core framing tasks as a clarifying template, I discuss ways in which the analysed material argues for the legitimacy and relevance of the IS movement. IS propagandists argue that the Muslim umma is under attack, and that Muslims need to unite under a common authority that can protect their religion, restore their strength, and counteract their humiliation. The IS Caliphate is presented as a hopeful sign, but is in need of committed recruits who are willing to sacrifice for what is presented as the greater good. As the analysed propaganda is particularly focused on this latter (motivational) aspect of the narrative, it focuses extensively on formulating arguments that reinforce it. I hold that many of these arguments can be traced back to what can be described as appeals to virtues like sincerity, authenticity, and truthfulness – and that all of these are also used to argue for the credibility of the IS Caliphate as an Islamic authority. Arguing that this Caliphate will serve the role of an aiding sword of Islam, it is furthermore presented as a necessary and vigorous structure aimed at protecting "truth" and at eradicating "falsehood".
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Aslam, Maleeha. "On the pretext of Islam : gender-based violence in Pakistan : a case-study of Khairpur, Sindh." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2007. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/252059.
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Mundy, Jacob Andrew. "Representation, civil war and humanitarian intervention : the international politics of naming Algerian violence, 1992-2002." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10036/117792.
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This examination criticises some of the main textual efforts within the self-identified politiography of Algeria that have attempted to help make the last twenty years of violent conflict in Algeria intelligible to Western audiences. It attends to the way in which particular representations of Algerian violence were problematised within, and cross-problematised with, prevailing international security discourses and practices, especially the concurrently emergent litterature on civil wars and armed humanitarian intervention. Unsatisfied with general international response to the conflict in Algeria in the 1990s, particularly the major massacres of 1997 and 1998, this study questions how certain problematisations were used to understand the violence and how those renderings contributed to the troubled relationship between the representation of mass violence in Algeria and international efforts to intervene against it. As a study in politiography, the primary object of analysis here is not the entire discursive field of Algerian violence but rather select yet influential scholarly texts within the genre of late Algerian violence. While these works helped co-constitute the broader discursive formations of Algerian violence that enabled its own representation as such, this examination does not necessarily address them vis-à-vis unique, superior or competing representations drawn from the traditionally privileged sites of initial discursive production of international security. The primary method of critique here is deconstructive in so far as it simply uses the texts — their arguments, their evidence and their archival logic — against themselves. Borrowing insights from currents in recent neopragmatist thought, this study seeks to reverse engineer some of the more dominant international problematisations of Algerian violence, so as to unearth the deeper politics of naming built into specific representations of Algeria and more generic frameworks of international security. After first exploring the conflict’s contested political and economic etiology (chapter three), as well as its disputed classification as a civil war (chapter four), this study closely examines the interpretations of the most intense civilian massacres, those that occurred between August 1997 and January 1998 (chapters five and six). How these representations resulted in the threat of (armed) humanitarian intervention are of particular concern (chapter seven), as are the ways in which foreign actors have attempted to historically contextualise Algeria’s alleged tradition and culture of violence (chapter eight). The aim is not to produce — though it cannot but help contribute to — a new history or account of the politics of the Algerian conflict and its internationalisation. The intent is first to underscore the inherent yet potentially auspicious dangers within all problematisations of mass violence. Secondly, it is to advocate for ironic forms of politiography, given the politics always-already embedded within acts of naming, particularly when it comes to questions of mass violence. A politiography that is able to appreciate the contingency of representation and intervention, and so underscores the need for a more deliberately and deliberative ethical and democratic politics of representation in the face of atrocity.
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Strömbäck, Joakim. "Våldsbejakande extremism i Stockholms söderort : En kvalitativ studie om kommunalt preventionsarbete i anknytning till våldsbejakande extremism." Thesis, Södertörns högskola, Sociologi, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-31760.
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This research paper aims to examine how local boroughs in the South suburbs of Stockholm work with matters relating to radicalism and violent extremism with roots in white power environments and Islam. The paper will look at the different challenges faced by the local Boroughs in tackling the problems in the future. The empirical material that forms the basis of this paper have been collected through semi structured interviews with local coordinators employed by three different boroughs within the South suburbs of Stockholm. The theoretical framework of the study is formed by a typological model that comprises different kinds of crime prevention exercises with backgrounds in superordinate values. The empirical material has been analyzed in relation to crime prevention as a societal phenomenon depending on what preventive method has been given the timely aspect related to primary, secondary or tertiary prevention. Results show that radicalism and violent extremism are phenomenon with substantial complexity, according to all participating coordinators, white power environments tend to be significantly more violent in their behaviour and serves as the primary local threat whereas activities relating to radical Islam is more limited. The coordinators speak about the necessity to work for an inclusive society rather than controlling which risks stigmatizing the individuals who could be considered in an already weak and resource scarce situations. The study show that the boroughs dominant prevention mechanisms are formed of structural and socialization prevention methods rather than effective reduction and/or controlling prevention.<br>Denna studie syftar till att undersöka hur kommuner i Stockholm söderort arbetar med frågor som rör sig kring radikalisering och våldsbejakande extremism rörande vit makt-miljöer och islamistisk extremism samt vilka utmaningar som deltagande kommuner uppger föreligga i framtiden. Det empiriska underlag som studien innefattas av är inhämtat genom semi-strukturella intervjuer med samordnare inom tre olika kommuner i Stockholm söderort. Studiens teoretiska ramverk utgörs delvis av olika typer av en typologisk modell som innefattar olika typer av brottspreventiva åtgärder och hur dessa typer utgörs med bakgrund av olika överordnade värden. Studiens empiriska material är analyserat i anknytning till brottsprevention som samhällsfenomen i sig samt vilket avseende som preventiva åtgärder utgör i relation till insatsens tidsaspekt-primär/sekundär/tertiär prevention. Studiens resultat redogör att radikalisering och våldsbejakande extremism är ett komplext fenomen. Samtliga samordnare som deltagit i studien poängterar för vit makt-miljöer som den våldsbejakande miljö som utgör det primära hotet i kommunerna samt att vetskapen gällande aktiviteter av islamistiska extremist-miljöer är mer begränsad. Samordnarna belyser nödvändigheten att arbeta för ett inkluderande samhälle som ska förebygga utanförskap snarare än kontrollutövande insatser som riskerar att stigmatisera individer som redan är i en resurssvag position. Studien visar på att kommuners dominerande preventionsåtgärder utgörs av struktur och- socialisationsåtgärder snarare än effektiviseringsåtgärder och/eller kontrollåtgärder.
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Riotor, Clotilde. "Une réconciliation contestée : l'affaire de la répression de Tanjung Priok : violence, justice et fabrique de l'après-violence en Indonésie (1984-2005)." Thesis, Paris, EHESS, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017EHES0123.
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Pourquoi certains crimes d’État ou de masse sont-ils jugés au sortir d’un régime autoritaire ou d'une guerre civile, tandis que d'autres épisodes de violence voient leur traitement judiciaire en suspens ? Pourquoi passe-t-on parfois par des procédures ou institutions dites de « réconciliation » ? Ces dernières constituent-elles des formes de contournement de la justice ? La thèse tente de répondre à ces questions à l'aune d'un cas de violence survenu en 1984 en Indonésie. Tranchant avec un climat national souvent qualifié d'impunité des auteurs suspectés de violations graves passées, la « tragédie de Tanjung Priok » n'est pas restée sans suites. En 2003, cinq années après la démission de Suharto, quelque quinze militaires qui avaient été déployés sur les lieux lors du massacre furent jugés pour « crimes contre l'humanité » devant un tribunal national ad hoc des droits de l’homme. Or, une charte de « réconciliation », dite charte d'ishlah, se référant au droit islamique, signée avant le procès par les accusés et une partie des victimes, a déclenché une controverse et suscité l'embarras des acteurs institutionnels. Pour comprendre les enjeux de cette « réconciliation », ce travail fait dialoguer une revue comparative des mécanismes de justice transitionnelle à l'échelle internationale, avec un portrait de l'Indonésie en transition et une reconstitution historique des scènes-clés et polémiques ayant marqué l'ensemble d'une l'affaire qui s'étend sur plus de vingt ans. La thèse se démarque des descriptions surplombantes des lendemains de violence en insistant sur les dynamiques locales à l’œuvre sur une temporalité longue, à partir de sources variées (entretiens, tracts, procès, presse), depuis la contestation souterraine de la violence sous Suharto jusqu'aux années 2000. L'approche ici développée se distingue néanmoins des analyses centrées sur le déterminisme des structures pour mettre en lumière les effets de concaténation générés par la mondialisation des pratiques de justice transitionnelle<br>Why are some state or mass crimes judged in courts after a civil war or the fall of an authoritarian regime, while other episodes of violence see their judicial treatment suspended ? Why do they sometimes go through so-called “reconciliation” procedures or institutions? Are these forms of circumvention of justice ? This thesis is an attempt to answer these questions in the light of a case of violence in 1984 in Indonesia. In full contrast with a national climate often referred to as impunity of suspected perpetrators of serious past violations since the transition, the “tragedy of Tanjung Priok” has not remained without judicial consequences after the fall of Suharto in 1998. In 2003, about fifteen soldiers who were deployed on the scene during the bloody events were charged and tried for “crimes against humanity” before a national ad hoc human rights court. However, a charter of “reconciliation”, called ishlah charter, referring to Islamic law, signed before the trial between suspected perpetrators and some of the victims sparked off a controversy and the embarrassment of institutional actors. To understand the stakes of this “reconciliation”, this work makes an extensive review of the evolutions of transitional justice mechanisms on an international scale dialogue with a portrait of Indonesia in transition and a historical reconstitution of the key scenes and the controversies that have arisen over the course of this whole affair, which extends over more than twenty years. Thus, this thesis departs from disembodied descriptions of post-violence in order to insist on local dynamics at work on a long temporality, this being based on manifold sources (interviews, tracts, trials, press), from underground contests of State violence during Suharto's era up to the 2000s. Yet, it should also be distinguished from analysis in terms of determinism of structures and, conversely, puts the stress on the concatenation effects generated by the globalization of practices of transitional justice
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Algotsson, Lisa. "Prelude to Islamic extremism : A study of radicalization among Muslims in Sweden and the effects of Islamophobia." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för samhällsstudier (SS), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-85780.
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Abstract [en] On 27 April 2017 Sweden was struck by an Islamic terrorist attack which with various terrorist attacks in Europe, lead to increased Islamophobia and far-right populism in the country. This has seemingly led to Swedes becoming more prone to believe Islamophobic conspiracy theories. Such as the notion that Muslims are terrorists and Islam a violent religion from which terrorism springs to life. This twisted perception and further Islamophobia can lead to Muslims being perceived as a potential threat, due to being associated with terrorism. Since radicalization has been linked to social alienation and discrimination, the concern regarding increased Islamophobia in Sweden and what consequences it has on radicalization among Muslims in Sweden is warranted. Islamophobia is a form of discrimination against Muslims, but research regarding radicalization has not fully integrated the concept of Islamophobia with Islamic terrorism and its radicalization. This despite the increase of global Islamophobia and the witnessed increase of Islamic terrorism in forms of [Western] foreign terrorist fighters (FTFs), as well as home-grown cells and planned lone wolf attacks in recent years, which all indicate a potential increase in Islamic radicalization. As Islamophobia, far-right populism and extremist sentiments are growing in Sweden, this thesis presents a desk study through a qualitative text analysis, to investigate how the current climate and development affects Muslims in Sweden, and whether they are excluded as a result to presumably enhance national security. This is done through an abductive approach with an analytical framework focused on radicalization processes and the perspectives of inclusion and exclusion. The potential correlation between Islamophobia and radicalization among Muslims, where Sweden is used as an example to exemplify the consequences of Islamophobia regarding Islamic radicalization and security through exclusion contra development through inclusion is presented in this desk study.
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Bahi, Mohammed Al. "Sur la violence politique dans le monde arabe : idéologies et pratiques." Paris 5, 2007. http://www.theses.fr/2007PA07A004.
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Wilkinson, Benedict James. "The narrative delusion : strategic scripts and violent Islamism in Egypt, Saudi Arabia and Yemen." Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 2013. https://kclpure.kcl.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/the-narrative-delusion(6d1253a8-87a8-46c0-8a9d-eb847ddf778d).html.
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This PhD explores the strategic decision-making processes of violent Islamist movements in Egypt, Saudi Arabia and Yemen. The primary aim of this research is to investigate how these organisations formulate and select strategy. The research constructs an interdisciplinary approach to decision-making based on strategic scripts, which are viewed as cognitive structures that allow strategists to form expectations about how a sequence of events might unfold, enabling a potentially successful course of action to be selected. The research argues that there are a limited number of scripts available to violent Islamists: survival, power play, mobilisation, provocation, de-legitimisation, attrition, co-operation and de-mobilisation. The case study chapters are devoted to establishing the existence and nature of the eight scripts and to investigating how they unfold when operationalised, focusing on the interplay between terrorist action and government counter-terrorism reaction. The major conclusion is that while scripts govern decision-making by fostering expectations about the outcome of strategic options, there is a pervasive disparity between the way in which scripts, as theoretical visions, should unfold and the way in which strategies actually unfold. The final chapter argues that this disparity is a consequence of ‘narrative delusion’. It argues that strategic scripts are not simply cognitive structures, but also stories about the future, describing how situations evolve and conclude. The problem for strategists is that even credible stories can mislead by smothering the role played by luck, shortening the distance between cause and effect or oversimplifying the impact of human agency. But because scripts are persuasive stories, violent Islamists often remain blind to their inherent fallacies. The research concludes by arguing that, for the violent Islamists under study, narrative fallacies very often render scripts inadequate as well as making some more general observations about strategic decision-making outside the world of violent Islamism.
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Tripathi, Deepak. "A critical study of the Afghanistan and Iraq wars : interests, motives, actions and the makings of a culture of violence." Thesis, University of Roehampton, 2012. https://pure.roehampton.ac.uk/portal/en/studentthesis/a-critical-study-of-the-afghanistan-and-iraq-wars(06436b67-7f40-4a3c-b5b6-0970e7c49926).html.
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This submission includes two studies, based primarily on the use of historical archives, of the Afghan wars from 1978 and the Iraq War from 2003. Breeding Ground: Afghanistan and the Origins of Islamist Terrorism (2011) is a study of various layers of the Afghan conflict: the 1978 communist coup; the 1979 Soviet invasion and America’s proxy war against the Soviet occupying forces in the 1980s; and the rise of the Taliban in the 1990s. It shows how Islamist groups allied to the West against Soviet and Afghan communism turned into enemies of the United States, with consequences including the September 11, 2001 attacks, President George W. Bush’s retaliation against the Taliban in Afghanistan, and the invasion of Iraq. Overcoming the Bush Legacy in Iraq and Afghanistan (2010) is an analysis of the George W. Bush presidency in terms of its “war on terror.” The books thus study the Afghan and Iraqi conflicts in the context of United States foreign policy, with particular emphasis on the interests, actions and motives of actors in the conflicts and the interactions between internal and external actors. The central argument is that these factors contributed to the development of a “culture of violence,” defined as that “condition in which violence permeates all levels of society and becomes part of human thinking, behavior and way of life,” and how this provided space for “terrorist” groups to operate.