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1
Ilmi, Robby Hidayatul, and Ahmad Fauzi. "Pergeseran Paradigma Tafsir Islamis di Indonesia (Studi Kasus Mohammad Natsir dan Felix Y Siauw)." Mashdar: Jurnal Studi Al-Qur'an dan Hadis 4, no. 2 (December 31, 2022): 175–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.15548/mashdar.v4i2.4525.
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Islamists have always been defined by two categories, politically they want to unite religion and state and religiously they are literalists. This article will re-examine these two theses by assuming that not all islamists are literalists. Using descriptive-analytical method, this article will compare the interpretation of two prominent islamists leaders, Mohammad Natsir (early Islamist) and Felix Y Siauw (contemporary Islamist). Hans-Georg Gadamer's hermeneutics will be used as an analytical method whereas Abdul Mustaqim's epistemological classification of tafsiir will be used to map those islamist thoughts among other scholars. This article found, firstly, that not all islamists understand the Qur'an literally. Islamists are the same as literalists was produced by research that take sample on post-Soeharto Islamists. Second, there is a shift in the paradigm of islamists interpretation. The early phase of Islamists tended to be more contextual and influenced by early islamic reform. As for contemporary Islamists, they tend to be textual and militant. This research has shown that it is necessary to study these islamists, especially their understanding of Qur’anic text.
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IBRAHIM, Gusti Haikal, and Myrna LAKSMAN-HUNTLEY. "Marine Le Pen anti-islamism propaganda." FRANCISOLA 8, no. 2 (December 20, 2023): 72–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.17509/francisola.v8i2.67836.
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RÉSUMÉ. L'islamisme est une doctrine politique qui poursuit l'application exclusive des valeurs islamiques dans la politique et la société. En tant que question de sécurité de l'État, l'islamisme est également devenu une préoccupation politique pour le gouvernement français, y compris Marine Le Pen, pour le combattre sous forme de propagande. Cette recherche vise à montrer que Marine Le Pen utilise la structure des phrases dans l'une de ses interviews dans l'émission politique en direct Le Grand Jury pour propager publiquement l'anti-islamisme afin qu'il puisse influencer l'opinion publique française. Cette recherche qualitative utilise la théorie syntaxique de Le Querler (1994), la théorie de la propagande politique de Malraux (1928) et les composantes du sens de Leech (1981). Les résultats de la recherche ont révélé que la structure de phrase dominante utilisée par Marine Le Pen est constituée de phrases complexes, de sorte que la présentation de ses idées de propagande devient plus holistique, claire et pleine d'emphase, ne laissant aucune place au public pour réfléchir à nouveau aux raisons pour lesquelles la France devrait commencer à se battre l'idéologie de l'islamisme. Les éléments de peur, de diabolisation et de harcèlement contenus dans les peines sont des outils de propagande politique utilisés pour convaincre. Ainsi, à travers l’explication de la structure de la phrase et l’utilisation d’outils de propagande politique, il est prouvé que ce discours a été utilisé pour propager le mouvement islamiste et a réussi à accroître son éligibilité face aux élections de 2022.Mots-clés : Islamisme, Marine Le Pen, Propagande, Structure des phrases ABSTRACT. Islamism is a political movement or doctrine that pursues the exclusive application of Islamic values in politics and society. As a state security issue, Islamism has also become a political concern for the French government, including Marine Le Pen, to fight against in the form of propaganda. This research aims to show Marine Le Pen’s use of sentence structure in one of her interviews in the live political broadcast Le Grand Jury to publicly propagate anti-Islamism so that it might influence the French public. This qualitative research uses syntactic theory by Le Querler (1994), Malraux's political propaganda theory (1928), and Leech's (1981) components of meaning. The research results found that the dominant sentence structure used by Marine Le Pen involves phrase complexes so that the delivery of her propaganda ideas becomes more holistic, clear, and full of emphasis, leaving no room for the public to question why France should start fighting the ideology of Islamism. The elements of fear, demonization and harassment in sentences are the political propaganda tools used to persuade. Thus, through the explanation of the sentence structure and the use of political propaganda tools, it is proven that this speech was used to propagate the Islamist movement and succeeded in increasing its electability in the 2022 elections.Keywords: Islamism, Marine Le Pen, Propaganda, Sentence structure
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Baugut, Philip, and Katharina Neumann. "Online news media and propaganda influence on radicalized individuals: Findings from interviews with Islamist prisoners and former Islamists." New Media & Society 22, no. 8 (October 10, 2019): 1437–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1461444819879423.
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This study is the first to explore the twin influences of online propaganda and news media on Islamists. We conducted 44 in-depth interviews with cognitively and behaviorally radicalized Islamist prisoners in Austria as well as former Islamists in Germany and Austria. We found that online propaganda and news media had interdependent influences on Islamists’ rejections of non-Muslims and Western politics, as well as on their willingness to use violence and commit suicide. Cognitively radicalized individuals were influenced by propaganda that blamed non-Muslims for opposing Islam; this was reinforced by online mainstream news reports of right-wing populism and extremism that propagandists selectively distributed via social media. Among behaviorally radicalized individuals, exposure to propaganda and news reports depicting Muslim war victims contributed to the radicalized individuals’ willingness to use violence. Moreover, propaganda and media reports that extensively personalized perpetrators of violence strengthened radicalized individuals’ motivations to imitate the use of violence.
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Bohdan, Siarhei. ""They Were Going Together with the Ikhwan": The Influence of Muslim Brotherhood Thinkers on Shi'i Islamists during the Cold War." Middle East Journal 74, no. 2 (August 1, 2020): 243–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.3751/74.2.14.
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By analyzing the interest displayed by the followers of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini in writings by members of the Muslim Brotherhood, this article shows how the Shi'i Islamist movement in Iran and Afghanistan was both transnational and influenced by Sunni Islamists in the Arab world. Using mostly Iranian and Afghan sources, this article discusses these influences through the notion of Islamic revolutionary ecumenism. While much attention has been given to Khomeini's call to "export" Iran's Islamic Revolution, this article shows some of the ways his own followers "imported" their ideology.
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Barnett, Carolyn. "The Socialization of Female Islamists: Paternal and Educational Influence." Hawwa 7, no. 1 (2009): 57–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920809x449544.
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AbstractMany women have played an important role in Islamic renewal as advocates and activists within Islamist movements and parties. Women's participation is of particular interest, given the reputation of these groups as insufficiently supportive of women's rights. The specific influences and experiences that lead women to approach their own empowerment through Islam and to reform Islamist movements from within have been neglected. This article investigates some of the important influences on two prominent female Islamists: Heba Raouf Ezzat, Professor of Political Science at Cairo University, and Nadia Yassine, founder and head of the women's branch of the Moroccan movement Justice and Spirituality (JSA). First and foremost, it overviews the circumstances in which prominent women in Egypt and Morocco have asserted themselves in the past century, highlighting the consistent importance of paternal influence and the expansion of access to education, as well as the evolving role of religion and religious discourse in arguments for women's rights. This article discusses the role of paternal influence and schooling as agents of political socialization, pointing out that scholars have underestimated the important role that fathers play in strongly patriarchal societies and the ability of schools in former colonies to produce anti colonial and nationalist political sentiments. It then turns to Ezzat and Yassine themselves, presenting in detail the influence their fathers and foreign schools had on their political socialization. Both fathers held progressive views on women's education, but they differed in their specific political views, such as their attitude towards Islamism, and the extent to which they sought to transfer their political views to their daughters. This article ends by discussing the role of foreign education in Ezzat's and Yassine's socialization and identity construction, emphasizing the importance of encounters with racist and condescending attitudes as a contributing factor to women's search for Islamic alternatives.
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Palamar, Antonіі. "The Influence of Religion on the Political Situation in Egypt in 2011–2013: "Political Islam" and "Islamic Fundamentalism"." Grani 24, no. 1 (January 31, 2021): 58–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/172106.
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The influence of religion on politics is inherent not only to the Islamic world, however, none of political theorist should ignore the role of Islam in Muslims’ public life, its impact on the policies of Muslim nations and the global geopolitical situation. Due to its historical uniqueness Modern Islam is not only a religion but also a way of life for the vast majority of Muslims and the basis of their civilizational and even national self-identification. Therefore, the role of religion in the Muslim world is different to that of countries, mostly populated by Christians, as Christianity is legally separated from the system of public administration in European countries. Islam, on the other hand, regulates not only the sociocultural sphere of society, including human relations, but also significantly affects the socio-political life of many Muslim countries, where Islamist movements have now become the major part this sphere.In Egypt, where authoritarian secular regime of Hosni Mubarak was overthrown during the revolution, Islamists took the lead in the protest movement, won the first democratic elections and used the opportunity to lead the country after nearly 60 years of underground activity. This paper examines the influence of the religious factor on the change of Egypt’s political regime in 2011-2013 by conceptualizing the terms of “political Islam” and “Islamic fundamentalism.” The author concludes that the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood and its Freedom and Justice Party should not be defined as “fundamentalists” because: 1. they don’t try to return to a “righteous caliphate,” Sharia, and a literal perception of the sacred texts; 2. the Brothers could not be viewed as the most conservative force among Islamists, while Salafists are properly rightly considered to be; 3. the association is considered as a part of moderate Islamism, an ideology that does not mandate any the use of armed methods of struggle. At the same time, the author argues that owing to the fact that Egyptian “Muslim Brotherhood” adhered to moderate Islamism as an ideological party basis, it became a decisive reason that provided them a venue at the top tier of the government in 2011-2013.
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Maula, Bani Syarif. "The State Legal Policies on Sharia Application in Changing Pattern of Indonesia’s Islamic Movements." Al Hurriyah : Jurnal Hukum Islam 7, no. 1 (July 12, 2022): 15. http://dx.doi.org/10.30983/alhurriyah.v7i1.5455.
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<p><span>Legal politics are inextricably linked to power politics. Political dynamics in Indonesia are always colored by the dynamics of Islamic politics, as most Indonesians' political aspirations are influenced by Islamic views. This paper examines the evolution of Islamic law in the modern Indonesian democratic system, particularly after the reform era. Indonesia's democratisation gave rise to freedom of expression and opinion. Even today, Islamic conservatism is growing in Indonesia, but this does not mean that radical Islamist groups are gaining strength. Many political organisations, including Islamic parties and other Islamic movements, have liberated themselves and broadened their organisational philosophies in order to address broader issues and concerns. While maintaining their Islamic identity, some Islamic groups are turning towards the secularization of their goals and objectives as a means of adapting to the changing political environment. Political analysts refer to this development as post-Islamism. The current direction of Islamic politics is more accommodating aspects of democracy but still highlights its Islamic sides. This makes the government more accommodative to laws and regulations based on Islamic teachings.</span></p><p><span><em><span>Politik hukum tidak lepas dari aspek-aspek politik kekuasaan. Di Indonesia, dinamika politik juga tidak lepas dari politik Islam, karena aspirasi politik sebagian besar masyarakat Indonesia dipengaruhi oleh pandangan Islam. Makalah ini membahas tentang perkembangan hukum Islam dalam sistem demokrasi Indonesia kontemporer, terutama setelah masa reformasi. Demokratisasi Indonesia memunculkan kebebasan berpendapat dan berekspresi. Bahkan saat ini konservatisme Islam di Indonesia semakin meningkat, namun hal itu bukan berarti menguatnya kelompok Islamis radikal. Banyak organisasi politik termasuk partai Islam dan gerakan-gerakan Islam lainnya melakukan pembebasan diri dan melakukan keterbukaan filosofi organisasi mereka untuk mengakomodasi berbagai masalah dan keprihatinan yang lebih luas. Sambil mempertahankan identitas keislamannya, beberapa kelompok Islam beralih ke arah sekularisasi tujuan dan sasaran mereka sebagai sarana untuk beradaptasi dengan lingkungan politik yang berubah. Analis politik menyebut perkembangan ini sebagai post-Islamisme. Arah politik Islam saat ini lebih mengakomodasi aspek-aspek demokrasi namun tetap menonjolkan sisi keislamannya. Hal ini membuat pemerintah lebih bersikap akomodatif terhadap peraturan perundang-undangan yang berlandaskan ajaran Islam.</span></em></span></p>
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Dobaev, I. "Islamic Terror Organizations in Northern Caucasus: Influence of Exogenous Factor." World Economy and International Relations, no. 10 (2012): 13–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2012-10-13-20.
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Modern terrorism does not lock itself in the framework of a particular region. The activities of certain terror groups is extremely decentralized, there is a regular communication via the Internet. This particularly applies to radical Islamist groups. Terrorists flow from one country to another, the youth is travelling for study in spiritual centers of Islamic education in Arab countries. The article is devoted to the analysis of the Caucasus Emirate which turned to become an important network structure of radical Islamists.
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Haryanto, Agus, Saras Ikhtia Maulida, and Arief Bakhtiar Darmawan. "The Influence of AKP Party on Turkey’s State Identity during Erdogan Administration." Jurnal Global & Strategis 13, no. 2 (November 25, 2019): 93. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/jgs.13.2.2019.93-107.
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ABSTRAK Penelitian ini menjelaskan pengaruh partai Adelete Ve Kalkinma Partisi (AKP) terhadap identitas negara (state identity) Turki pada tahun 2002-2018. Penelitian ini fokus kepada perubahan yang dilakukan AKP terhadap identitas negara Turki pada tahun 2002-2018. 2002 yang merupakan awal pemerintahan Turki dibawah AKP, serta dibatasi pada tahun 2018 yang merupakan batas penulis dalam meneliti dikarenakan keterbatasan waktu, mengingat AKP dan Erdogan masih memerintah sampai saat ini. Penelitian ini menggunakan konsep state identity oleh Maxym Alexandrov yang merekonseptualisasikan state identity agar lebih komprehensif. Penulis juga menggunakan teori peran (role theory) untuk melihat peran kelompok AKP dalam kebijakan luar negeri Turki. Jenis penelitian ini ialah penelitian kualitatif. Berdasarkan hasil penelitian, AKP berhasil membentuk state identity baru yang mendasarkan pada nilai-nilai sejarah, budaya dan sosialisasi masyarakat Turki. Namun, conservative democratic ini tidak sesuai dengan apa yang diharapkan sebelumnya. AKP menggunakan strategi politik populisme, yang mana ia memiliki ruang untuk ideologi lain dalam ideologi conservative democratic, yaitu Islamisme. Hal ini terlihat dari berbagai kebijakan dalam dan luar negerinya, rezim Erdogan menjadi pemerintahan yang otoriter ke dalam, namun Islamis ke luar. Turki mencoba untuk menjadi pemimpin regional dan mengambil peran dalam komunitas negara-negara Islam. Erdogan dianggap memanfaatkan demokrasi sebagai batu loncatan untuk membentuk negara Islam. Kata kunci: Adelete Ve Kalkinma Partisi, identitas negara, Erdogan, teori peran, Turki This study explains the influence of Adelete Ve Kalkinma Partition (AKP) party on Turkish state identity in 2002-2018. This research focuses on the changes made by the AKP to Turkish state identity in 2002-2018. 2002 which was the beginning of the Turkish government under the AKP, and was limited to 2017 which was the author's boundary in research due to time constraints, considering that the AKP and Erdogan still governed until now. This research uses the concept of the state identity approach by Maxym Alexandrov who reconceptualizes the state identity to be more comprehensive. The authors also use role theory to see the role of the AKP group in Turkish foreign policy. This type of research is qualitative research. Based on the results of the research, the AKP succeeded in forming a new state identity based on the historical, cultural and socialization values of Turkish society. However, conservative democratic is not in accordance with what was previously expected. The AKP uses a political strategy of populism, where it has room for other ideologies in conservative democratic ideology, there is Islamism in it. This can be seen from various internal and foreign policies, Erdogan's regime became an authoritarian government inward, but Islamists came out. Turkey tries to become a regional leader and take a role in the community of Islamic countries. Erdogan is considered to use democracy as a springboard to form an Islamic state. Keywords: Adelete Ve Kalkinma Partisi, Erdogan, role theory, state identity, Turkey
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Dolgov, Boris V. "The Islamist Challenge in the Greater Mediterranean." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 21, no. 4 (December 27, 2021): 655–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2021-21-4-655-670.
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The article examines and analyzes the spread of Islamism or Political Islam movements in the Greater Mediterranean and their increasing influence on the socio-political situation in 2011-2021. The historical factors, which contributed to the emergence of the hearths of Islamic culture in the countries which entered the Arab Caliphate in the Greater Mediterranean parallel with the Antique centers of European civilization, are retrospectively exposed. The Islamist ideologues called the Ottoman Imperia the heir of the Arab Caliphate. The main doctrinal conceptions of Political Islam and its more influential movement Muslim Brotherhood (forbidden in Russia) are discovered. The factor of the Arab Spring, which considerably influenced the strengthening of the Islamist movements, as well as its continuation of the protests in the Arab countries in 2018-2021, is examined. The main attention is allotted to analyzing the actions of the Islamic movements in Tunisia, Egypt, Algeria, and in the Libyan and Syrian conflicts too. The influence of external actors, the most active of which was Turkey, is revealed. The author also analyzes the situation in the Arab-Muslim communities in the European Mediterranean on the example of France, where social-economic problems, aggravated by COVID-19, have contributed to the activation of radical Islamist elements. It is concluded that confronting the Islamist challenge is a complex and controversial task. Its solution depends on both forceful opposition to radical groups and an appropriate foreign policy. An important negative factor is the aggravation of socio-economic problems and crisis phenomena in the institutions of Western democracy, in response to which the ideologues of Islamism preach an alternative world order in the form of an Islamic state. At the moment the Western society and the countries which repeat its liberal model do not give a distinct response to this challenge.
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Aulin, Oleksandr. "State information policy of leading Muslim countries in the field of securitization of Islam: experience for Ukraine." Public administration aspects 8, no. 5 (October 30, 2020): 22–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/152090.
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The purpose of the article is to analyze the state policy of the leading Muslim countries in the field of securitization of Islam with the definition of the most successful approaches that can be used by the state authorities to prevent radical Islamism in Ukraine.The relevance of the article is that today more and more countries are suffering from terrorist attacks and other manifestations of religious and ethnic intolerance. Most of these actions are carried out by supporters of Islam, a significant number of whom also live in modern Ukraine. In this context, it is important to have an objective view of the situation in Muslim communities, where radical Islamists make up a small percentage and, moreover, have a large number of opponents.Based on the objectives of the study, the methods of system analysis, structural and functional and the method of analogy in public administration were used.As a result, the structural features of the securitization of Islam, as well as the conditions and principles of its application in the state information policy of the leading Muslim countries were clarified. Causal links have been established that have influenced the need to securitize Islam. The main ways to solve the problem are identified, taking into account the relationships identified during the study and the structural and functional features of the environment.Conclusions. It is shown that the significant attention of the state authorities of the leading Muslim countries to the problem of securitization of Islam is caused primarily by the activities of local radical Islamists, as well as the influence of other Islamist centers from abroad. Measures to securitize Islam in leading Muslim countries are systematic, well-coordinated, and use all available resources.In order to improve the state information policy of Ukraine in the field of securitization of Islam, the most effective practices of securitization of Islam, tested in the leading Muslim countries, have been proposed for making administrative decisions by the state authorities of Ukraine.
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Satterley, Shane. "Islamist Extremism in Australia: Tracing the Ideological Roots and Pathways to Radicalisation." Journal of Controversial Ideas 4, no. 1 (April 29, 2024): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.35995/jci04010003.
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Australia has not been immune from patterns of recruitment, attacks and foreign fighters harbouring the ideology of Islamist-jihadism. This paper draws on sociological data from a nationwide survey of 1034 Muslim Australians to analyse the way in which pathways to knowledge exist for Muslim Australians in relation to interpretations of Islam and, importantly, the adoption of an Islamist or Militant interpretation. Islamist and Militant typologies will be examined to see if their sources of Islamic influence were different or the same in their belief formation compared with more moderate typologies. This paper will also examine those participants who indicated that the Quran should be read literally and analyse the overall religiosity of the various typologies, with the aim to get a sense of the connection between (moral/ethical) belief formation and daily ritual of Islamists and Militants. This paper finds that Muslim Australians categorised as Political Islamist and Militant are more likely to have been influenced by mainstream areas of Islamic knowledge and discourse, such as the Quran, hadith, ulema, and the mosque, whilst also interpreting the Quran literally and praying daily. These findings suggest a challenging path forward for counterterrorism and countering violent extremism policies and programs in Australia.
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Khan, Shahnaz. "The Idea of Woman in Fundamentalist Islam." American Journal of Islam and Society 22, no. 1 (January 1, 2005): 109–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v22i1.1735.
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Lamia Rustum Shehadeh’s timely book, The Idea of Woman inFundamentalist Islam, begins with a brief biography of influential “fundamentalists.” She examines the context in which they formulated their theoriesand the extent to which they influenced each other, a process thatallows us to see their ideas as a response to the historical, political, andsocial environments in which they lived. For example, the MuslimBrotherhood, founded by Hasan al-Banna in 1928, not only helped formulateand consolidate Islamic revivalism in Egypt, but also helped provide ablueprint for a sociopolitical organization that promoted the political Islamor Islamism influencing chapters in Syria, Lebanon, Iraq, and Palestine.The ideas promoted by the Brotherhood also spread to Sudan, where theycontinue to guide the current regime’s policies. In some cases, as in Iran andSudan, pronouncements of these ideologues influence state law and publicpolicy. At other times they challenge the state, as in Tunisia.Al-Banna promotes the view that Muslim countries became impoverishedand fell under European control because they have deviated fromIslam. He suggests that Muslims see Islam as the solution to their problems.However, al-Banna and other Islamists believe that Islam’s historicaltraditions are irrelevant for modern times. Instead, they propose areturn to what they believe to be the traditions of the Prophet’s time andthat of the first four caliphs. Moreover, they advocate the use of ijtihad(independent judgment), a practice that allows them to interpret seventhcenturytraditions in light of modern needs. Islamist ideologues reservethis practice for themselves, and thus largely marginalize its alternativeuses by feminists and other progressive groups to advance women’s rightsor minority rights ...
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Sarhindi, Irfan Latifulloh, and Rysa Sahrial. "Narratives on the 212 Movement and Tauhid Flag Transformation from the Boudieusian Perspective." Walisongo: Jurnal Penelitian Sosial Keagamaan 29, no. 2 (November 30, 2021): 231–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.21580/ws.29.2.10759.
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The so-called Tauhid flag was exclusively known as HTI's (Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia) symbol of Islamic caliphate re-establishment. However, after its burning incident in 2018, the flag appears to be one of the symbols of post-Islamist populism. By using the Bourdieusian perspective's framework, this study aims to understand the prior narrative of the Tauhid flag, the narrative of the 212 movements, and how the narrative of the 212 movements influenced the transformation of the narrative of the Tauhid flag. The data in this study were taken from 180 sampled tweets using proportionate stratified random sampling. The data were elaborated with related news and publications and then condensed, codified, and categorized. This study revealed that the prior narrative of the Tauhid flag was the narrative of institutional Islamism, aiming to re-establish the Islamic caliphate through a peaceful act. Meanwhile, the 212 movements represent the narrative of post-Islamist populism. When the Tauhid flag became the central issue in several 212 movements, the flag's narrative transformed into post-Islamist populism. It means that the widespread acceptance of the Tauhid flag has a little impact, if none, on HTI's caliphate campaign.
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Timur Radikovich, Khayrullin. "The Role of ‘Muslim Brotherhood’ and Saudi Arabia in the Politicization of Salafism in the 20th Century." Islamovedenie 11, no. 4 (December 2020): 15–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.21779/2077-8155-2020-11-4-15-26.
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The article deals with the problem of Salafism politization. The process of politicization of traditional salafi ideas led to the emergence of conservative Islamism, which eventually moved away from medieval traditionalism and adapted to modern political conditions. The process of Salafism politicization was initiated by the Salafi reformists al-Afghani and M. Abdo in the early XX century. However, reformists Salafi ideas were modified into political ideology by the Mus-lim Brotherhood, which was strongly influenced by Salafism in its early stages. During the 50–60s of the XX century, the emerging conservative Salafi Islamism was on the defensive, as it faced the ideas of Arab nationalism. It is emphasized that the forced relocation of the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood to Saudi Arabia, in parallel, marked the movement of Islamists ideas, which received significant devel-opment and organizational form due to the financial power of the Gulf monarchies. At the turn of the 70-80s of the XX century thanks to the efforts of the Saudi government throughout the Middle East region, Salafi movements were strengthened, which enjoyed diplomatic and finan-cial support from Saudi Arabia and were engaged in promoting Salafi-Wahhabi ideas. However, the further politicization of Salafi ideas and, as a result, the development of conservative Salafi Islamism slowed down the end of the XX century being connected with the invasion of Kuwait.
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Aytðrk, İlker, and Laurent Mignon. "Paradoxes of a Cold War Sufi woman: Samiha Ayverdi between Islam, nationalism, and modernity." New Perspectives on Turkey 49 (2013): 57–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600002041.
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AbstractWidely recognized by nationalists, Islamists and conservatives as the heroine of the Turkish Right in the twentieth century, Sâmiha Ayverdi influenced the renaissance of right-wing politics in Turkey as an important leader of the Rifaȋ order, a prolific author, an unyielding anti-communist, and finally as an institution-builder for right-wing causes. This article focuses on the apparent paradoxes in Ayverdi's long career, such as her modernist interpretation of Islam, her relationship with her sufi master, preference for memoirs, and her unabashed elitism. Such characteristics defy clichés associated with the stereotypical conservative/nationalist/Islamist intellectual in Cold War Turkey. Our in-depth study of Ayverdi's works thus reveals the complexity of right-wing identities, and the fact that our protagonist is an outspoken woman intellectual also adds an important twist to the story.
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Hannase, Mulawarman. "Islamist Ideology and Its Effect on the Global Conflict: Comparative Study between Hamas and ISIS." ESENSIA: Jurnal Ilmu-Ilmu Ushuluddin 20, no. 2 (October 27, 2019): 183–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/esensia.v20i2.2107.
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This paper aims to explain that the spread of the ideology of Islamism in the Middle East in recent decades has led to conflict, both intra and inter-religion that continues until today. From these Islamist groups, Hamas Movement and ISIS provided significant effects of the conflict are. This study is qualitative research. Conflict Theory of John Spanier (higt-politic conflict) used to analyze how the two groups model of ideological construction influenced the political and economic stability as well as conflict in the Middle East and the Islamic world. Based on the observations of these two groups, it can be found that theologically, Hamas adheres to religious doctrines which prompted him to undertake armed resistance against Israel. At the same time, ISIS is a militant group that is strongly influenced by religious doctrine. However, from the aspect of rigidity doctrine and strategy of the movement, both groups are much different. ISIS is an ultra-radical group hostile to all other communities and brutally attacked the community of which he considered infidels. While Hamas has a more soft ideology and commit acts of violence in the context of resistance against Israeli colonialism.[Makalah ini bertujuan untuk menjelaskan bahwa penyebaran ideologi Islamisme di Timur Tengah dalam beberapa dekade terakhir telah menyebabkan konflik, baik intra maupun antar-agama yang berlanjut hingga saat ini. Dari kelompok-kelompok Islam ini, Gerakan Hamas dan ISIS memberikan efek signifikan dari konflik tersebut. Penelitian ini adalah penelitian kualitatif. Teori Konflik John Spanier (konflik politik berskala tinggi) digunakan untuk menganalisis bagaimana model konstruksi ideologis kedua kelompok mempengaruhi stabilitas politik dan ekonomi serta konflik di Timur Tengah dan dunia Islam. Berdasarkan pengamatan kedua kelompok ini, dapat ditemukan bahwa secara teologis, Hamas menganut doktrin agama yang mendorong mereka untuk melakukan perlawanan bersenjata terhadap Israel. Pada saat yang sama, ISIS adalah kelompok militan yang sangat dipengaruhi oleh doktrin agama. Namun, dari aspek kekakuan doktrin dan strategi pergerakan, kedua kelompok jauh berbeda. ISIS adalah kelompok ultra-radikal yang memusuhi semua komunitas lain dan secara brutal menyerang komunitas yang dianggapnya sebagai orang kafir. Sementara Hamas memiliki ideologi yang lebih lunak dan melakukan tindakan kekerasan dalam konteks perlawanan terhadap kolonialisme Israel.]
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Grishaeva, Lidiya. "Withdrawal of US forces from Afghanistan: impact and influence on the national security of Russia." Diplomaticheskaja sluzhba (Diplomatic Service), no. 1 (2022): 28–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/vne-01-2201-03.
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The article is devoted to the problem of the national security of Russia. The reasons that influenced the intensification of threats in connection with the events in Afghanistan are identified. The analysis of all the circumstances that caused the exacerbation of the situation in Afghanistan. The article convincingly shows that the main reason for the destabilization of the situation in Afghanistan was the ill-considered and poorly organized withdrawal of US and NATO troops from the country, which provoked a humanitarian catastrophe in the country. The author notes that over the 20 years of the US stay in Afghanistan, it has not been possible to solve urgent political and socio-economic problems, political stabilization has not occurred. The crisis worsened in the country, the official Afghan government, which held power for several decades with US military support, could not resist. The Taliban (banned in the Russian Federation) came to power in the country, with the support of the majority of the population, and in a non-military way. The author believes that it is now unclear whether the moderate Taliban, seeking to establish international contacts, will remain in power, or the radical terrorist Islamist elements of the Taliban movement (banned in the Russian Federation) will prevail, whose activities are to whip up a terrorist threat, impose radical Islamism, and spread drug trafficking, etc. Migration flows from Afghanistan will increase, among which suicide bombers can penetrate into other countries. All this is not only an internal affair of Afghanistan, but also poses a threat to overall international security. For the countries adjacent to Afghanistan — Russia, China, Iran, Pakistan, India, Central Asian countries and Turkey — a number of serious questions arose about the prospects for the development of the situation in Afghanistan, including significant threats to regional security: international terrorism, drug trafficking, organized crime, support for extremist and separatist movements from the territory of Afghanistan, encouragement of radical Islamists in neighboring countries with the victory of the Taliban (banned in the Russian Federation), etc. Russia is making every effort to establish constructive cooperation with neighboring countries and the United States in order to resolve the Afghan crisis.
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Spierings, Niels. "The Influence of Islamic Orientations on Democratic Support and Tolerance in five Arab Countries." Politics and Religion 7, no. 4 (July 24, 2014): 706–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048314000479.
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AbstractConclusions from empirical analyses on how Islam influences democratic attitudes in Arab countries differ widely, and the field suffers from conceptual ambiguity and largely focuses on “superficial” democratic support. Based on the non-Middle Eastern literature, this study provides a more systematic theoretical and empirical assessment of the linkages between Islamic attitudes and the popular support for democracy. I link belonging (affiliation), commitment (religiosity), orthodoxy, Muslim political attitudes, and individual-level political Islamism to the support for democracy and politico-religious tolerance. Statistical analyses on seven WVS surveys for Egypt, Iraq, Jordan, Morocco, and Saudi Arabia show that tolerance levels are remarkably lower than “democratic support”; the influence of being (committed or orthodox) Muslim and Muslim political attitudes are negligible however. Political Islamist views strongly affect tolerance negatively. They also influence “support for democracy,” but if the opposition in an authoritarian country is Islamic, these attitudes actually strengthen this support.
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Mahendra, Fahmi Rizal. "Islamisme Turki: Kaum Tarekat dan Kebangkitan Islam-Politik Republik Turki." Politea 4, no. 2 (November 12, 2021): 156. http://dx.doi.org/10.21043/politea.v4i2.11760.
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<p>After announcing as an independent state, the Republic of Turkey adopted the secularism system as the principle of the new Turkish state. In simple terms, the Turkish state released the Islamic identity that had been attached and identical to the Ottoman Turkish empire which had lasted for 700 years. In implementing the secularism policy, the Turkish government faces challenges from Muslims / Islamists who want to build secularism by carrying out rebellions or participating in elections with the aim of restoring sharia or wanting to establish an Islamic state again. This study aims to trace the roots of Turkish Islamism in the modern period or after the founding of the Republic of Turkey. By using historical research methods and the use of qualitative methods. This study found several factors that influenced the rise of Turkish Islamism. One of them is the vital role of the tarekat centered in the Iskenderpasa Mosque, led by Sheikh Mehmet Zahid Kotku. In an effort to fight secularism, the tarekat mobilized their members to take an active part in the elections in Turkey. Many of the tarekat members, especially the Naqshbandiyah who occupy important positions in Turkey, such as Turgut Ozal, the former President of Turkey, Erbakan, the former Prime Minister of Turkey, one of the important actors in the rise of the current Islamic Party, Recep Tayyib Erdogan, are also members of the congregation of the Naqshbandiyah Order.</p>
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Hassan Haji, Dr Alinur, and James Omondi Juma. "The Nexus Between Socio-Demographic Characteristics and Islamic Radicalization in Garissa County, Kenya." International Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities Invention 6, no. 12 (December 23, 2019): 5765–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.18535/ijsshi/v6i12.04.
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The global threat of Islamism inspired terrorism has witnessed an upsurge in different parts of the world in the recent past. The threat of terror has been alive in Kenya in the recent past and hence the desire to understand the link between the social and demographic characteristics and Islamic radicalization.The study adopted Social Distance Theory. The descriptive correlational approach described the status of the variables while showing how the variables relate in the natural setting. It was conducted in six sub-counties of Garissa County where respondents included Islamic clerics and scholars, government security officials (County commissioner, chiefs and ATPU), the community (Nyumba kumi committees and household heads) and radicalized youths. The study established that Islamisms influences Al-shaabab activities in Garissa County by playing on the emotion of the locals in the area in terms of the economic status with factors like poverty and economic marginalization being the major areas of weakness that the Al-shabaab terror group is exploiting to infiltrate the community in Garissa County.
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Pasuni, Afif. "The 2011 Egyptian Revolution and Islamists in Egypt and Malaysia." American Journal of Islam and Society 30, no. 4 (October 1, 2013): 160–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v30i4.1097.
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The opposition Islamist PAS (Parti Islam Se-Malaysia, or Pan
Malaysian Islamic Party) is one of the oldest political parties in
Malaysia. Inspired by Egypt’s Ikhwan al-Muslimin (Muslim
Brotherhood [MB]), PAS is also influenced by occurrences in the
Middle East; following the 1979 Iranian Revolution, its leaders
revamped their organizational structure to entrust key decisions
to religious scholars. The ramifications of the 2011 Egyptian revolution,
arguably one of the most significant Middle Eastern political
events in recent times, thus deserves a closer look.
This short article attempts to look at this revolution’s possible impact
on Islamists in Malaysia. I argue that Malaysia had already
undergone its own version of a revolution in the 1998 reformasi
(reformation) due to the shared characteristics between the two
events: both (1) shared the same premise of alleged political injustice;
(2) provided opportunities for Islamists to influence the
political discourse, with the difference that in Egypt there was a
political vacuum; and (3) utilized the Internet heavily to rally the
masses. However, due to Malaysia’s freer democratic and electoral
processes, political changes there will not be as abrupt as in
Egypt. Furthermore, both Egypt’s revolution and Malaysia’s reformasi
have hardly ended; the former is a tumultuous ongoing
process of battling for the legitimacy of rule by appealing to the
masses, while the latter is an ongoing process of appealing to voters
in order to come to rule.
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Gallagher, Nancy. "LAURIE A. BRAND, Women, the State, and Political Liberalization: Middle Eastern and North African Experiences (New York: Columbia University Press, 1998). Pp. 320. $50 cloth, $18.50 paper." International Journal of Middle East Studies 32, no. 2 (May 2000): 309–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800002476.
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In this important book, Laurie Brand asks whether the all-too-brief political openings in the Middle East and North Africa had a positive or a negative impact on women's rights and whether the many Islamist and women's rights groups influenced that impact. She begins with a thoughtful statement describing her background and philosophical orientation vis-à-vis her study (pp. xv–xvi). Many authors of scholarly books find this very difficult to do, but it is helpful for serious readers and should be an expected practice. She also takes care to define her terms. “Women's status” here means women's legal status and women's rights to organize. She prefers to use “conservative forces” for “Islamism” or “Islamic fundamentalism,” though this varies in the text, and “conservative” for “traditional.” “Progress for women” means reproductive rights and access to divorce, though, as she notes, many women would ask for clean running water, good educational facilities, decent working conditions, and increased wages before reproductive rights and access to divorce. It is of course difficult to separate civil and political rights from social and economic rights; which comes first is like the chicken and the egg conundrum.
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Buhari, Ömer Kemal. "Contemporary Jewish Anti-Islamism: Jewish Zionism and Jewish Influence in Western Anti-Islamism." Ilahiyat Studies 10, no. 1 (November 27, 2019): 99–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.12730/13091719.2019.101.190.
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Wan Mansor, Wan Naim. "Protecting the Religion (Maqsad Hifz al-Din) In Malaysian Political Islam: A Preliminary Analysis." ICR Journal 7, no. 3 (July 15, 2016): 370–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.52282/icr.v7i3.250.
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After inheriting a multicultural yet segmented society from its colonial legacy, identity politics has heavily influenced political Islam in Malaysia. Since then, identity politics has significantly shaped Malaysia's political dynamics, including in the bureaucratic and legal spheres. The Islamism espoused by the Malay Muslim majority is often intertwined with exclusivist ethno-religious considerations vis-a-vis the non-Muslim minorities (the Chinese and Indians). One of the most frequent manifestations of this political platform is the slogan ‘protecting Islam’ or ‘protecting religion’. This notion often finds itself at the centre of the Islamist discourse, especially in high-profile religious cases involving Muslims and non-Muslims. This paper intends to provide a descriptive analysis of ‘protecting Islam’ in the Malaysian context while also identifying key elements in its inner-workings. It will then proceed with a discussion of maqsad hifz al-din (the objective to preserve religion), a sub-topic in the overarching field of maqasid al-sharicah. This discussion will examine how this notion is understood within the Malaysian context, while also asking what the Shari’ah says about it, and what the gaps are between the two positions. Finally, the article will propose a theoretical framework for achieving an optimal Shari'ah-based policy response to the issues discussed. Possible real world applications in the Malaysian experience will also be explored.
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Khalid, Mohammad. "JAHILIYYAH RHETORIC AS A DIVINE LEGITIMACY FOR VIOLENCE: A STUDY OF THE INFLUENCE OF SAYYID QUTB AND THE CONTEMPORARY ISLAMIST ORTHODOXY ON AL-QAEDA, THE TALIBAN, AND THE ISLAMIC STATE." POLITICS AND RELIGION JOURNAL 17, no. 1 (May 2, 2023): 69–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.54561/prj1701069k.
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The Islamic conception of Jahiliyyah brings together the three most debated Muslim militant organizations of our times, namely Al-Qaeda, the Islamic State, and the Taliban in terms of their justification for violence. It is discussed here that despite significant differences in their political agendas, social and cultural motives as well as religious denominational affiliations, the three organizations are hegemonic in their resort to the notion of Jahiliyyah while opposing the non-Shari’ah based political rule. They converge on the idea that there is an imperative to install a system based on Shari’ah and that any actors opposed to this can be treated as enemies, deviants, and infidels, hence, worthy of violent aggression. It is demonstrated here that this particular connotation of Jahiliyyah was essentially espoused in the works of Sayyid Qutb, one of the most influential twentieth century proponents of Islamism and global Jihad. Although developed primarily to denounce Western imperialists in a postcolonial context, one may see Jahiliyyah as a contemporary Islamic rhetoric for providing the three organizations in question, valid pretexts to wage armed insurgencies against whoever they view as hostile political forces. This overall narrative, as this study indicates, relates to the broader contemporary Islamist discourse on the legitimacy of political violence in the name of religion.
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Suheri, Suheri. "Islamist Extremism, Propaganda, And New Media: A Case Study of @Mutiaradabiq During the COVID-19 Pandemic." Sunan Kalijaga: International Journal of Islamic Civilization 6, no. 1 (January 20, 2024): 69. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/skijic.v6i1.2818.
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The activities of Islamist extremist actors are increasingly intensive during the COVID-19 pandemic, in which they are progressively active in producing Islamist narratives in cyberspace. Strategic communication is one of the techniques for Islamist extremist groups to perpetuate their influences on society through social media during the COVID-19 pandemic. Thus this research aims to study propaganda as part of strategic communication in Islamist extremist activities during the COVID-19 pandemic (2020-2021), primarily through Facebook @MutiaraDabiq. This research considers that strategic communication and propaganda are two interrelated communication entities. This study is qualitative research and uses critical discourse analysis (CDA) as a method of data analysis. This research argues that propaganda on social media worked significantly through verbal and visual discourse uploaded by Islamist extremist actor, who reveals rational connections between language use and social reality. This study found how the existences propaganda of this Facebook account can exist during the COVID-19 pandemic by; first, strategic communication emerges into instrumental propaganda at the @MutiaraDabiq performance, and second, strategic communication flourish in discourse logic at the @MutiaraDabiq account.
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Mujib, Ahmad. "Model Pendidikan Islam di Turki." Journal of Islamic Education Studies 2, no. 2 (March 24, 2024): 167–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.58569/jies.v2i2.980.
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Turki dalam sejarahnya mengalami berbagai perubahan sistem pemerintahan yang sangat mempengaruhi kebijakan dan pola pendidikan, khususnya pendidikan Islam. Penelitian ini termasuk dalam jenis penelitian pustaka (library research) yakni penelitian yang bertujuan untuk mengumpulkan data yang berasal dari penelusuran dan penelaahan literatur melalui berbagai sumber data primer dan beberapa sumber data sekunder. Penelitian ini menyimpulkan bahwa pembaruan di Turki dipengaruhi oleh tokoh yang memimpinnya, Turki memandang negara Barat mengalahkan mereka dalam perpolitikan dunia, sehingga dalam ideologinya Turki mengacu pada negara Barat dalam setiap kebijakan-kebijakan negaranya. Dimana sintem pemerintahan di Turki berubah dari sistem Khilafah Usmaniah menjadi Ide sitem Sekuler. Kemudian muncul berbagai aliran yang memicu pembaruan, yaitu: westernisme, islamisme, dan nasionalisme. Pada masa Recep Tayyib Erdogan Turki dikembalikan pada masa keemasannya dengan merubah ideologi pemerintahan yang sekuler menjadi pemerintahan yang berideologi Islam, termasuk di dalamnya adalah bidang pendidikan Islam.
Turkey in its history has experienced various changes in the government system which have greatly influenced educational policies and patterns, especially Islamic education. This research is included in the type of library research, namely research that aims to collect data originating from searching and reviewing literature through various primary data sources and several secondary data sources. This research concludes that reform in Turkey is influenced by the figure who leads it, Turkey views Western countries as defeating them in world politics, so that in its ideology Turkey refers to Western countries in all of its state policies. Where the government system in Turkey changed from the Ottoman Caliphate system to the idea of a secular system. Then various trends emerged that triggered reform, namely: westernism, Islamism and nationalism. During Recep Tayyib Erdogan's era Turkey was returned to its golden age by changing the ideology of a secular government to a government with an Islamic ideology, including the field of Islamic education.
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Khiyaroh, Arifatul, Muhammad Imam Syafi, Chusnul Mutia, Ahmad Fikri Mujtahid, Desty Endah, and Abid Nurhuda. "The Influence of Jamaluddin Al-Afghani's Pan-Islamic Movement on the Fighting Spirit of Muslims in Various Countries." Fahima 2, no. 01 (January 24, 2023): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.54622/fahima.v2i01.84.
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Pan-Islamism is commonly known asnationalism is a movement pioneered by Jamaluddin al-Afghani, a reformer from Afghanistan. This movement aims for Muslims to unite and fight together to fight colonialism from the West. The movement spread to various countries which at that time were experiencing setbacks in the hope that this Pan-Islamism political movement could have an influence on the rise and independence of Muslims to become more advanced. So the purpose of this study is to describe the influence of the Pan-Islamism al-Afghani movement in several countries on the fighting spirit of Muslims. Method used is a library by collecting primary and secondary data then grouped and analyzed systematically so that conclusions can be drawn. The results of the research show that the influence of the Pan-Islamism movement carried out by al-Afghani is able to bring Muslims to a better direction, and his thoughts spread to various countries ranging from India, Afghanistan, Paris, Egypt, Turkey to Indonesia.
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FOGG, KEVIN W. "Indonesian Islamic Socialism and its South Asian Roots." Modern Asian Studies 53, no. 06 (July 2, 2019): 1736–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x17000646.
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AbstractIslamic socialism was a major intellectual and political movement in Indonesia in the twentieth century, with ongoing influences until today. However, this movement did not follow the most common narratives of Indonesian intellectual history, which trace religious influences to the Middle East and political movements to anti-colonial reaction in terms framed by the Dutch. Rather, the first major Indonesian proponent of Islamic socialism, H. O. S. Tjokroaminoto, took his thinking on Islamic socialism directly from the English-language work of a South Asian itinerant scholar, Mushir Hosein Kidwai, in a process that most likely had the minority Ahmadiyyah community as intermediaries. Future Islamic socialist thought, much of it influenced by Tjokroaminoto, continued to echo through Indonesian secular nationalism, political Islam, and even Islamism. Studying the intellectual origins of Islamic socialism in Indonesia, then, shows not only the roots of an important strand of Southeast Asian politics in the last century, but also the importance of alternative currents of thought (South Asian, outside the mainstream, Anglophone) in Southeast Asian Islam.
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Filimonova, Alina L. "Foreign Policy Doctrines of Islamist Organisations in Pakistan (Late 1940s – Early 1970s) within the Context of Islamic Perception of International Law." Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, no. 2 (2022): 40. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080017212-0.
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The article analyses the specifics of how Pakistani Islamists define the guidelines and aims of State’s foreign policy. It is during the initial period of Pakistan’s existence, scrutinized by the authors, that the basis for this vision was laid: at that time the Islamists were urged to form their own perception of Pakistan’s role and position in the world, as well as to transmit their attitude towards the official foreign policy of the Pakistani government. Since both these tasks were being accomplished in consonance with Islamic norms, the current study involves a general review of respective doctrines and demonstrates how they were interpreted within the Pakistani context. The article also provides evidence that at this stage there came into existence specific factors within Pakistan which influenced the Islamists’ worldview – including the matters of foreign policy. The main factors of this kind, laid out in the article, are the following: firstly, the attitude of the State government towards the Islamists and the level of their access to power; secondly, the place of “Islamic theme” within the foreign policy promoted by the State. Created as a Muslim state, Pakistan from the very beginning faced the need to define the role of Islam in policymaking – the task that considerably affected both domestic and foreign policy, complicating inter-State relations. Detailed study of the established points determines under which circumstances Pakistani Islamists developed their views of foreign policy and to what extent these views came in harmony with dogmatic Islamic perception of International Law.
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Trauthig, Inga Kristina. "Gaining Legitimacy in Post-Qaddafi Libya: Analysing Attempts of the Muslim Brotherhood." Societies 9, no. 3 (September 13, 2019): 65. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/soc9030065.
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The Libyan Muslim Brotherhood needed to manoeuvre underground for several decades, just as most opposition groups in Libya had to—because of the repression from the Qaddafi regime. In 2012, however, the political wing of the Libyan Muslim Brotherhood (LMB), the Justice and Construction Party (JCP, sometimes also called the Justice and Development Party) participated in popular elections just shortly after its inception. Seven years later, one can unanimously say that the movement was not able to take power in the country. This paper will analyse the LMB in post-revolutionary Libya by concentrating on the attempts of establishing legitimacy in the political sphere—while continuously being informed by historical influences. Methodologically, the paper examines primary sources, key academic texts but also factors in interview data from semi-structured interviews. Overall, the paper addresses the puzzle of why Libya as a predominantly Sunni, conservative country did not translate into a conservative Sunni movement like the LMB faring well; with that, derailing the impression that the whole region was “going Islamist” after the so-called Arab Spring. The LMB today is still influenced by the historical treatment it received under Qaddafi, which lead it to base itself mostly in exile, hence it struggled to entrench itself in the country. The LMB was pointed towards their opponents’ fearmongering of an alleged Islamist takeover, mostly without addressing self-inflicted wounds, such as their inability to unite or to convince major parts of the population of their political programme.
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Cabi, Marouf Cabi. "The Last Mufti of Iranian Kurdistan and Its Revision of Kurdish History." Journal of Ethnic and Cultural Studies 6, no. 3 (December 18, 2019): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.29333/ejecs/218.
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This article analysis Ali Ezzatyar’s The Last Mufti of Iranian Kurdistan, which aims to prove how the Kurds’ supposed indisposition towards political Islam qualifies them to be the natural allies of the West and the Western powers. Supported by the two theses of shared social values and shared rivalries between the Kurds and the West, and centred around its main protagonist Ahmad Muftizadeh’s supposedly alternative form of political Islam, the book is based on two premises: a declining relationship throughout the twentieth century between Kurdish identity and Islamism, and the inconsequential nature of the relationship between Iranian Islamism and Kurdish Islamism. In contrast, and in order to save history from merely serving policy-making, this article argues that the relationships involved were determined in the wider context of the process of the modernization of Iran, in which political Islam emerged and, albeit to a limited extent, influenced the development of a religious Kurdayeti or Kurdishness represented by Muftizadeh.
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Wardhana, Adi Putra Surya, Titis Srimuda Pitana, and Susanto Susanto. "CULTURAL REVIVALISM OF MANGKUNEGARA VII AND THE ISLAMISM DISCOURSE IN THE EARLY 20th CENTURY." ULUL ALBAB Jurnal Studi Islam 20, no. 1 (June 25, 2019): 123–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.18860/ua.v20i1.5664.
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This article aims at studying Javanese cultural revivalism of Mangkunegara VII, its function, and meaning, within the context of the rise of Islamism in the early 20th century. Mangkunegara VII was a Mangkunegaran ruler who actively participated in developing Javanese culture. When he was young, he was an essential figure in Budi Utomo, a movement organization that represented Javanese nationalism which was influenced by the complex relations between language awareness, colonialism, modernism, and Islamism. He was also involved in various Kejawen organizations. Using Michel Foucault's discourse theory, this paper argues that Javanese cultural revivalism is a Javanese nationalist success to overcome the excessive radicalism of Islamic discourse. When Islamism arose with their attacks against the abangan, he carried out counter-narratives through Javanese cultural organizations. As a ruler, he was successful in assuming legitimacy from the Mangkunegaran people as well as to influence the Dutch colonial government, and other Javanese nationalists as well.
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Sapendi, Sapendi, Zaenuddin Hudi Prasojo, and Erni Munastiwi. "Parenting Practices in Millennial Islamic Families of Pontianak: Navigating Between Pop-Islamism and Fluid Islamism." Golden Age: Jurnal Ilmiah Tumbuh Kembang Anak Usia Dini 8, no. 3 (September 30, 2023): 183–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/jga.2023.83-07.
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This qualitative study explores the parenting practices of young Islamic parents in Pontianak, Indonesia, amidst the evolving contexts of pop Islamism and fluid Islamism. The research uses anthropological lenses to focus on early childhood parenting within millennial Islamic families. The city of Pontianak, characterized by rapid development, ethnic and cultural diversity, and varied religious practices, provides a unique setting for examining these dynamics. Data collection encompassed observations, interviews, and documentation, targeting millennial Muslim parents born between 1981 and 1996, with children aged 0-8 years, totaling 83 participants. Interviews spanned a range of Islamic ideologies, including popular Islamism, tarbiyah, Tahrir, Salafi, and jihadist. The methodology involved data assembly, comprehensive observation, coding, categorization into themes, and narrative presentation. The results reveal diverse parenting patterns influenced by religious affiliations, advisors, worship practices, and explicit or implicit religious affiliations. While parenting styles varied, a high prevalence of authoritarian approaches was noted, with religion playing a pivotal role in child-rearing decisions and social interactions. The study also highlights the material aspects of parenting, including doctrinal ideologies and their manifestation in everyday life. The findings provide crucial insights into contemporary Islamic society's social and religious dynamics, emphasizing the need for an inclusive, multidimensional approach to understanding Islamism that extends beyond political and ideological realms. This research contributes to a deeper comprehension of Islamic millennial families' social and cultural intricacies in Indonesia and their strategies for balancing religious traditions with modern challenges.
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Shabana, Ihab. "Crusaders in Reverse? The Emergence of Political Islam in the Middle East and the Reactions of British Foreign Policy, 1978–1990." Religions 11, no. 4 (April 17, 2020): 196. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel11040196.
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British foreign policy in the Middle East has been well researched. However, there are still aspects of Britain’s approach towards the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) that have yet to be researched. One such aspect is Britain’s encounter with the rise of political Islam in MENA and the way(s) in which this phenomenon was deciphered. Even though political Islam dates back to the late 19th and early 20th century, our study focuses on the period between the turbulent years of the outburst of the Iranian Revolution in 1978–1979 and its widely-felt influence until 1990. Our methodological tools include Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO) archival material that addresses the phenomenon of political Islam and its implications for British interests and international relations in general. We choose the concept of political Islam and its adherents that are widely acknowledged as political, comparatively to those of da’wa and Jihadi Islamism. We argue that British officials were widely influenced by the intellectual debates of the period under consideration and that they mainly adopted four analytical schemas which focused firstly on the rise of sectarian politics in MENA, secondly on the gradual accommodation of non-state actors and organizations in political analysis, thirdly on the worrisome prospect of an alliance between Islamist and communist forces, and lastly on the prevalence of the idea of Islamic solidarity and Islamic exceptionalism in exerting international politics. Our findings suggest that, at times, the FCO approaches the issue of political Islam with a reassuring mindset, focusing on its divisions and weaknesses, while at other times it analyzes it with a grave concern over stability and Britain’s critical interests.
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Hakam, Ahmad. "Contested Gender Roles and Relations in Matriarchal Minangkabau." Muqoddima Jurnal Pemikiran dan Riset Sosiologi 2, no. 1 (June 25, 2021): 37–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.47776/mjprs.002.01.03.
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This study aims to explore the gender roles and relations in the Minangkabau society and how the situation is changing due to some interactions with other influential factors, mainly Islamic teaching and nation-state projection. This article argues that although the Minangkabau matriarchal traditions are influenced by particularly the two driving forces, there have been both continuity and change which prove that the gender roles and relations are a highly contested discourse. This study used library research, and mini- ethnographical approach which involved several field observations and interviews through casual conversation with Minangkabau people. The results show that gender and the conception of women and men are highly contested, especially in the region where more than one influences are competing. Although there is a number of powerful discourse disparities, especially the Islamist movement and the state, the creation and instillation of new definitions and identities of the Minangkabau is reworked within their ideologies of gender and rank, kinship and matriliny.
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Khoir, Tholkhatul. "Determinasi Eksistensial Pemikiran Hukum Islam Abdullahi Ahmed An-Na‘im." ISLAMICA: Jurnal Studi Keislaman 9, no. 1 (September 23, 2015): 110. http://dx.doi.org/10.15642/islamica.2014.9.1.110-135.
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<p>This article deals with the Islamic legal thought of Abdullahi Ahmed an-Na‘im from the sociology of knowledge approach. According to this approach, knowledge (including religious interpretation and practices) is sociologically, economically and politically determined. This article aims to understand how an-Na‘im’s Islamic legal thought is determined by his existence within social reality. This article concludes that an-Na‘im’s thought is determined by (1) socio-political and legal reality in Sudan, (2) Mahmoud Mohamed Taha who influenced his ideas, (3) British milieu, and (4) American environment which is politically secular, Islamo-phobic, racist, discriminative and intolerant towards Afro-Americans. The maturity of an-Na‘im’s thought is particularly influenced by the history of British colonialism in Sudan and his academic training in England, a place where human rights discourse develops as the result of post-enlightenment humanism and some major revolutions in Europe.</p>
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Aleksandrov, Aleksander. "Islamism in Pakistan and the Kashmir Conflict." Bulgarian Journal of International Economics and Politics 3, no. 2 (January 12, 2024): 58–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.37075/bjiep.2023.2.04.
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The conflict in Kashmir is influenced by various interactive factors among which the Islamization of Pakistan and the following Talibanization of the entire Sub-Indian region undoubtedly have played a significant role. The emergence of the dispute is a consequence of the decolonisation process which peaked after the Second World War. Unfortunately, this same period was also marked by the beginning of the Cold War. Hence, it is argued that the Islamization of Pakistan is the product of the negative interaction of two main factors – the geopolitical rivalry of the superpowers at that time, especially considering the negative impact of the war in Afghanistan, and the rise of Islam as a consequence of the overall religious revival around the world. Adding to them is the local rivalry between the newly emerged states of India and Pakistan producing an extremely explosive mixture with the potential to ignite the entire region of South-East Asia, involving also the leading international powers. Thus, the conflict in Kashmir became an integral part of the post-Cold War world directly affected by the Islamic revival and the dissemination of the Islamist principles in Pakistan.
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Maktabi, Rania. "Reluctant Feminists? Islamist MP s and the Representation of Women in Kuwait after 2005." Die Welt des Islams 57, no. 3-4 (October 17, 2017): 429–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700607-05734p08.
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Drawing on theories of representation in general, and “the politics of presence” perspective in particular, this article explores whether and how female parliamentarians in Kuwait influenced male MP s to support female civil and economic rights after women’s enfranchisement in 2005. A review of parliamentary documents between 2006 and 2016 reveals that a sharp rise in the number of law proposals occurred in the parliamentary Family and Woman Affairs Committee (FWAC) after the four first-ever female legislators were elected in 2009. Roughly half of all issues regarding women’s interests – 45 per cent – over the past decade were raised during the two years when women were present in the Kuwaiti parliament. In explaining this fact, the paper argues that male Islamist MP s acted as reluctant feminists and diligent opportunists by responding to new opportunities and expectations created by the presence of female MP s. Islamist MP s reformulated demands pertaining to poverty alleviation and social assistance by focusing on women as mothers, widows, and caregivers. They emphasized gender relations in ways where Kuwaiti women, particularly those married to non-Kuwaitis and stateless bidun, were seen as capacitated citizens. Kuwaiti women, some Islamist MP s argued, should be able to act as legal guardians (kafīl) of their husbands and children, be brokers of material welfare services such as free education and health services, and get access to public housing. After the exit of female MP s from parliament in 2011, Islamist MP s stopped arguing along these lines, and their demands on behalf of women through the FWAC dropped sharply.1
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Islam, Md Thowhidul. "The Religious Philosophy of Abdullah ibn Muhammad Al-Habashi Al-Harari and the Doctrines and Politics of Al-Ahbash: an Evaluation." International Journal of Interreligious and Intercultural Studies 4, no. 2 (December 26, 2021): 22–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.32795/ijiis.vol4.iss2.2021.755.
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Shaikh Abdullah ibn Muhammad ibn Yusuf Al-Habashi Al-Harari of Ethiopia is a controversial Islamic scholar and founder of Al-Ahbash in Lebanon. He was involved in the struggle mainly with the Islamic fundamentalist Wahhabis there and was expelled from Ethiopia in 1947. After living in different cities, he settled down at Beirut, Lebanon in 1950. He was declared leader of the Jam’iyyat al-mashari’ al-khayriyya al-islamiyya (Association of Islamic Charitable Projects) in 1983 after the death of its founder Shiakh Muhiyy al-Din al-Ajuz. Since then, it has been known as ‘Al-Ahbash’ (the Ethiopians) after his title Al-Habashi. Al-Ahbash became one of the most controversial Muslim associations in the contemporary spectrum of Islamic groups because of its religious philosophy and doctrines.
Al-Ahbash philosophy blended Sunni and Shi’a theology with Sufi spiritualism into a doctrinal eclecticism. Its ideological discourses mainly follow Shafi’i, Ash’ari and Maturidi doctrines. Al-Ahbash’s doctrine has also been influenced by some Sufi orders (tariqas) like Rifa’iyya and Qadiriyya. It emphasized Islam’s innate pluralism and determines the religious and political program, which do not fit with the conventional Islamists idea. It advocated for opposition to Islamic political activism and the use of violence against the ruling order. These attributes opposed to the political thoughts of many Islamic thinkers like Ibn Taymiyya, Ibn Abd Al-Wahhab, Sayyid Qutb. The most controversial issue in Al-Ahbash doctrine is the question of the relation among religion, politics, and the state in Islam. Al-Ahbash advocated the separation of religion and state and thereby rejected the idea of an Islamic state. Its views on education, women and science also contradict many of the above named writers opinions. Thus, Al-Ahbash represents a new but controversial view in Islam. This paper is aimed at understanding the philosophy and political doctrines of al-Ahbash.
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Dadaeva, Sofia. "The Ottoman Policies on the Jewish Colonization of Palestine in the Late 19th – Early 20th Centuries." Tirosh. Jewish, Slavic & Oriental Studies 20 (2020): 191–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2658-3380.2020.20.3.2.
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The article considers the factors that influenced the policies of the Ottoman Empire on the Jewish colonization of Palestine at the turn of the 20th century – such as the spread and the fear of separatist sentiments, the increasing European influence, and the incompatibility of Zionism with the dominant ideology of Pan-Islamism – and discusses the mechanisms that allowed the Jews to bypass the imposed restrictions and continue their colonization efforts.
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Seo, Myengkyo. "The Arab uprisings and Malaysia’s Islamist movements: influence, impact and lessons." Politics, Religion & Ideology 22, no. 1 (January 2, 2021): 131–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21567689.2021.1888544.
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Sahrasad, Herdi. "“THE ARAB UPRISING AND MALAYSIA’S ISLAMIST MOVEMENTS INFLUENCE, IMPACT AND LESSONS”." POLITICS AND RELIGION JOURNAL 14, no. 1 (March 30, 2020): 193–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.54561/prj1401193s.
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Friedman, Brandon. "Rentier Islamism: The Influence of the Muslim Brotherhood in Gulf Monarchies." Middle Eastern Studies 55, no. 5 (May 2, 2019): 858–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00263206.2019.1594787.
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El-Mumin, Mustafa. "Rentier Islamism: the influence of the Muslim Brotherhood in Gulf monarchies." Democratization 27, no. 3 (July 22, 2019): 494–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13510347.2019.1643328.
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Akkas, Betul Dogan. "Rentier Islamism: The Influence of the Muslim Brotherhood in Gulf Monarchies." Middle East Policy 26, no. 2 (June 2019): 159–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/mepo.12431.
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Ali, Faiza, and Jawad Syed. "‘Good Muslim women’ at work: An Islamic and postcolonial perspective on ethnic privilege." Journal of Management & Organization 24, no. 5 (April 30, 2018): 679–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jmo.2018.22.
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AbstractWithin sparse studies available on ethnic privilege at work, the emphasis is dominantly on ethnic privileges available to white, Anglo-Saxon, Protestant, heterosexual men and to a lesser extent white women. This paper presents and develops an Islamic and postcolonial perspective on ethnic privilege, which is unique not only due to contextual and cultural differences but also due to its postcolonial nature and composition. By postcolonial, the paper refers to cultural legacies of Arab colonialism and ideology in South Asia and elsewhere. Drawing on a qualitative study of Muslim female employees in Pakistan, the paper shows that religio-ethnic privilege represents postcolonial influences of a foreign (Arab-Salafi, ultra-orthodox Islamist) culture on a (non-Arab Muslim) society, and as such does not represent ethnic norms of a local mainstream society. The paper investigates the case of religio-ethnic privilege and female employment in Pakistan and examines how a foreign-influenced stereotype of female modesty is used to benchmark and preferentially treat ‘good Muslim women.’ The analysis shows that an Islamic and postcolonial lens may be needed to understand the nature and implications of religio-ethnic privilege at work in Muslim majority countries and societies.
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Smith, Charles D. "Intellectual Origins of Islamic Resurgence in the Modern Arab World." American Journal of Islam and Society 13, no. 2 (July 1, 1996): 261–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v13i2.2319.
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Most studies of Islamist resurgence have focused on specific aspects ofthe Islamist political agenda and have sought to identify their intellectualroots in the writings of thinkers from the medieval period of Islamic history.Influenced by Iran’s Islamic revolution, these authors have been concernedprimarily with political Islam. It is rare to find a book that seeks to establishmodem Islamist thought within the context of western critical theoryand indigenous political conditions, or that explains its ideas in light of aconflict between revolutionary discourse and state hegemony. Abu-Rabi”sbook is thus all the more welcome, as it establishes a basis for considerationof Islamist thinkers that will be an essential reference in the fbtwx.The subject of this book is the thought of Sayyid Qqtb, consideredwithin the parameters of Islamic modernism, westernization, orientalism,and the contemporary Islamist response to these factors. Abu-Rabi‘ says heis undertaking an intellectual history of his subject, that of “a popular religiousmovement . . . founded by lay Muslim intellectuals” often at oddswith the traditional political and religious elites. But he considers this questionin light of the “question of continuity and discontinuity in modem Arabthought.” Influenced by Foucault, he argues that the question of epistemologicalacts and thresholds, of conceptual ruptures in the development ofideas, must be countered by the reality of continuities in Islamic thought,by the fact of an ongoing Islamic discourse whose exposition may changeaccording to historical circumstances but whose essence and focus of concernremain constant (pp. 5-6).The idea of continuity and discontinuity is a valuable method for consideringvarious themes in Arab thought, ranging from the liberal thinkersof the nuhdah (renaissance) to both secular and religious Arab responses tothe challenge of colonization and the question of how best could Arab-Islamic societies survive foreign occupation. Essential here is the questionof Arab Muslim “decline,” how and why it occurred, and how this declinemay be reversed. Abu-Rabi‘ surveys a variety of Muslim thinkers to positthree approaches to the relevance of Islamic tradition to the resolution ofthe problem of decline: the rejection of tradition in favor of intellectualstimulus from the West; a conservative approach calling for the “revival of ...
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Çarkçı, Akif. "Islamist political parties formed through the influence of the Muslim Brotherhood Movement in Egypt." Bulletin of the Karaganda university History. Philosophy series 11429, no. 2 (June 30, 2024): 19–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.31489/2024hph2/19-30.
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The Muslim Brotherhood movement, which was born in Egypt, has influenced not only Egypt but also coun-tries such as Libya, Tunisia, Algeria and Morocco, and many Islamic movements in these countries have beenorganized on the model of the Muslim Brotherhood. The Muslim Brotherhood movement started as a socialand cultural movement, but later on it gained a political character and aspired to govern Egypt. In addition tothe Freedom and Justice Party, which was founded in 2011 under the leadership of Mohamed Morsi and wasinfluential in the Arab Spring process, there are other Islamist parties in Egypt that are related to or influencedby the Muslim Brotherhood movement. These parties, which are less known in the world public opinion, canbe listed as the Wasat Party, the Islamic Labour Party and the Egyptian Current Party. In this study, firstly,the historical course of the Muslim Brotherhood movement is analysed and then the political parties in Egyptthat were founded by or influenced by this movement are presented. Finally, the study concludes with a gen-eral analysis and comparison of these parties.