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Journal articles on the topic 'Islamisme – Irak'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 7 July 2024

Last updated: 31 July 2025

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1

Bounjoua, Ali. "Les ex-membres européens de l’ei face à la justice pénale irakienne : étude du cadre juridique antiterroriste." Revue internationale de droit comparé 74 e année, no. 1 (2022): 287–305. https://doi.org/10.3917/ridc.741.0286.

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La victoire militaire de l’Irak contre l’organisation djihadiste « État islamique » marque une étape clé dans la lutte contre le terrorisme islamiste dans la région irako-syrienne. Toutefois, cette victoire n’annonce pas la fin de la problématique du phénomène des « djihadistes étrangers » ayant sévi en Irak et en Syrie. En effet, en vue de répondre efficacement à la menace, l’État irakien ouvrit les premiers procès des ex-membres irakiens de l’organisation susmentionnée. Ainsi, le traitement judiciaire, basé sur la loi antiterroriste du 7 novembre 2005, appliqué par les juridictions antiterro

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2

Friedman, Jeremy. "The Enemy of My Enemy: The Soviet Union, East Germany, and the Iranian Tudeh Party's Support for Ayatollah Khomeini." Journal of Cold War Studies 20, no. 2 (2018): 3–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00815.

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This article examines the strategy of the Iranian Tudeh Party in concert with its Soviet and East German patrons and allies during and after the Iranian revolution of 1979. The article assesses the thinking behind the Tudeh's strategy of unwavering support for Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini and his Islamist allies, even after other major leftist parties had begun fighting the new Islamic regime. This strategy was a product of the international Communist movement's model of revolution in the developing world that envisioned new states following a “non-capitalist path of development.” In Iran, this

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Bayat, Asef. "O postislamizmu općenito / Post-Islamism at large." Context: Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 4, no. 2 (2022): 53–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.55425/23036966.2017.4.2.53.

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In an earlier work Making Islam Democratic (2007), I attempted to interrogate the infamous question of whether Islam was compatible with democracy. I concluded that whereas Islamism (understood as deploying Islam as a political project to establish Islamic state) was unlikely to embrace democratic polity, ‘post-Islamism’ could. My early formulation of ‘post-Islamism’ was based primarily on the experience of Iran in the late 1990s. In this essay I try to see how much this concept has a broader resonance, given that Islamist movements in the Muslim world have experienced significant changes in t

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Muhaimin, Ramdhan, Nizar Umar, and Firda Amaliyah. "Analisis Komparatif Model Dialektika Pos-Islamisme di Dunia Islam antara Arab Saudi dan Iran." POLITEA 6, no. 2 (2023): 254. http://dx.doi.org/10.21043/politea.v6i2.23460.

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<p><em>This study aims to analyze the relationship between Islam and the state in Saudi Arabia and Iran, using the approach of post-Islamism. Post-Islamism is a concept that refers to the shift of Islamist groups towards modernity and democracy. It was first introduced by Iranian intellectual, Asef Bayat, in the 1990s. Since then, it has been used to analyze the phenomenon of political Islam in different countries, especially after the Cold War. In Saudi Arabia, changes have occurred since Mohammed bin Salman was appointed as crown prince in 2016. In Iran, civil society actions, su

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Ladier-Fouladi, Marie. "De l’islamisation des universités à l’islamisation des sciences sociales en Iran." Communications 114, no. 1 (2024): 29–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/commu.114.0029.

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Le projet d’islamisation des universités a émergé tout de suite après la prise de pouvoir des islamistes en Iran, en 1979. Pour le mener à bien, ils ont même proclamé la « révolution culturelle ». Mais en dépit de la propagande et de l’application de multiples mesures politiques durant une décennie, ils n’ont pas pu atteindre leur objectif. C’est le nouveau Guide suprême, Ali Khamenei, qui en désignant formellement les sciences humaines et sociales, nées en Occident, comme le nouvel ennemi de la République islamique et de ses fondements idéologiques et théoriques, a demandé l’élaboration d’une

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6

Khan, Shahnaz. "The Idea of Woman in Fundamentalist Islam." American Journal of Islam and Society 22, no. 1 (2005): 109–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v22i1.1735.

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Lamia Rustum Shehadeh’s timely book, The Idea of Woman inFundamentalist Islam, begins with a brief biography of influential “fundamentalists.” She examines the context in which they formulated their theoriesand the extent to which they influenced each other, a process thatallows us to see their ideas as a response to the historical, political, andsocial environments in which they lived. For example, the MuslimBrotherhood, founded by Hasan al-Banna in 1928, not only helped formulateand consolidate Islamic revivalism in Egypt, but also helped provide ablueprint for a sociopolitical organization

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Yashlavskii, A. "Extremist Groups in the Syrian Civil War: New Actors & New Threats." World Economy and International Relations, no. 10 (2014): 93–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2014-10-93-104.

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Since 2012 one can speak about a real civil war in Syria with participation of different political forces. Extremist Islamist jihadist groups like “Front al-Nusra” and “Islamic State of Iraq and Levant” (ISIL) play very active role among them. Relations between ruling elites and Islamists have been very complex in Syria during the past decades. On the one hand, Syrian Alawite regime is secular and nationalist. On the other hand, official Damascus used to be one of the sponsors of the militant Islamist anti-Israeli and anti-Western groups in the Middle East. Besides, Syria is a close ally of Is

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8

Nosenko, T. "Long War against Terror." World Economy and International Relations, no. 4 (2010): 31–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2010-4-31-41.

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In the article, different reasons for the long-lasting war against international terrorism under the Islamist banner are analysed. Notwithstanding the "Al-Qaeda's" weakening, since autumn 2001, many new groups have sprung up threatening the international security. Till now, the war has been waged only against terrorists, but no serious attention has been paid to neutralization of radical Islamism as an ideology causing terrorism. In connection with the military actions in Iraq and Afghanistan, anti-western feelings have been growing up breeding radical Islamism. It is emphasized in the article

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Khan, Shaza. "Modernizing Islam." American Journal of Islam and Society 21, no. 2 (2004): 106–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v21i2.1796.

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As the political climate between many western and Muslim nations continuesto intensify, the rhetoric of a “clash of civilizations” has reemerged inour news media, governments, and academic institutions. Muslims andnon-Muslims, with varying political agendas, insist that Islam is inherentlyincompatible with modernity, democracy, and the West. Yet the contributorsto Modernizing Islam: Religion in the Public Sphere in the Middle Eastand Europe demonstrate otherwise as they examine the (re)Islamization ofEurope and the Middle East and reveal the ways in which “Islamic politicalactivism” (p. 3), or

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Saffari, Siavash. "The Post-Islamist Turn and the Contesting Visions of Democratic Public Religion." Sociology of Islam 2, no. 3-4 (2014): 127–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22131418-00204003.

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This article examines the relationship between religion and sociopolitical development in the context of the re-emergence of popular social movements in Muslim societies in the Middle East and North Africa. It makes a case that despite the decline of Islamism as a mode of social mobilization, religion maintains an active presence within the public sphere. Focusing on the religious-political discourses of Abdolkarim Soroush and neo-Shariatis, as the representatives of two distinct post-Islamist currents in post-revolutionary Iran, the article identifies some of the capacities and limitations of

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Teimouri, Amirhossein. "Toward a Generalizable Understanding of Rightist Movements: Utilizing the Revolutionary Right’s Value Wars in Iran (1995–2009) as a Case Study." Religions 15, no. 5 (2024): 525. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel15050525.

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Bringing rightist movement studies into the Iranian context, this study advances a generalizable understanding of the ideological, moral, and cultural activism of Islamist movements and their rightist counterparts. While numerous studies have discussed the economic explanation of rightist movements, I integrate Islamist movements in the Muslim world and rightist movements in the West to develop a generalizable cultural and moral explanation of rightist movements. Value and ideological conflicts, as well as moral outrage, drive this integrated understanding of rightist movements. The rise of in

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Gombár, Eduard. "Islamist Organizations in Syria, Jordan, and Lebanon." Czech Journal of International Relations 37, no. 3 (2002): 84–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.32422/cjir.1116.

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In Syria, the beginnings of political Islamism were connected with the Muslim Brotherhood, which resisted the Baath government and initiated armed revolt in Hama in April 1964. After Hafiz al-Asad seized power, the Muslim Brotherhood split into three factions (ultra-radicals from Hama, a radical faction in Aleppo, and an exiled Damascus moderate faction). In the years 1979-1982, the Muslim Brotherhood war radicalized and oriented towards jihad, which culminated in the Hama uprising in April 1982. However, the Syrian Islamist movement was supported not even by the Islamic revolutionary regime i

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13

Bohdan, Siarhei. ""They Were Going Together with the Ikhwan": The Influence of Muslim Brotherhood Thinkers on Shi'i Islamists during the Cold War." Middle East Journal 74, no. 2 (2020): 243–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.3751/74.2.14.

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By analyzing the interest displayed by the followers of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini in writings by members of the Muslim Brotherhood, this article shows how the Shi'i Islamist movement in Iran and Afghanistan was both transnational and influenced by Sunni Islamists in the Arab world. Using mostly Iranian and Afghan sources, this article discusses these influences through the notion of Islamic revolutionary ecumenism. While much attention has been given to Khomeini's call to "export" Iran's Islamic Revolution, this article shows some of the ways his own followers "imported" their ideology.

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Adelkhah, Fariba, and Olfa Lamloum. "Femmes, islamisme et féminisme en Iran." Confluences Méditerranée N°59, no. 4 (2006): 163. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/come.059.0163.

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15

Martin, Vanessa. "Islamist radicalism in the provinces of Iran 1906–9: a stage in the development of Islamism." Middle Eastern Studies 53, no. 5 (2017): 687–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00263206.2017.1288619.

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Dr. Zakra Perveen. "ترکی میں احیائے اسلام کی تحریکیں: ایک مطالعہ". Al-Qamar 1, № 1 (2018): 195–210. https://doi.org/10.53762/j9x4tr43.

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A number of protestant Islamic movements had been prompting in various eras of the history of Islam. Several religious and ameliorative movements started specifically in Iran, Egypt, Syria, Lebanon, North Africa, Afghanistan, Turkey and India during the midst of thirteenth century A.H. These movements arose after centuries of passivity. They were, to some extent contrary to the political, economic, cultural and colonial policies of West while in the Islamic world considered as efforts of Islamic reforms and re-advancement of Ummah. Many of these movements also provoked in Turkey for the establ

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Mens, Yann. "Irak : les fondements de l'État islamique." Alternatives Internationales N° 64, no. 9 (2014): 19. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/ai.064.0019.

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18

Leonhardt, Christoph. "The Greek- and the Syriac-Orthodox Patriarchates of Antioch in the context of the Syrian Conflict." Chronos 33 (September 3, 2018): 21–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.31377/chr.v33i0.92.

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Oriental Christianity is not only a special part of global Christianity, but also its oldest one. The members of the ancient Christian community in the Hellenistic city of Antioch were the first to be called christianoi — Christians.2 But with the recent developments of the Syrian Crisis, the deep- rooted Christians of the region see themselves as a threatened minority. Since the Islamist rebel militia, the so called al-Dawlah al-lslamiyah ("The Islamic State") announced the establishment of a caliphate in parts of the region of northeastern Syria and northwestern Iraq, threats against local C

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19

Vaner, Semih. "La République islamique d’Iran face à l’URSS (1979-1984) : Realpolitik ou répulsion?" Études internationales 17, no. 1 (2005): 63–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/701964ar.

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A few authors, while comparing the foreign policy of the Shah with that of khomeiny, have come to the conclusion either of a "total break" or, conversely, of a "continuity" with regard to the policy of Iran towards the Soviet Union. However, keeping only the Soviet Union in mind, but viewed from various levels in time and space, one can observe a break which derives from ideological incompatibility, then again a continuity which result s from some kind of realization of internal or external pressures. The fear arising from a threatening contiguity, the diplomatic isolation which followed the s

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Spierings, Niels. "The Influence of Islamic Orientations on Democratic Support and Tolerance in five Arab Countries." Politics and Religion 7, no. 4 (2014): 706–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048314000479.

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AbstractConclusions from empirical analyses on how Islam influences democratic attitudes in Arab countries differ widely, and the field suffers from conceptual ambiguity and largely focuses on “superficial” democratic support. Based on the non-Middle Eastern literature, this study provides a more systematic theoretical and empirical assessment of the linkages between Islamic attitudes and the popular support for democracy. I link belonging (affiliation), commitment (religiosity), orthodoxy, Muslim political attitudes, and individual-level political Islamism to the support for democracy and pol

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21

Beaumont, Robin. "Irak, l’État captif." Questions internationales 103-104, no. 2 (2020): 104–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/quin.103.0104.

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Dix-sept ans après la chute de Saddam Hussein, l’État irakien est paralysé par un système politique clientéliste, la violence de partis-milices et les ingérences étrangères. Alors que l’organisation État islamique (Daech) ne semble plus représenter une menace existentielle pour le pays, l’ordre politique mis en place par l’intervention américaine de 2003 cristallise la colère de la population .

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22

Richard, Yann. "L'intégrisme islamique en Iran." Social Compass 32, no. 4 (1985): 421–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/003776868503200408.

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What terms should we use to describe Islamic radicalism? We can distinguish two different types: fundamentalist and integrist. Although the second term is difficult to translate into English, it enables us to make enriching comparisons with modern Catho licism.

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Bar-On, Tamir. "‘Islamofascism’: Four Competing Discourses on the Islamism-Fascism Comparison." Fascism 7, no. 2 (2018): 241–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-00702005.

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With the dramatic rise of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria, we witnessed the revival of the Islamism-fascism comparison. This paper begins with a short history of the Islamism-fascism comparison. It then argues that both Islamism and fascism are coherent political ideologies. The author proposes a four-fold typology of different discourses in respect of the Islamism-fascism comparison, which are called ‘Thou shall not compare’, ‘Islamofascism’, ‘Islamofascism as epithet’, and ‘Dare to compare’. It’s concluded that we should compare Islamism and fascism, but that the two ideologies are disti

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Yavari-d'Hellencourt, Nouchine. "Le féminisme post-islamiste en Iran." Revue du monde musulman et de la Méditerranée 85, no. 1 (1999): 99–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/remmm.1999.2639.

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Kamali, Masoud. "Multiple Modernities and Islamism in Iran." Social Compass 54, no. 3 (2007): 373–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0037768607080833.

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Sayed Ahmad, Movassaghi, and Etemadifar Amin. "The Social Contexts of Islamism in Iran and Post-Islamism in Turkey." Qurterly Journal of Political Research in Islamic World 3, no. 4 (2014): 157–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.20286/priw-0403157.

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Belhaj, Abdessamad. "From Divine to Popular Sovereignty: The Civil Shift in Contemporary Islamic Political Thought." Religions 16, no. 5 (2025): 622. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel16050622.

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For various religious and political reasons, the idea of divine sovereignty (ḥākimiyya) has found support in many Islamic movements and discourses between the 1940s and the 1980s throughout the Muslim world. Nonetheless, in the 1990s, the consolidation of contemporary nation-states, the appeal of liberal democracy, and human rights in the Muslim world, along with the failure of Islamism, paved the way for a turn towards popular sovereignty in Islamic political thought. The emergence of a post-Islamist age in the Arab world and Iran, especially in the aftermath of the Arab Spring (2011), has ch

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Ilbert, Robert, and Chapour Haghighat. "1979: Iran, la revolution islamique." Vingtième Siècle. Revue d'histoire, no. 9 (January 1986): 131. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3769005.

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Tamm, Ditlev. "En samtale om lov og ret i I.R. Iran." Udenrigs, no. 2 (June 1, 2009): 34–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/udenrigs.v0i2.119374.

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30

A. Dudoignon, Stéphane. "Comment les islamistes ont pris le pouvoir." L'Histoire N° 506, no. 4 (2023): 30–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/histo.506.0030.

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Charia Le terme désigne en arabe la « voie » à suivre, directement inspirée de la pratique du Prophète et du Coran. Dans les sociétés islamiques, elle réglemente la vie privée autant que l’espace public, et remplace toutes les formes de droit, jugées inférieures car étant créées par les hommes. Guide suprême Créé dans la Constitution de 1979 pour l’ayatollah Khomeyni, ce titre désigne le chef d’État iranien. Depuis sa mort en 1989, il ne fut porté que par son successeur, encore au pouvoir en 2023, Ali Khamenei. Il doit être un théologien chiite. Mojahedin du peuple Organisation armée, marxiste

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Stepkin, E. A. "On Political Islam in Palestine." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 5(44) (October 28, 2015): 168–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2015-5-44-168-172.

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Abstract: This article deals with analyzing the place and the political Islam occupies on the Palestinian territories. The author tries to prove that despite the “Arab spring” and growing popularity of Islamism in the neighbor Arab countries its popular support among Palestinians is low. The main reason for this is Israeli total control of political, economic and - partially - social processes taking place in the West Bank. Position of the officials in Ramallah who together with Tel-Aviv strictly contain spread of Islamism throughout the West Bank also has a strong suppressing effect. Central

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Rahnema, S., and H. Moghissi. "Introduction: Secularism and Islamism: Iran and Beyond." Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East 31, no. 1 (2011): 1–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/1089201x-2010-045.

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Kia, Mehrdad. "Pan‐Islamism in late nineteenth‐century Iran." Middle Eastern Studies 32, no. 1 (1996): 30–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00263209608701090.

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Grishaeva, Lidiya. "Withdrawal of US forces from Afghanistan: impact and influence on the national security of Russia." Diplomaticheskaja sluzhba (Diplomatic Service), no. 1 (2022): 28–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/vne-01-2201-03.

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The article is devoted to the problem of the national security of Russia. The reasons that influenced the intensification of threats in connection with the events in Afghanistan are identified. The analysis of all the circumstances that caused the exacerbation of the situation in Afghanistan. The article convincingly shows that the main reason for the destabilization of the situation in Afghanistan was the ill-considered and poorly organized withdrawal of US and NATO troops from the country, which provoked a humanitarian catastrophe in the country. The author notes that over the 20 years of th

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Dai, Yamao. "Foreign Impacts Revisited: Islamists’ Struggles in Post-War Iraq." World Political Science 9, no. 1 (2013): 155–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/wpsr-2013-0007.

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AbstractA great number of scholarship has been devoted to examining the impacts of domestic politics to foreign policies. Many studies have also examined the impacts of international politics to domestic politics, focusing on democracy-building or constructing political institutions within the framework of the state-building. However, such scholarship has not focused enough on the impacts of international politics to opposition forces and their relationship to political conflict in the post-conflict era. In countries that have experienced regime change, the formerly exiled opposition forces th

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Zaman, Maheen. "Jihad & Co.: Black Markets and Islamist Power." American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 35, no. 3 (2018): 104–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajiss.v35i3.490.

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In this critically insightful and highly readable book of political ethnogra- phy, Aisha Ahmad, a political scientist at University of Toronto, seeks to explain how and why Islamist movements continue to militarily prevail and politically succeed in forming proto-states, over clan, ethnic, and/or tribal based competitions, amidst the chaos and disorder of civil wars across the contemporary Muslim world, from Mali to Mindanao. To this end, Ahmad seeks to go beyond the usual expositions that center the explanatory power of Islamist ideologies and identities, which dominate the scholarly fields o

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Zaman, Maheen. "Jihad & Co.: Black Markets and Islamist Power." American Journal of Islam and Society 35, no. 3 (2018): 104–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v35i3.490.

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In this critically insightful and highly readable book of political ethnogra- phy, Aisha Ahmad, a political scientist at University of Toronto, seeks to explain how and why Islamist movements continue to militarily prevail and politically succeed in forming proto-states, over clan, ethnic, and/or tribal based competitions, amidst the chaos and disorder of civil wars across the contemporary Muslim world, from Mali to Mindanao. To this end, Ahmad seeks to go beyond the usual expositions that center the explanatory power of Islamist ideologies and identities, which dominate the scholarly fields o

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Demant, Peter R., and Ariel Finguerut. "The United States in the Middle East (2001–2014): from intervention to retrenchment/Os EUA no Oriente Médio (2001–2014): da intervenção ao cerceamento." Brazilian Journal of International Relations 4, no. 3 (2015): 442–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.36311/2237-7743.2015.v4n3.03.p442.

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The main purpose of this paper is to discuss the paradoxical consequences the so-called “Arab Spring”, from 2011 to 2014/15, which has led in various countries of the Arab world and beyond to different outcomes, but nowhere to stable democracy. We intend to discuss the outcomes of those political mobilizations and revolts, paying special attention to (a) the role of Islamist movements and (b) U.S reactions to the recent Mideast upheavals. We start with a general analysis and go to a few case studies (e.g. Egypt, Syria, and Turkey). In discussing the impact of Islamism, we attempt a classificat

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Paivandi, Saeed. "École islamisée en Iran: Dieu est présent partout." Social Cohesion and Development 13, no. 1 (2019): 75. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/scad.19890.

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Roy, Olivier. "1979. La révolution islamique en Iran." Le Débat 207, no. 5 (2019): 82. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/deba.207.0082.

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TRUEVTSEV, K. M. "MIDDLE EAST: MORPHOLOGY OF AND POST-CONFLICT DESIGN." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 10, no. 2 (2017): 143–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2017-10-2-2.

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This article looks at the structure and the dynamics of the Middle Eastern crisis set in motion by the events of the Arab Spring. At the heart of the crisis was Syria, where antigovernment protests broke out in early 2011, almost in parallel with other countries also affected by the Arab Spring. Starting from late March 2011, the unrest morphed into a civil war, leading to a large-scale crisis engulfing the country by the end of the year. At first, the opposition to the Syrian regime consisted of numerous groups with varying political affiliations – from liberals to Islamists – however, by ear

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Shirdel, Mohammad-Ali. "Le changement dans les stratégies du développement économique en Iran, 1980-1988." Articles 26, no. 1 (2007): 97–131. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/016441ar.

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Résumé Cette recherche a pour objectif d’expliquer le changement et la continuité dans les stratégies de développement économique pendant la Première République (1980-1988) en Iran. La stratégie de développement économique a connu une transformation importante après la révolution islamique en 1979. Pendant la Première République, la stratégie du « socialisme islamique » a été appliquée par le nouvel État islamique. La question principale est la suivante : quels sont les facteurs déterminants de la continuité et du changement dans les stratégies de développement en Iran ? Selon notre approche t

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Jati, Wasisto Raharjo. "Memaknai Kelas Menengah Muslim Sebagai Agen Perubahan Sosial Politik Indonesia." Al-Tahrir: Jurnal Pemikiran Islam 16, no. 1 (2016): 133. http://dx.doi.org/10.21154/al-tahrir.v16i1.342.

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Abstract: This article aims at analyzing agenda of socio-political changes among Indonesian middle class muslim . Compared with other middle class groups, middle class muslim is a middle class which tends to have political sense toward political changes. It is caused by its political experiences they have got such as alienation, authoritarianism, and inequality. Those ironic experiences make Indonesian middle class become political agent. Political experiences which have happened in middle east such as Turkey, Iran, and Egypt become main preferention to analyze current situation. Therea are tw

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Gordon, Joel. "Iran: Revolution of Things: The Islamism and Post-Islamism of Objects in Tehran, by Kusha Sefat. (book review)." Middle East Journal 78, no. 1 (2024): 100–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.3751/78.1.303.

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LARSSON, Pär Fredborn. "The West as imagined in cafes in urban Iran –An anthropological essay –." Revue plurilingue : Études des Langues, Littératures et Cultures 2, no. 1 (2018): 143–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.46325/ellic.v2i1.36.

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Abstract The government of the Islamic Republic of Iran has perpetuated a negative rhetoric of the West and the United States in particular since the Islamic Revolution. With the help of ethnographic examples, this essay argues that parts of youth in urban Iran are fascinated by the West in a way that stands in stark contrast to the negative image given by the Islamic Republic. Résumé Le gouvernement de la République islamique d'Iran a perpétué une rhétorique négative de l'Occident et des États-Unis en particulier depuis la révolution islamique. À l'aide d'exemples ethnograph

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Mahdavi, M. "Post-Islamist Trends in Postrevolutionary Iran." Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East 31, no. 1 (2011): 94–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/1089201x-2010-056.

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Moinipour, Shabnam. "The Islamic Republic of Iran’s Export of Human Rights Violations through Proxies: Yemen and the Case of the Bahá’ís." Religion & Human Rights 17, no. 2 (2022): 65–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18710328-bja10026.

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Abstract Following the 1979 Revolution, the new regime began propagating a pan-Islamic ideology in order to unify Muslims under the rule of one country, the Islamic Republic of Iran. While it succeeded in recruiting proxies for this purpose, it has yet to succeed in materializing pan-Islamism. Iran’s proxies, who are currently active in Syria, Iraq, Yemen, Lebanon, the Palestinian territories, Afghanistan, and Pakistan are not only assisting Iran to reach its strategic goal of becoming the dominant power in the Middle East, but they are also beginning to import Iran’s human rights policies. On

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Coville, Thierry. "Iran : les inégalités fragilisent la République islamique." Alternatives Internationales 43, no. 6 (2009): 10. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/ai.043.0010.

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Kervran, Monik, and M. O. Rousset. "L'archeologie islamique en Iraq. Bilan et perspectives." Studia Islamica, no. 86 (1997): 201. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1595829.

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Therme, Clément. "Iran : la fin de la Révolution islamique ?" Études Mars, no. 3 (2018): 19–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/etu.4247.0019.

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Les récentes manifestations en Iran ont affaibli le gouvernement du président Hassan Rohani qui s’efforce de conserver une ligne centriste. On assiste à une contestation radicale qui met en cause la légitimité des institutions. La colère d’une part croissante de la population menace la survie du régime mis en place par l’ayatollah Khomeyni.

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