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Journal articles on the topic 'Islamisme – Tunisie'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 8 February 2022

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1

Mokhefi, Mansouria. "Tunisie : sécularisation, islam et islamisme." Histoire, monde et cultures religieuses 34, no. 2 (2015): 31. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/hmc.034.0031.

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2

Hermassi, Abdellatif. "Société, Islam et islamisme en Tunisie." Cahiers de la Méditerranée 49, no. 1 (1994): 61–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/camed.1994.1126.

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3

Zederman, Mathilde. "Construction nationale et mémoire collective : islamisme et bourguibisme en Tunisie (1956-2014)." Matériaux pour l histoire de notre temps N° 117-118, no. 3 (2015): 46. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/mate.117.0046.

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4

Khairullin, Timur R. "Post-islamism: features, processes and prospects." Asia and Africa Today, no. 9 (2021): 34. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s032150750016589-9.

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The article is devoted to the analysis of such an ambiguous phenomenon as Post-Islamism, which emerged as an alternative to the ideas of Islamism that were subjected to the crisis in the 1990s. A distinctive feature of Post-Islamic ideas is their compatibility with the principles of democracy in a globalizing world. Unlike Islamism, Post-Islamism focuses on the rights of an individual instead of his duties. However, these progressive ideas could not become a full-fledged replacement for Islamism, since the decline in its popularity at the end of the XX century turned out to be temporary. The s

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5

Tsaregorodtseva, Irina. "The Islamists in politics in Egypt and Tunisia after 'Arab Spring'." Islamology 7, no. 1 (2017): 122. http://dx.doi.org/10.24848/islmlg.07.1.07.

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The pivotal goal of the study is to reveal the role of the Islamist parties and movements in politics in Egypt and Tunisia before and after the protests of the ‘Arab spring’. In addition, author explains how various Islamist groups interacted with each other and which factors determined the nature of their interaction. According to preliminary observations, there were several common features in the character of Islamists’ participation in politics in Egypt and Tunisia after the Mubarak and Ben Ali. By means of comparative analysis this research shows why Tunisian Islamists appeared to be more

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6

Gorman, Brandon. "The myth of the secular–Islamist divide in Muslim politics: Evidence from Tunisia." Current Sociology 66, no. 1 (2017): 145–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0011392117697460.

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Many scholars argue that politics in majority-Muslim societies are marked by deep polarization: dominated by struggles between secularists and Islamists who hold fundamentally divergent ideological positions. Yet, this finding is likely a result of scholarly focus on Islamist organizations and political parties rather than their constituencies. Using Tunisia as a case study, this article investigates attitudinal polarization between secularists and Islamists at the individual level using a mixed-method design combining statistical analyses of survey data with content analyses of in-depth inter

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Cavatorta, Francesco, and Stefano Torelli. "From Victim to Hangman? Ennahda, Salafism and the Tunisian Transition." Religions 12, no. 2 (2021): 76. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12020076.

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The article revisits the notion of post-Islamism that Roy and Bayat put forth to investigate its usefulness in analysing the Tunisian party Ennahda and its role in the Tunisian transition. The article argues that the notion of post-Islamism does not fully capture the ideological and political evolution of Islamist parties, which, despite having abandoned their revolutionary ethos, still compete in the political arena through religious categories that subsume politics to Islam. It is only by taking seriously these religious categories that one can understand how Ennahda dealt with the challenge

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8

GREWAL, SHARAN. "From Islamists to Muslim Democrats: The Case of Tunisia’s Ennahda." American Political Science Review 114, no. 2 (2020): 519–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055419000819.

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What drives some Islamists to become “Muslim Democrats,” downplaying religion and accepting secular democracy? This article hypothesizes that one channel of ideological change is migration to secular democracies. Drawing on an ideal point analysis of parliamentary votes from the Tunisian Islamist movement Ennahda, I find that MPs who had lived in secular democracies held more liberal voting records than their counterparts who had lived only in Tunisia. In particular, they were more likely to defend freedom of conscience and to vote against enshrining Islamic law in the constitution. Interviews

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9

Woltering, Robbert A. F. L. "Post-Islamism in Distress? A Critical Evaluation of the Theory in Islamist-Dominated Egypt (11 February 2011-3 July 2013)." die welt des islams 54, no. 1 (2014): 107–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700607-00541p04.

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The developments in the Arab world since the outbreak of the Tunisian revolution not only open up new horizons for Arab citizens, they also allow for scholars of Middle Eastern studies to test certain theories in ways heretofore impossible. One such theory is that of post-Islamism. This paper discusses a number of recent publications by former members of the Muslim Brotherhood, in light of recent developments in and analysis of Egypt’s Islamist politics, with the aim of determining whether it is possible (and useful) to speak of a ‘post-Islamist condition’ in the post-Mubarak period wherein th

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10

Cavatorta, Francesco, and Fabio Merone. "Post-Islamism, ideological evolution and ‘latunisianité’ of the Tunisian Islamist partyal-Nahda." Journal of Political Ideologies 20, no. 1 (2015): 27–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13569317.2015.991508.

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11

Grami, Amel. "Women, Feminism and Politics in Post-Revolution Tunisia." Feminist Dissent, no. 3 (November 27, 2018): 23–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.31273/fd.n3.2018.292.

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During periods of flux generated by Tunisia's transition to democracy, all classes of women found the ‘political opportunities’ to push for change even if they did not necessarily share the same ambition or dream. The mobilisation, contestations, confrontations and struggle of Tunisian women in the post-revolution period alert us to the need to examine the factors behind this activism and the extent of its visibility. It is important to revisit the Tunisian women's movement in order to understand its interaction with other forms of power such as politics, religion, and class; as well as the ex

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12

Khan, Shaza. "Modernizing Islam." American Journal of Islam and Society 21, no. 2 (2004): 106–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v21i2.1796.

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As the political climate between many western and Muslim nations continuesto intensify, the rhetoric of a “clash of civilizations” has reemerged inour news media, governments, and academic institutions. Muslims andnon-Muslims, with varying political agendas, insist that Islam is inherentlyincompatible with modernity, democracy, and the West. Yet the contributorsto Modernizing Islam: Religion in the Public Sphere in the Middle Eastand Europe demonstrate otherwise as they examine the (re)Islamization ofEurope and the Middle East and reveal the ways in which “Islamic politicalactivism” (p. 3), or

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13

Lorch, Jasmin, and Hatem Chakroun. "Othering within the Islamist Spectrum: Ennahda and the Political Salafists in Tunisia." Middle East Law and Governance 12, no. 2 (2020): 198–221. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763375-01202006.

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Abstract While research on Islamist moderation has paid considerable attention to cross-ideological cooperation, it has barely explored whether and how the moderation of Islamist parties is related to interactions inside the Islamist spectrum. We attempt to bridge this gap by using othering as a theoretical-analytical lens with which to analyze the interplay between Ennahda’s moderation and the party’s relations to the political Salafists in Tunisia. We argue that the discursive act of othering the political Salafists has helped Ennahda construct itself both as a moderate, democratic actor rep

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14

Jerad†, Nabiha. "The Tunisian Revolution: From Universal Slogans for Democracy to the Power of Language." Middle East Journal of Culture and Communication 6, no. 2 (2013): 232–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18739865-00602006.

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This article, published posthumously, focuses on the use of language in the Tunisian revolution. It argues that language during the revolution and in the context of the Arab spring more widely was a performative political act by people from diverse backgrounds who united around the common cause of democracy and dignity. It examines the diversity of enunciations during the revolution, verbal as well as written (in the form of graffiti and protest banners), and relates them to the social history of Tunisia. The article then turns to the linguistic faultlines in the wake of the Tunisian revolutio

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15

Ahmad, Waqas. "The Evolving Interplay between Islam and Politics: From Islamist to Islamic Democrat." ICR Journal 9, no. 4 (2018): 154–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.52282/icr.v9i4.99.

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Islam is unique in its relationship with politics. It plays a vital role in politics and governance, initially under the Rashidun and subsequently in many Muslim empires. The collapse of the Ottoman caliphate in 1924 and the process of decolonisation which started in the mid-twentieth-century led to the start of many Islamic political movements in newly independent Muslim countries. These movements now sit at a critical juncture, with Muslims around the world being polarised around two political extremes. On the one hand, we have Islamic radical groups like ISIS and al-Qaeda, while on the othe

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16

Redissi, Hamadi. "The decline of political Islam’s legitimacy." Philosophy & Social Criticism 40, no. 4-5 (2014): 381–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0191453714527286.

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The ‘rise’ and ‘decline’ refer to the rationale behind Islamic attractiveness and its rejection. What I intend to write is a narrative based on theoretical intuitions and empirical facts very different from Olivier Roy’s thesis on the ‘failure’ of political Islam (1992) and Asef Bayat’s post-Islamism (1996). My theoretical intuition is that political Islam has for years at best taken advantage of a long-term series of failures. First, there is the failure of modernization, of secularity and of national ideology. Islamist movements transformed this kind of ‘negative legitimacy’ into an electora

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17

Labidi, Lilia. "Discours féministe et fait islamiste en Tunisie." Confluences Méditerranée N°59, no. 4 (2006): 133. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/come.059.0133.

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18

Karoui, Sedki, and Romdhane Khemakhem. "Factors affecting the Islamic purchasing behavior – a qualitative study." Journal of Islamic Marketing 10, no. 4 (2019): 1104–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jima-12-2017-0145.

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PurposeThis study aims to better understand the Islamic consumption incentives because the spectacular flourishing of the halal market in different places around the world has grown the interest in understanding and deciphering the mechanisms behind its development.Design/methodology/approachThrough an exploratory study of some Tunisia-based Islamic groups’ purchasing behavior, this paper investigates factors leading to the purchasing ofhalalgoods (Islamic consumption).FindingsFindings show that the Islamic consumer is more of an Islamist than simply a Muslim. In addition, findings show thatha

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19

Ovshieva, Ilyana. "Stomping for Tunisia: Liberation, Identity and Dignity in Tunisian Rap Music." Middle East Journal of Culture and Communication 6, no. 1 (2013): 36–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18739865-00503003.

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This analysis ventures into an examination of the role of hip hop as a medium for youthful resistance, mobilization and empowerment during the Tunisian revolution. As a subculture of resistance that never speaks down to people, hip hop serves as the ultimate tool for young revolutionary artists to reassert their dignity, hidden talent and self-understanding. The lyrics of El Général, Armada Bizerta, Ferid El Extranjero and Mos Anif epitomize the feelings of hopelessness and neglect that were endemic in Tunisian society and that propelled a nationwide rebellion. Bereft of voice in their politic

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20

Netterstrøm, Kasper Ly. "The Islamists’ Compromise in Tunisia." Journal of Democracy 26, no. 4 (2015): 110–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jod.2015.0055.

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21

Lee, Robert D. "Tunisian intellectuals: responses to Islamism." Journal of North African Studies 13, no. 2 (2008): 157–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13629380801996489.

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22

Kinney, Drew Holland. "Sharing Saddles: Oligarchs and Officers on Horseback in Egypt and Tunisia." International Studies Quarterly 65, no. 2 (2021): 512–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isq/sqaa093.

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Abstract Research on the military's removal from politics overemphasizes the attitudes and interests of officers. Civilians are portrayed as incapable of confronting refractory men with guns. This essay compares regime transitions in Egypt (2011–2013) and Tunisia (2011–2014) to show that unified civilian elites strengthen and polarized elites undermine civilian control of the armed forces. Research for the cases is based on interviews with Egyptian and Tunisian businesspersons, party members, and civil society activists; the International Consortium of Investigation Journalists's tax-offshorin

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23

Ayeb, Habib. "Tunisie : les islamistes à l'épreuve du pouvoir." Tumultes 38-39, no. 1 (2012): 57. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/tumu.038.0057.

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24

Kilani, Mondher. "Femmes, Révolution et nouveau gouvernement des corps en Tunisie." Anthropologie et Sociétés 42, no. 1 (2018): 57–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1045124ar.

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Les enjeux de la Révolution tunisienne de janvier 2011 se sont d’emblée situés au niveau de la gestion de la vie dont dépendra finalement le futur modèle de la société. Plus encore que les « modernistes », les « islamistes » ne s’y sont pas trompés, investissant non seulement la scène politique, mais aussi le gouvernement des corps. Une certaine conception de l’islam fonctionne aujourd’hui comme une puissante machine biopolitique qui a affaire à la population comme « problème de pouvoir ». Les préceptes, conduites et comportements avancés au nom du respect de l’islam pénètrent littéralement to

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25

Zhang, Chuchu, and Yahia H. Zoubir. "Resisting Change: Tunisia and Algeria Manage Islamism." Middle East Policy 27, no. 4 (2020): 83–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/mepo.12528.

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26

Marzouki, Nadia. "The Call for Dignity, or a Particular Universalism." Middle East Law and Governance 3, no. 1-2 (2011): 148–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633711x591503.

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Although the many difficulties of Tunisia’s democratic transition have received significant attention over the past six months, there has been relatively little commentary regarding the claims and attitudes that made the winter mobilizations so unique. The movement’s so-called lack of leadership, the proliferation of parties, the economic and financial crisis, the risk of a supposedly Islamist threat—all these themes have been discussed at length by analysts in Tunisia and abroad. Consequently, rather than engaging in yet another attempt to assess the movement’s success, or predict its failure

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27

Tho Seeth, Amanda. "Islamist-Secular Cleavages at Tunisia ́s Universities." International Higher Education, no. 85 (March 14, 2016): 21–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.6017/ihe.2016.85.9243.

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This article shows how the struggle between secularist and Islamist forces has entered Tunisia´s universities since the introduction of democracy in 2011. In the new political freedom, Islamist voices have become more powerful at the campuses. The Islamist student organization UGTE for the first time ever won the elections over the student councils in November 2015. A future constant rise and stabilization of Islamist power over academia could be backed up by the current weakness of the secular parties in parliament. Furthermore, since democratization, universities have become targets of Salaf

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28

Ajili, Wissem, and Zeineb Ben Gara. "Quel Avenir pour la Finance Islamique en Tunisie ?" Etudes en Economie Islamique 7, no. 1 (2013): 31–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.12816/0034680.

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29

Ben Lazreg, Houssem. "Post-Islamism in Tunisia and Egypt: Contradictory Trajectories." Religions 12, no. 6 (2021): 408. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12060408.

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In the wake of the Tunisian Revolution of 2011, Ennahda leader Rached Ghannouchi distanced his party from the main Islamist paradigm, which is spearheaded primarily by the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt, and announced the separation of the religious movement entirely from its political wing (al-Siyasi and al-da’awi). In addition to reassuring Tunisians that Ennahda’s socio-political project is rooted in its “Tunisianity,” these measures aimed at signaling Ennahda’s joining the camp of post-Islamist parties and Muslim democrats such as the AKP in Turkey and the JDP in Morocco. In this article, usi

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30

Dolgov, Boris. "Democracy and Islamism in Arab states (Algeria, Tunisia, Egypt)." Journal of Political Theory, Political Philosophy and Sociology of Politics Politeia 47, no. 4 (2007): 122–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.30570/2078-5089-2007-47-4-122-138.

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31

Debuysere, Loes. "Tunisian Women at the Crossroads: Antagonism and Agonism between Secular and Islamist Women’s Rights Movements in Tunisia." Mediterranean Politics 21, no. 2 (2015): 226–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13629395.2015.1092292.

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32

Zederman, Mathilde. "The Hegemonic Bourguibist Discourse on Modernity in Post-revolutionary Tunisia." Middle East Law and Governance 8, no. 2-3 (2016): 179–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763375-00802004.

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This article examines the continued resonance of Bourguibist discourses on modernity within Tunisia, how his political legacy continues to serve as a point of reference for diverse political movements, and therefore seeks to question how this conceptualization of modernity remains hegemonic. I posit that the national narrative of “modernity” conveyed by Bourguiba in the post-independence era should be understood as an arena of struggle over power and identity, and accordingly that both serve to shed light on how collective memory is mobilized as a political idiom to legitimise certain ideologi

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33

Ben Rebah, Maher. "Mapping votes and representing power: Spatio-temporal and multiscalar analysis of electoral results in Tunisia between 2011 and 2018." Abstracts of the ICA 1 (July 15, 2019): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/ica-abs-1-26-2019.

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<p><strong>Abstract.</strong> Tunisia has held four elections (legislative2011 and 2014, presidential 2014 and local 2018) since the 2011 Revolution. The last municipal elections held on May 6, 2018 were the first free and fair local elections in the country’s history so far. The political dynamics at play after 2011 are far from being settled. In fact, the first National Constituent Assembly’s election in October 2011 knew a large advance of Ennahda Islamist Party. With the 2014 legislative elections we come to witness the advent of a new political party: Nidaa Tounes. Howev

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34

Alexander, Christopher. "OPPORTUNITIES, ORGANIZATIONS, AND IDEAS: ISLAMISTS AND WORKERS IN TUNISIA AND ALGERIA." International Journal of Middle East Studies 32, no. 4 (2000): 465–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800021176.

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Since the late 1970s, a voluminous body of scholarship has examined the socio-economic roots of Islamist politics. Much of this literature presents Islamist movements as angry responses to corrupt authoritarian regimes and broken moral economies in the post-oil boom era. In this view, Islam offers a culturally authentic alternative to a disinherited and disenfranchised generation.

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35

Guazzone, Laura. "Ennahda Islamists and the Test of Government in Tunisia." International Spectator 48, no. 4 (2013): 30–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03932729.2013.847677.

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36

Donker, Teije Hidde. "Re-emerging Islamism in Tunisia: Repositioning Religion in Politics and Society." Mediterranean Politics 18, no. 2 (2013): 207–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13629395.2013.799339.

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37

Allani, Alaya. "The Islamists in Tunisia between confrontation and participation: 1980–20081." Journal of North African Studies 14, no. 2 (2009): 257–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13629380902727510.

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38

Boubekeur, Amel. "Islamists, Secularists and Old Regime Elites in Tunisia: bargained Competition." Mediterranean Politics 21, no. 1 (2015): 107–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13629395.2015.1081449.

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39

Ferré, Nathalie. "La fabrique de la « société civile » entre évitement du politique et politisation : usages d’un dispositif de l’action extérieure européenne en Tunisie." Revue Gouvernance 15, no. 1 (2019): 15–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1056259ar.

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Les soulèvements de 2011 en Tunisie ont projeté la « société civile » sur le devant de la scène, à la fois comme catégorie d’action publique des bailleurs internationaux et comme catégorie de présentation de soi et d’action pour un ensemble d’acteurs hétéroclites dont des d’organisations non gouvernementales (ONG) et associations. Le soutien à la « société civile » dans une logique partenariale fait partie de la rhétorique et de l’ingénierie politique conventionnelles de l’action extérieure de l’Union européenne (UE). Celui-ci correspond à un ensemble de programmes et lignes de financement, pr

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40

Grasso, Anna. "L’intégration politique des islamistes tunisiens via les syndicats." L'Année du Maghreb, no. 22 (July 14, 2020): 185–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/anneemaghreb.6471.

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41

De Poli, Barbara. "Arab revolts and 'Civil State': a new term for old conflicts between Islamism and secularism." Approaching Religion 4, no. 2 (2014): 95–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.30664/ar.67553.

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The Arab revolts that erupted in late 2010, forcing from power the rulers of Tunisia, Egypt, Libya and Yemen, and dragging Syria through a ferocious civil war, reactivated the public debate on government in Islamic countries. In all those countries, after removing the authoritarian regimes (or fighting against them), the political arena saw a division into two main camps: Islamic parties and secularists; both claiming to stand for democracy. Within the political discourse of both sides a new concept began to play a pivotal role: that of the ’civil state’ – dawla madaniyya – a term which, howev

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42

Medhat Abdelkader, Nora. "Islamist parties and social movements: cases of Egypt and Tunisia." Review of Economics and Political Science 4, no. 3 (2019): 224–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/reps-12-2018-0044.

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Purpose This paper aims to shed light on the previous ideological stands of the newly established Islamist parties in terms of the idea of party formation, and different models of their relations with the social movements from which they emanated through focusing on some case studies, namely, Egypt and Tunisia, with an attempt to study their impact on the parties’ paths by concentrating on two dimensions: the decision-making process and alliances’ building. Design/methodology/approach The paper is written according to the comparative case studies approach and Huntington’s new institutionalism.

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43

Wolf, Anne. "An Islamist ‘renaissance’? Religion and politics in post-revolutionary Tunisia." Journal of North African Studies 18, no. 4 (2013): 560–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13629387.2013.829979.

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44

Lavie, Limor. "The Constitutionalization of the Civil State: The Self-Definition of Egypt, Tunisia and Yemen Following the Arab Uprisings." Religions 12, no. 4 (2021): 269. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12040269.

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This paper offers a contextualized analysis of the way in which three Islamic constitutions—in Egypt (2014/2019), Tunisia (2014), and Yemen (2015)—came to a similar self-declaration of a “civil state” (dawla madaniyya), following the Arab uprisings. This self-expressive proclamation, which did not exist in their former constitutions, nor in any other constitution worldwide, is the product of the ongoing internal struggles of Muslim societies over the definition of their collectivity between conservatism and modernity, religiosity and secularism. In Egypt, the self-definition of a civil state e

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45

Farag, Mahmoud. "Mass–elite differences in new democracies: Tunisia as a case study (2010–2016)." European Political Science 19, no. 4 (2020): 550–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/s41304-020-00274-x.

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AbstractThis article argues for inductive exploration of mass–elite differences in new democracies. Grounded in the “delegate model” of political representation, I do this by studying issue positions and issue salience of masses before turning to elites. The article demonstrates this approach using Tunisia, the only Arab democracy, by analysing survey data and originally coded party manifesto data. From an issue position perspective, the article uncovers mass–elite incongruence on the democratic–authoritarian and secular–Islamist political dimensions. From an issue salience lens, there is mass

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46

Newcomb, Rachel. "The Maghrib in the New Century." American Journal of Islam and Society 26, no. 2 (2009): 120–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v26i2.1397.

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The Maghrib in the New Century: Identity, Religion, and Politics offers atimely addition to the literature on North Africa. Edited by Bruce Maddy-Weitzman and Daniel Zisenwine, this collection explores the socioeconomicand political challenges facing North Africa in the twenty-first century. Theeditors have divided the book into four sections broadly concerned with historyand identity; the status of the ruling regimes in the face of processessuch as globalization and Islamism; economic development; and the NorthAfrican presence in France.Benjamin Stora’s introduction to the collection neatly s

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47

Munteanu, Anca. "Intégration politique des partis islamistes et processus de « spécialisation » : perspective comparée Tunisie-Maroc." L'Année du Maghreb, no. 22 (July 14, 2020): 131–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/anneemaghreb.6378.

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48

Lindenberg, Daniel. "Les islamistes tunisiens suivront-ils l'exemple des démocrates-chrétiens ?" Esprit Décembre, no. 12 (2011): 151. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/espri.1112.0151.

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49

ROY, OLIVIER. "The Tunisian Revolt: Where Have All the Islamists Gone?" New Perspectives Quarterly 28, no. 2 (2011): 52–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-5842.2011.01244.x.

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Maddy-Weitzman, Bruce. "Historic departure or temporary marriage? The Left–Islamist alliance in Tunisia." Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict 5, no. 3 (2012): 196–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17467586.2012.745196.

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