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Journal articles on the topic 'Islamist parties'
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1
Cavatorta, Francesco, and Raquel Ojeda Garcia. "Islamism in Mauritania and the narrative of political moderation." Journal of Modern African Studies 55, no. 2 (May 8, 2017): 301–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x17000039.
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ABSTRACTThe rise of Islamism following the Arab Spring has renewed interest in the democratic credibility of Islamist parties and movements. Focusing on the case of Mauritania's Islamists this article analyses the validity of the moderation hypothesis and argues that for some Islamist parties, moderation, when historically situated, has always been a key trait. The case of Mauritanian Islamism is interesting because it takes place within an intellectual and geographical place that straddles both the Arab world and sub-Saharan Africa, therefore providing insights on how Islamism has become an influential ideological framework in both worlds, that are much less separate than superficially believed.
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Khairullin, T. R. "Trends in Political Islam: Transition towards Liberalization." Herald of the Russian Academy of Sciences 92, S2 (June 2022): S100—S104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1134/s1019331622080056.
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Abstract The evolution of Islamism/political Islam as an ideological system is analyzed. This system was formed in the 1970s‒1980s and initially played the role of a progressive and alternative model, replacing the previously dominant ideas of Arab nationalism. However, the Islamists failed to fully achieve one of their main goals—the creation of an Islamic state—because of the deterrence of secular authoritarian states. The events in the Persian Gulf and the temporary drop in oil prices in the late 1990s aggravated the ideological crisis of Islamism and led to its rethinking. As a solution, a more liberal version of Islamism was proposed in the form of post-Islamism, which combined Islamic and democratic principles and was focused on duties rather than human rights. The next milestone in liberalizing Islamist ideas was the events of the Arab Spring, which led to a rethinking of post-Islamist ideas, as well as the liberalization and politization of the Salafi doctrine. Moreover, the failures of a number of Islamist parties in achieving political power, as well as the activities of radical Islamist groups, discredited Islamism among the population of the Middle East and North Africa. It is likely that the next crisis of Islamism will lead to its further liberalization or the formation of a new ideological model.
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García-Rivero, Carlos, Enrique Clari, and Joaquín Martín Cubas. "Islamist Political Parties and Parliamentary Representation in the Middle East and North Africa." Comparative Sociology 20, no. 4 (October 1, 2021): 441–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691330-bja10038.
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Abstract Over the past century, political Islam has taken the form of political parties and entered the electoral realm to gain institutional power. The Arab Spring sparked an unprecedented electoral advance of Islamists. New elections gave rise to new governments under the control of Islamist in several countries in the region which created a new political scenario unthinkable only a few years earlier. In comparison with the traditional political parties, little is known about Islamist parties as recently empowered political actors. Against this background, this article explores the origin of Islamist political parties in the MENA region, the evolution of their parliamentary representation and the causes that fuel the latter. The first section of the article describes the appearance and evolution of Islamist political parties and the context in which the latter took place. The second part analyses the economic and political factors that explain the evolution presented in part one
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Khairullin, Timur R. "Post-islamism: features, processes and prospects." Asia and Africa Today, no. 9 (2021): 34. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s032150750016589-9.
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The article is devoted to the analysis of such an ambiguous phenomenon as Post-Islamism, which emerged as an alternative to the ideas of Islamism that were subjected to the crisis in the 1990s. A distinctive feature of Post-Islamic ideas is their compatibility with the principles of democracy in a globalizing world. Unlike Islamism, Post-Islamism focuses on the rights of an individual instead of his duties. However, these progressive ideas could not become a full-fledged replacement for Islamism, since the decline in its popularity at the end of the XX century turned out to be temporary. The success of a number of Islamist parties in the parliamentary elections at the beginning of the XXI century became a confirmation of this. The events of the Arab Spring have made significant adjustments to the ideological architecture of the region. In the wake of the fall of authoritarian regimes and the growth of democratic calls for the expansion of human rights and freedoms, Islamist movements from moderate to ultra-radical have intensified. Against the background of the victory of moderate Islamists in the parliamentary elections in Egypt, Tunisia and Morocco, they again started talking about the onset of a phase of Post-Islamism. However, the failures of the Islamists in achieving political power and creating an Islamic state are more a tactical shift in their policy than a strategic one. Few Islamist movements have abandoned their goal of creating an Islamic State with the full application of Islamic law. Since Islamism is ambiguous, the boundaries between it and post-Islamism are still blurred and inaccurate. Despite this, post-Islamism is a more intellectual discourse about Islam and its place in the modern world and society.
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Yildirim, A. Kadir, and Caroline M. Lancaster. "Bending with the Wind: Revisiting Islamist Parties’ Electoral Dilemma." Politics and Religion 8, no. 3 (June 16, 2015): 588–613. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048315000310.
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AbstractIslamist parties' electoral performance is a hotly debated question. Two arguments dominate the literature in terms of Islamist parties' performance in democratic elections. The conventional argument has been the “one man, one vote, one time” hypothesis. More recently, Kurzman and Naqvi challenge this argument and show that Islamists tend to lose in free elections rather than win them. We argue that existing arguments fall short. Specifically, we theorize that moderateness of Islamist platform plays a key role in increasing the popularity of these parties and leads to higher levels of electoral support. Using data collected by Kurzman and Naqvi, we test our hypothesis, controlling for political platform and political economic factors in a quantitative analysis. We find that there is empirical support for our theory. Islamist parties' support level is positively associated with moderateness; however, this positive effect of moderation is also conditioned by economic openness.
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Hanna, Michael Wahid. "Egypt's non-Islamist parties." Adelphi Series 55, no. 453-454 (February 17, 2015): 105–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19445571.2015.1131426.
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Zherlitsyna, Natalia A. "Post-Islamism: From Islamism to Muslim Democracy? Transformation of Islamist Parties in Tunisia and Morocco." Asia and Africa Today, no. 8 (2022): 50. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s032150750021339-4.
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The article analyzes the transformation of the parties of political Islam in and after coming to power as a result of the revolutionary events of the Arab Spring. It was then, in the 2010s, after decades of repression and isolation, that adherents of political Islam had the opportunity to become key players on the new political scene in the region. Political Islam as a modern ideology faces fundamental existential questions about the nature and relevance of Islamism as a political project, and the issue of Islamists’ participation in the political life of the Muslim world is becoming increasingly relevant. In Tunisia and Morocco, parties of political Islam have been given the opportunity to integrate and be recognized in the political arena. The inclusion of Islamists in legal political life in Tunisia and Morocco contributed to their ideological and political transformation, especially in relation to such complex issues as the relationship between religion and politics, issues of individual freedoms, human rights, minorities and women's issues. Scholars use the terms “post-Islamism” and “neo-Islamism” to define the changes that have taken place over the past decade. Which imply the transformation of socially conservative parties towards the adoption of the rules of a civil democratic political system and the rejection of the Islamization of society from above. The Tunisian Islamist party Ennahda and the Moroccan Justice and Development Party have gone through somewhat similar paths over the past decade, having passed through the crucible of power and taking responsibility for the processes taking place in their countries. They have also shown flexibility in finding compromises and drawing dividing lines between their religious preaching activities and politics. Both parties continue to strike a balance in combining the right doses of Islamism, democracy, pluralism, secularism and national interests.
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Tomac, Ayca. "‘Rejecting the Legacy, Restoring the Honor’: The Anti-Capitalist Muslims in Turkey." Religions 11, no. 11 (November 20, 2020): 621. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel11110621.
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Post-Islamism as coined by Asef Bayat in 1996 laid the framework to analyze rapid and fundamental changes in social and political life of the Muslim world. However, this paper argues that the scholarship around post-Islamism disregards neoliberal structuration introduced and expanded by post-Islamist parties and movements (such as the Justice and Development Party of Turkey). This structuration, coupled with the legacies of anti-left sentiments in preceding Islamist movements, stifles the Muslim youth in the region whose frustrations and aspirations are left silenced. Based on my ethnographic study between 2013 and 2017, the paper introduces the group of the Anti-Capitalist Muslims in Turkey as an internal challenge to the legacies of Islamist ideologies and the neoliberal politics of post-Islamism.
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Günay, Onur, and Erdem Yörük. "Governing ethnic unrest: Political Islam and the Kurdish conflict in Turkey." New Perspectives on Turkey 61 (October 31, 2019): 9–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/npt.2019.17.
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AbstractHow can we explain the mass appeal and electoral success of Islamist political parties? What are the underlying sources of the Islamist political advantage? Scholars have provided numerous answers to these widely debated questions, variously emphasizing the religious nature of the discourses in Islamist movements, their ideological hegemony, organizational capacity, provision of social services, reputation, and structural factors. However, one key aspect of Islamist movements has been underexplored in the current literature; namely, Islamists’ promises to resolve ethnic questions that remain unresolved in secularist nation-states. In this article, we argue that the extent to which Islamists govern ethnic unrest significantly shapes their electoral success and ability to establish broader hegemony. Based on ethnographic and sociological data, this article explores one particular recent electoral puzzle that reveals the limits of the scholarly literature on Islamist political advantage, examining the ethnic politics of the governing Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, AKP) in Turkey.
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Steuer, Clément. "Qu’est-ce qu’un parti fondé sur une base religieuse ? Interprétations concurrentes d’une catégorie juridique dans le contexte politique égyptien." Social Compass 66, no. 3 (July 12, 2019): 318–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0037768619855254.
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In Egypt, the ‘political parties with a religious basis’ are explicitly prohibited by law since 1977. However, this ban has had a negligible impact on political life, because administrative jurisprudence has since long diminished its scope, by reducing the question of the religious basis of a party to that of the confession of its members. Nevertheless, the secular opponents of the Islamists have repeatedly claimed, since the constitutionalization of this ban in January 2014, that it should be interpreted more strictly. This article first recalls how the Islamist and secular camps emerged during the political and constitutional struggles of the 2011–2013 era, before examining the competing interpretations of the notion of ‘religious party’, such as made by the administrative jurisprudence, by supporters of the ban on Islamist parties, and by the Islamists themselves.
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Octavia, Lanny. "Islamism & Democracy: A Gender Analysis on PKS’s Application of Democratic Principles and Values." Al-Jami'ah: Journal of Islamic Studies 50, no. 1 (June 26, 2012): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/ajis.2012.501.1-22.
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The increasing popular support for Islamist parties in democratic countries incites public suspicion concerning whether the Islamists’ participation in procedural democracy guarantees their commitment for substantial democracy, which in principle requires equality of rights among citizens regardless of their religion and gender. Indeed, gender politics often appears at the centre of the lslamist agenda, as they seek to construct a new moral order based on a conservative gender perspective. A greater concern arises on whether the Islamists will eventually lead society towards democracy or, conversely, towards theocracy. In Indonesia, the Prosperous Justice Party (Partai Keadilan Sejahtera/PKS) shows a remarkable development and significant electoral achievement. Some observers viewed that PKS is opportunistically using democratic means to “hijack” it for their Islamist agenda waiting for when political power is in their hands. Others believe PKS’s involvement in real politics will, in the end, lead to a “gradual secularisation” of their Islamist agenda. Based on a gender analysis, this paper examines whether PKS’s fulfillment of the formalist criteria of democracy is compatible with their application of democratic principles and values.[Semakin menguatnya dukungan terhadap partai Islam memincu kecurigaan publik yang mempertanyakan apakah partisipasi kalangan islamis dalam demokrasi prosedural menjamin komitmen mereka bagi tegaknya demokrasi substansial, demokrasi yang mensyaratkan kesetaraan bagi semua orang tanpa terkecuali. Sebenarnya, agenda politik gender yang didengungkan oleh kalangan islamis tidak bisa dilepaskan dari perspektif konservatif mereka mengenai relasi gender. Pertanyaannya kemudian, apakah yang mereka agendakan akan berlabuh pada pemantapan demokrasi atau --sebaliknya‑‑ menuju teokrasi. Di Indonesia, Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (PKS) adalah satu-satunya partai Islam di Indonesia yang berhasil berkembang pesat dan mampu mendulang suara secara signifikan. Bagi beberapa pengamat, PKS merepresentasikan partai Islamis yang berhasil “menunggangi” demokrasi untuk memperjuangkan agenda islamis mereka. Ini akan tampak jelas jika PKS berhasil menjadi partai penguasa. Kendati demikian, beberapa kalangan lainnya berkeyakinan bahwa keterlibatan PKS dalam politik demokratis akan “mensekulerkan” agenda islamis mereka. Dengan analisis gender, tulisan ini hendak menjawab apakah kriteria formal mengenai nilai dan prinsip demokrasi yang melekat pada PKS sejalan dengan apa yang mereka praktekkan.]
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Gorman, Brandon. "The myth of the secular–Islamist divide in Muslim politics: Evidence from Tunisia." Current Sociology 66, no. 1 (April 18, 2017): 145–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0011392117697460.
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Many scholars argue that politics in majority-Muslim societies are marked by deep polarization: dominated by struggles between secularists and Islamists who hold fundamentally divergent ideological positions. Yet, this finding is likely a result of scholarly focus on Islamist organizations and political parties rather than their constituencies. Using Tunisia as a case study, this article investigates attitudinal polarization between secularists and Islamists at the individual level using a mixed-method design combining statistical analyses of survey data with content analyses of in-depth interviews. Statistical results indicate that Islamists are no different from non-Islamists in attitudes about excommunication ( takfir), popular sovereignty, women’s rights, or minority rights, though they are more skeptical of democracy and express less religious tolerance. Interview results show that many political procedures advocated by Islamists resemble the secular procedures they seek to replace and, though secularists tend to have negative views of Islamists, many express support for Islamist ideological positions. Taken together, these findings provide little evidence of attitudinal polarization along the so-called secular–Islamist divide.
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Al-Anani, Khalil. "Islamist Parties Post-Arab Spring." Mediterranean Politics 17, no. 3 (November 2012): 466–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13629395.2012.725309.
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Cavatorta, Francesco, and Samir Amghar. "Symposium—Islamism, Islamist Parties, and Economic Policy-Making in the Neo-Liberal Age." Politics and Religion 13, no. 4 (July 9, 2020): 685–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048320000371.
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AbstractThis article introduces the symposium on the relationship between Islamist and Salafi parties and neo-liberal economics. Through a mix of analyses of the party manifestos and ethnographic work, this symposium unveils how Islamist and Salafi parties across the Arab world and abroad have thought about the economy, how they attempted to incorporate the Islamic economy into their discourses and practices and how they have ultimately dealt with the current economic doctrine of neo-liberalism whether in power or opposition.
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Rane, Halim. "The Impact of Maqasid al-Shari'ah on the Islamist Political Thought: Implications for Islam-West Relations." ICR Journal 2, no. 2 (January 15, 2011): 337–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.52282/icr.v2i2.652.
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The Impact of Maqasid al-Shari'ah on the Islamist Political Thought: Implications for Islam-West Relations Although most of the more conservative, first generation Islamist political parties have experienced a decline in voter confidence in recent years, there has not been a commensurate decline in support for Islam to play a role in the politics of Muslim countries. In this context, a second generation of Islamic-oriented (as opposed to ‘Islamist’) political parties have emerged which espouse a maqās.id-oriented approach in response to both domestic and international factors. Muslim political leaders have asserted such principles and goals as democracy, good governance, economic prosperity, socio-economic justice, human rights and pluralism as Islamic objectives. By establishing their policies on these objectives they have also attracted broader constituencies that include Muslims and non-Muslims, secularists and Islamists, and have eased some of the apprehensions Western governments have with Islam in Muslim politics.
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Tsaregorodtseva, Irina. "The Islamists in politics in Egypt and Tunisia after 'Arab Spring'." Islamology 7, no. 1 (June 30, 2017): 122. http://dx.doi.org/10.24848/islmlg.07.1.07.
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The pivotal goal of the study is to reveal the role of the Islamist parties and movements in politics in Egypt and Tunisia before and after the protests of the ‘Arab spring’. In addition, author explains how various Islamist groups interacted with each other and which factors determined the nature of their interaction. According to preliminary observations, there were several common features in the character of Islamists’ participation in politics in Egypt and Tunisia after the Mubarak and Ben Ali. By means of comparative analysis this research shows why Tunisian Islamists appeared to be more successful in politics than their Egyptian counterparts. The method of case-study was employed to investigate the relations between Islamist groups in 20 and 21 centuries. Eventually, the following conclusion was reached: these relations were highly determined not by common goals and ideological closeness of the Islamists, but rather by historical hostility towards each other and pragmatic interests.
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Al-Daghistani, Sami. "Governing Political Islam." Journal of Arabic and Islamic Studies 21 (October 26, 2021): 95–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.5617/jais.9160.
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This paper analyzes what I define as an anti-Islamist discourse (or an “Islamistphobia”) both as a social reality and as conceptual innovation in contemporary Egypt. The paper focuses on four interrelated actors—the current Egyptian regime and its discourse on political Islam, the Muslim Brotherhood and its historical entanglements with the Egyptian state, the Salafi al-Nūr and Rāya Parties, and al-Azhar’s relation with both the regime and the Islamists. I advance an idea that anti-Islamist sentiments channel primarily through official (state) and media discourses in Egypt, rooted in both a colonialist locale and in a contemporary religious framework and its anticolonial rhetoric. It is, however, directed primarily against the Muslim Brotherhood, rather than against all Islamist groups across the board.
Keywords: Anti-Islamist discourse, Islamistphobia, Muslim Brotherhood, Egypt, political Islam
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Shalata, Ahmed Zaghloul. "Islamists in Power." Contemporary Arab Affairs 11, no. 1-2 (March 1, 2018): 111–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/caa.2018.000007.
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In the first parliamentary elections after Mr. Mubarak’s overthrow in February 2011, the Muslim Brotherhood’s newly formed Freedom and Justice Party had won nearly half the seats in the People’s Assembly. The Muslim Brotherhood, had, over the two previous years, gained political expansion in parliament. The Brotherhood entered into a coalition with other Islamist parties including two Salafist parties, forming an Islamist bloc, but their experience ended with their removal from power and significant changes in the structure of the Brotherhood. Based on the political programs of the Islamist parties in Egypt, this article seeks to analyze the experience of Islamists in power by focusing on their practical perceptions of the Islamist political system. The article concludes that the political Islamist organizations lacked a coherent mechanism to propel them from the stage of the organization’s (political party) management to a stage of state administration. Egyptian Islamist groups had no specific perception of the nature of the state, or of an applied model to implement the “Islamic state.” Although these groups had a declared project, which they had been attempting to establish for decades, their focus was solely on discussing the expected outcome they had hoped to achieve, while neglecting to elaborate on how their affairs could be run, once in power. This shortfall was due to an accumulation of the multiple problems the groups had faced, whether they be conceptual reasons of state, power issues, or the organizational obstacles strewn along the paths of the components that comprised the group, which had prevented them, over decades, from overcoming them. Hence, the traditional mechanisms they continued to apply while in power proved inadequate in responding to the crises inherent in the experience of government. They failed to introduce new mechanisms to address the issues as dictated by the necessity for practical experience and solutions once they had attained power.
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Pecastaing, Camille. "Islamist Parties after the Arab Spring." SAIS Review of International Affairs 37, no. 1S (2017): S—39—S—53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sais.2017.0014.
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Akarca, Ali T. "Modeling political performance of Islamist and Islamist-rooted parties in Turkey." Middle East Development Journal 7, no. 1 (January 2, 2015): 49–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17938120.2015.1019295.
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Hamzawy, Amr. "Arab Writings on Islamist Parties and Movements." International Journal of Middle East Studies 43, no. 1 (January 24, 2011): 138–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002074381000125x.
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The first wave of academic writings on Islamists emerged in the Arab world after the war of June 1967 and the subsequent resurfacing of religious ideologies and religiously inspired social and political movements. Examples in this first wave include works by the Syrian philosopher Sadiq Jalal al-ʿAzm, the Egyptian philosopher Hassan Hanafi, and the Moroccan historian ʿAbdullah al-ʿArawi. These writings advanced three insights. First, the rise of “religious movements,” “religious currents,” and “religious ideologies”—the term islāmī or Islamist was yet to be coined—was seen by some writers as a serious challenge to the legitimacy of the secular state and the secular idea of Pan-Arabism. Second, other writers accused Arab ruling establishments in modernizing countries—the reference was primarily to post-1967 Egypt—of using religious currents and ideologies to enhance the state's popularity and legitimacy in times of crisis. Third, Wahhabism and petrodollars were held responsible by some for the resurfacing of religious currents and their increased appeal in the contest with secular ideas. Most of the writings of the first wave were Egypt centered and were clearly inspired by an antireligious sentiment that saw religious movements and currents as representing an existential threat to secular modernization and progress.
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Rahman, Md Mizanur. "The making of an Islamist public sphere in Bangladesh." Asian Journal of Comparative Politics 4, no. 4 (November 21, 2018): 330–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2057891118811952.
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The article examines the process of making an Islamist public sphere in Bangladesh and identifies the actors involved. It argues that Islamist social Islamization movements in the form of various da’wa (preaching) activities, madrassah activisms, and Islamist political parties’ Islamization projects collectively contribute to the making of an Islamist public sphere. It shows how da’wa movements’ everyday living experiences, madrassah’s absolute authority over public Islam, and Islamist political parties’ social welfare, and associated activities construct an Islamist imagination. A parallel counter Islamist discursive arena with secular discourse is in construction and circulation that formulates oppositional interpretations based on Islamist identities, interests, and needs. The article argues that instead of explicitly challenging the secular hegemonic discourse, Islamist social movements engage in a contested relationship with it, and gradually claim their separate position. It further maintains that although these Islamist movements differ ideologically, and vary the ways they perform and propagate Islam, they invariably contribute to the rise of an Islamist public sphere in Bangladesh.
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Ahmad, Waqas. "The Evolving Interplay between Islam and Politics: From Islamist to Islamic Democrat." ICR Journal 9, no. 4 (October 16, 2018): 154–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.52282/icr.v9i4.99.
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Islam is unique in its relationship with politics. It plays a vital role in politics and governance, initially under the Rashidun and subsequently in many Muslim empires. The collapse of the Ottoman caliphate in 1924 and the process of decolonisation which started in the mid-twentieth-century led to the start of many Islamic political movements in newly independent Muslim countries. These movements now sit at a critical juncture, with Muslims around the world being polarised around two political extremes. On the one hand, we have Islamic radical groups like ISIS and al-Qaeda, while on the other hand we have secular parties which do not see any role for Islam in politics and governance in Muslim countries. In response, many traditional Islamist parties are now evolving into Muslim democratic parties. Unlike Islamists, Muslim democrats take a more inclusive approach, preferring to integrate Islamic religious values into political platforms designed to win regular democratic elections. The Ennahda Party of Tunisia is one Muslim party that reflects this evolution. R. Ghannouchi, who outlined Ennahdas transition, has argued that Tunisians today are less concerned about Islamisation or secularisationthan with building a democratic government that is inclusive and meets their aspirations for a better life. This paper is an attempt to investigate this shift and its consequences for Islamism across the Muslim world.
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Bakour, Bachar. "The Debate on Islamist Party Formation: A Comparative Analysis of al-Būtī and al-Qaradāwī (Perdebatan tentang pembentukan parti islam: analisa per-bandingan antara albuti dan alqardhawi)." Journal of Islam in Asia (E-ISSN: 2289-8077) 15, no. 1 (June 27, 2018): 228–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.31436/jia.v15i1.666.
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The paper examines the debate over the legal position of Islamist party formation through comparing views of two preeminent Muslim thinkers: M.S.R al-Būtī (antagonist) and Yūsuf al-Qaradāwī (protagonist). Using a text-by-text scheme, the paper tests the validity of the cited textual evidences on the basis of the primary sources of Sharī‘a and the experience of today’s Islamists: the Muslim Brotherhood (parent organization), Hizb al-Tahrīr, and the Justice and Development Party (AKP). Finally, the paper contends that Islamist parties are a system, accredited by Islamic principles, and a reality imposed by changing circumstances of Muslim nations in history, culture, and politics.
Keywords: al-Būtī, al-Qaradāwī, Islamist, party, political, formation, the Muslim Brotherhood.
Abstrak
Kertas ini membincangkan kedudukan pembentukan parti-parti Islam dengan membandingkan pandangan dua cendiakawan Muslim terkemuka iaitu: M.S.R al-Būtī (antagonis) dan Yūsuf al-Qaradāwī (protagonis). Dengan menggunakan skema ayat dengan ayat, kertas ini mengkaji kesahihan bukti teks yang dirujuk berdasarkan Sharī'a dan pengalaman para Islamis pada hari ini seperti Ikhwanul Muslimin (organisasi induk), Hizb al-Tahrīr, dan Parti Keadilan dan Pembangunan (AKP). Akhirnya, kertas ini menyimpulkan bahawa parti-parti Islam adalah satu sistem, yang berlandaskan prinsip-prinsip Islam, dan juga satu kenyataan yang dikenakan oleh perubahan keadaan negara-negara Islam dalam sejarah, budaya, dan politik.
Kata Kunci: al-Būtī, al-Qaradāwī, Islam, pesta, politik, pembentukan, Ikhwanul Muslimin.
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Baykan, Toygar Sinan. "Electoral Islamism in the Mediterranean: Explaining the success (and failure) of Islamist parties." Mediterranean Politics 25, no. 5 (June 20, 2019): 690–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13629395.2019.1630162.
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Ben Shitrit, Lihi. "Authenticating Representation: Women's Quotas and Islamist Parties." Politics & Gender 12, no. 04 (April 21, 2016): 781–806. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x16000027.
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The spread of women's quotas in legislative bodies across the world since the mid-1990s has become one of the most significant factors impacting levels of women's political representation (Dahlerup 2013; Krook 2009; Tripp and Kang 2008). In the Middle East, a region that has long held a place at the very bottom of global rankings of women's representation, the adoption of such quotas is transforming levels of representation (Kang 2009). But there is still much debate over the utility of quotas for women's meaningful participation in political life. There is now a well-established literature that examines the effects of quotas on women's descriptive or numerical representation. We have a fairly robust idea about the types of quotas that are appropriate for particular sets of electoral system contexts when the goal is to generate a target percentage of women elected to legislative bodies (Jones 2005; Larserud and Taphorn 2007). However, questions about whether and how quotas benefit women beyond the simple addition of several women parliamentarians to the political game remain contested. The various arguments for the utility of quotas rest mainly on two underlying propositions. The first is that quotas, by bringing more women to the political sphere, promote the substantive representation of women's interests. The second is that quotas have a symbolic effect. They help demonstrate that women are fit and able to govern and so contribute to countering women's historical exclusion from politics.
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Wegner, Eva, and Francesco Cavatorta. "Revisiting the Islamist–Secular divide: Parties and voters in the Arab world." International Political Science Review 40, no. 4 (August 30, 2018): 558–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0192512118784225.
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Electoral politics in the Arab world are either portrayed as clientelistic affairs void of content or as highly ideological clashes between Islamist and Secular Left forces. Although both arguments are intuitively appealing, the empirical evidence to date is limited. This article seeks to contribute to the debate by investigating the extent of programmatic voter support for Islamist and Secular Left parties in seven Arab countries with data from recent surveys by the Arab Barometer, Afrobarometer and World Values Survey. Ideological congruence between voters and parties exists but is limited to the Islamist–Secular core divide with regard to the role of religion in politics and gender values. In contrast, there are virtually no differences in economic attitudes between respondents and there is no evidence of class-based voting, with Islamist and Secular Left parties sharing the same voter base of better-off, more educated voters. Core results are robust across surveys.
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Cavatorta, Francesco, and Stefano Torelli. "From Victim to Hangman? Ennahda, Salafism and the Tunisian Transition." Religions 12, no. 2 (January 24, 2021): 76. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12020076.
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The article revisits the notion of post-Islamism that Roy and Bayat put forth to investigate its usefulness in analysing the Tunisian party Ennahda and its role in the Tunisian transition. The article argues that the notion of post-Islamism does not fully capture the ideological and political evolution of Islamist parties, which, despite having abandoned their revolutionary ethos, still compete in the political arena through religious categories that subsume politics to Islam. It is only by taking seriously these religious categories that one can understand how Ennahda dealt with the challenge coming from Salafis.
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Friedman, Jeremy. "The Enemy of My Enemy: The Soviet Union, East Germany, and the Iranian Tudeh Party's Support for Ayatollah Khomeini." Journal of Cold War Studies 20, no. 2 (June 2018): 3–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00815.
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This article examines the strategy of the Iranian Tudeh Party in concert with its Soviet and East German patrons and allies during and after the Iranian revolution of 1979. The article assesses the thinking behind the Tudeh's strategy of unwavering support for Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini and his Islamist allies, even after other major leftist parties had begun fighting the new Islamic regime. This strategy was a product of the international Communist movement's model of revolution in the developing world that envisioned new states following a “non-capitalist path of development.” In Iran, this was compounded by the use of Allende-era Chile as a model for the politics of revolutionary Iran, as well as a deep conviction that Islamism could not provide an effective model of governance in the twentieth century and therefore would collapse of its own accord within months after the Islamists seized power.
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Sawani, Youssef Mohammad. "Islamist and Non-Islamist Currents and the Struggle for Post-Gaddafi Libya." Contemporary Arab Affairs 11, no. 1-2 (March 1, 2018): 91–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/caa.2018.00001a.
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This paper examines the origin and the relationship between Islamist and non-Islamist political trends in Libya, highlighting the development of the contestation between the two before and after the fall of Gaddafi’s rule. The relationship appears to be that of a contestation between Islamists and liberals but this may be misleading. Islamists are not united but they share an adherence to the establishment of a Muslim society and some form of a khilafa. However, non-Islamists may not easily be identified as “on current.” Indeed, the “current” includes an array of political factions of various dispensations with some not necessarily subscribing to liberal models of democracy. Some belong to pre-Gaddafi-era political parties or were political and human rights’ activists during Gaddafi’s reign. They range from leftist, nationalist, and liberal orientations to populist Arab nationalist forces (including the Ba’th, Pan-Arabists, and others with socialist or communist orientations). When the uprising took place in 2011, the positions each trend took differed before some tactical unity was deemed necessary. When the regime fell, however, differences remerged and became more evident once the transitional structures were put in place. Just before and during the first elections in 2012, Islamists broke ranks with their struggle comrades and fired their cannons at the leaders of the liberal, nationalist, and other elements within the non-Islamist orientations. Islam then became crucial in political expression and rhetoric, especially for Islamist actors. Focusing on the development of this contestation, this paper analyzes the reaction of both Islamist and non-Islamist trends to the policies and tactics adopted by each side in the aftermath of the 2011 uprising and the post-Gaddafi phase. It suggests that although ideology, specifically references to Islam, became crucial in the political contention between Islamists and non-Islamists, the cleavage was not entirely ideological, as both trends considered the Islamic identity of Libya central to their political programs. The interviews with leading representatives of both trends that the author conducted for the purpose of writing this article confirm such a view on the role of ideology in the contestation. As the following discussion indicates, ideology is evidently part and parcel of each sides’ tools, ready to be employed against the other. However, when it does not suit all their purposes, they claim ideology has no role, offering insights into the instrumental and tactical approach to the ongoing contestation of both sides. The article therefore examines the struggle between the two factions as a political competition for the control of resources and positions of power, yet it also argues that ideology and ideas have a role to play, as they constitute the instruments deployed in this struggle, which has, with foreign involvement and backing of different sides, reduced Libya to a “failed state.” In fact although ideological contraposition figures in the contestation, political factionalism and contention in post-2011 were actually fuelled by political factors related to the struggle over access to power and resources, which are instrumental in enabling each side to shape the future state and its political order according to their plans. The struggle between Islamists and non-Islamists may have been the most visible, but it is certainly not the most significant factor in explaining the political dynamics and contention in the country since the fall of Gaddafi.
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Yildirim, A. Kadir. "Globalization, Political Islam, and Moderation: The Case of Muslim Democratic Parties." Sociology of Islam 3, no. 1-2 (August 25, 2015): 76–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22131418-00301004.
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In this article, I examine the rising significance of a moderate kind of Islamist party emerging in the Middle East in recent years—Muslim democratic parties—and, the factors underlying their electoral success. In this, the manuscript takes a closer look at an important constituency of Islamist parties, the small and medium business owners (smes). Briefly, I argue that smes’ support underlies the success of moderate Muslim democratic parties as opposed to more conservative Islamist parties, and what determines smes’ support for a moderate party is the change in their political preferences. The change in sme preferences, I show, is due to the form that economic liberalization takes, whether economic liberalization is more inclusive (what I call competitive liberalization) or exclusive/selective (what I call crony liberalization). Empirically, I rely on original field interviews I conducted with party officials and business owners in Egypt, Morocco, and Turkey. I also integrate primary sources such as party publications into the analysis.
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Schwedler, Jillian. "Democratization, Inclusion and the Moderation of Islamist Parties." Development 50, no. 1 (March 2007): 56–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/palgrave.development.1100324.
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Saleem, Raja M. Ali. "Identifying Islamist Parties Using Gunther and Diamond’s Typology." SAGE Open 4, no. 3 (August 12, 2014): 215824401454428. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2158244014544288.
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Škrabáková, Katarína. "Islamist Women as Candidates in Elections: A Comparison of the Party of Justice and Development in Morocco and the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt." Die Welt des Islams 57, no. 3-4 (October 17, 2017): 329–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700607-05734p04.
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This paper examines the legislative recruitment of women from conservative Islamist parties. It questions the common assumption that generally all Islamist parties are equally hostile to political participation and representation of women. For this purpose, two of the electorally most successful Islamist groups in the MENA region are compared, namely the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood (MB) and its Moroccan offshoot, the Party of Justice and Development (PJD). The article seeks an explanation for diverging trends in female candidacy between these conservative religious movements, using the traditional supply and demand model of candidate selection. It argues that the less centralized and the more institutionalized parties (as is the case with the PJD) seem to be better equipped to facilitate women’s candidacy than the more oligarchic ones (the MB). In order to fully grasp the reasons behind the diverging trends in the nomination of female candidates from both Islamist parties, cultural factors are scrutinized as well. The article highlights the limits of the supply and demand model of candidate selection, which cannot explain instances of unexpected change in recruitment strategies based on external interference. Furthermore, it does not provide us the means to assess the impact of individual candidates’ ‘feminist credentials’ on overall female representation.
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Hwang, Julie Chernov. "When Parties Swing: Islamist Parties and Institutional Moderation in Malaysia and Indonesia." South East Asia Research 18, no. 4 (December 2010): 635–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.5367/sear.2010.0016.
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Robinson, Francis. "Piety and Politics:." American Journal of Islam and Society 28, no. 2 (April 1, 2011): 129–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v28i2.1259.
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For much of the twentieth century, race and ethnicity formed the basis ofMalaysian politics and, therefore, dominated its discourse. This book exploreshow over the past thirty years the politics of Malaysia, which wasonly approximately 60 percent Muslim, moved strongly in an Islamist direction,indeed, “how Islam—in particular its ideological and institutionalexpressions—informs the configuration of power, the nature of legitimacy,and the sources of authority in Malaysian politics and society today” (xii).To do so, Liow first examines the genesis of the Islamist agenda from theperspective of the two major political parties—the Islamist oppositionParti Islam se-Malaysia (PAS) and the dominant United Malay NationalOrganisation (UMNO)—showing how the latter went through severalchanges as it evolved to place Islamism at the center of its sociopoliticalagenda. He then proceeds to show how the UMNO-led government of Malaysia began to create institutions of Islamic governance, a process heterms the “bureaucratization” of Islam, which formed the basis for PrimeMinister Mahathir’s claim in the 1990s that Malaysia, constitutionally asecular state, was an Islamic state. As he does so, he notes the tensions thatthese developments caused between the federal and state administration onthe one hand and civil and religious law on the other. Liow moves on toexplore the debate from the 1990s between PAS and UMNO, and withinPAS itself, on how Islam might be expressed as the organizing principlefor society and politics in a religiously plural Malaysia and how the non-Muslim communities responded to the parties’ endeavors ...
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Bazzi, Samuel, Gabriel Koehler-Derrick, and Benjamin Marx. "The Institutional Foundations of Religious Politics: Evidence from Indonesia*." Quarterly Journal of Economics 135, no. 2 (December 23, 2019): 845–911. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/qje/qjz038.
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Abstract This article explores the foundations of religious influence in politics and society. We show that an important Islamic institution fostered the entrenchment of Islamism at a critical juncture in Indonesia, the world’s largest Muslim country. In the early 1960s, rural elites transferred large amounts of land into waqf—inalienable charitable trusts in Islamic law—to avoid expropriation by the state. Regions facing a greater threat of expropriation exhibit more prevalent waqf land and Islamic institutions endowed as such, including mosques and religious schools. These endowments provided conservative forces with the capital needed to promote Islamist ideology and mobilize against the secular state. We identify lasting effects of the transfers on the size of the religious sector, electoral support for Islamist parties, and the adoption of local sharia laws. These effects are shaped by greater demand for religion in government but not by greater piety among the electorate. Waqf assets also impose costs on the local economy, particularly in agriculture, where these endowments are associated with lower productivity. Overall, our findings shed new light on the origins and consequences of Islamism.
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Türk, Fahri. "Radical Islamic Parties and Movements in Uzbekistan 1990–2012." Reality of Politics 4, no. 1 (January 31, 2013): 275–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/rop201317.
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Uzbekistan, so as other Central Asian Republics, turned into turbulent times in the beginning of 1990’s. After collapsing USSR, 5 Republics gained its independence. The whole region was very well-known from its religiosity. However, besides the fact that Islamist movements and parties were banned on any political activity and had no right to act as an opposition within the system of Uzbekistan, they have emerged subsequently especiallly in this country. The modern history of Uzbekistan is full of radical Islamic political and social movements. From the very beginning of the Republic, Islam Karimov, its first and the only one till now president, rules though and solidly. He was the biggest opponent of any Islamic initiative which showed up and tried to damp it down immediately. The aim of this study is to explore all the Islamist parties and movements which have been raised in Uzbekistan between 1990 and 2012. Which of them were and still remaining crucial and have the impact on Uzbek political and social life. The Author is trying to investigate the reasons and circumstances that led Islamist movements to arise and effectively influence on Uzbekistan political arena.
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Mufti, Malik. "The Many-Colored Cloak." American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 27, no. 2 (April 1, 2010): 1–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajiss.v27i2.358.
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This articles argues (a) that democratic discourse has already become hegemonic among mainstream Islamist movements in Turkey and the Arab world; (b) that while this development originated in tactical calculations, it constitutes a consequential transformation in Islamist political thought; and (c) that this transformation, in turn, raises critical questions about the interaction of religion and democracy with which contemporary Islamists have not yet grappled adequately but which were anticipated by medieval philosophers such as al-Farabi and Ibn Rushd. The argument is laid out through an analysis (based on textual sources and interviews) of key decisions on electoral participation made by Turkey’s AK Party and the Muslim Brotherhoods in Egypt, Jordan, and Syria. Particular attention is focused on these movements’ gradual embrace of three key democratic principles: pluralism, the people as the source of political authority, and the legitimacy of such procedural mechanisms as multiple parties and regular elections.
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Mufti, Malik. "The Many-Colored Cloak." American Journal of Islam and Society 27, no. 2 (April 1, 2010): 1–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v27i2.358.
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This articles argues (a) that democratic discourse has already become hegemonic among mainstream Islamist movements in Turkey and the Arab world; (b) that while this development originated in tactical calculations, it constitutes a consequential transformation in Islamist political thought; and (c) that this transformation, in turn, raises critical questions about the interaction of religion and democracy with which contemporary Islamists have not yet grappled adequately but which were anticipated by medieval philosophers such as al-Farabi and Ibn Rushd. The argument is laid out through an analysis (based on textual sources and interviews) of key decisions on electoral participation made by Turkey’s AK Party and the Muslim Brotherhoods in Egypt, Jordan, and Syria. Particular attention is focused on these movements’ gradual embrace of three key democratic principles: pluralism, the people as the source of political authority, and the legitimacy of such procedural mechanisms as multiple parties and regular elections.
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Bhatti, Muhammad Rizwan, Ali Shan Shah, and Ghulam Qasim. "MAINSTREAMING OF THE RELIGIOUS OUTFITS IN PAKISTAN: A STEP IN RIGHT DIRECTION." DECEMBER 02, no. 02 (December 31, 2021): 160–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.53664/jsrd/02-02-2021-06-160-170.
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The religious outfits have emerged like a juggernaut force in Election, 2018, though all the religious parties opposed existence of Pakistan. The political history of Pakistan is a saga of confrontation among political and extremist elements. The political Islamists wield considerable strength on the country disproportionate to political and electoral power. Islamist political groups served as coalition partners and strengthen the political capital of streamline parties. The phenomenon of mainstreaming and reintegration of religious organizations into mainstream political parties become piece de resistance when they started showing muscles over sit-ins and coercing Government into acceding their demands by hook and by crook. Political mainstreaming of religious outfits is demanded vigorously on the affirmation of renouncing violence by banned organizations turned religious political parties. Thus, the radicalization does not imply violence. The radicalization has plagued whole world. The prudent in-depth “analysis of embedded counter terrorism drives and stratagems will enhance vision and help in abridging lacunas and gaps for effective de-radicalizations” offensive.
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Karakaya, Suveyda, and A. Kadir Yildirim. "Islamist moderation in perspective: comparative analysis of the moderation of Islamist and Western communist parties." Democratization 20, no. 7 (December 2013): 1322–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13510347.2012.696612.
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Laurence, Jonathan. "The 21st-century impact of European Muslim minorities on ‘Official Islam’ in the Muslim-majority world." Philosophy & Social Criticism 40, no. 4-5 (March 18, 2014): 449–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0191453714526404.
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The article argues that the growth of religious service provision directed at the Muslim diaspora in Europe has led to greater professionalization and pluralism within the Islam state in Muslim countries. Contemporary Muslim governments have claimed a monopoly over public prayer and religious education and have heavily invested in a network of infrastructure and services – the Islam state. The recent breakthrough of Islamist parties into governments in Turkey and across North Africa poses a challenge to the continued ‘civilian control’ over religion. What will become of the enormous Islamic Affairs ministries that Islamist parties have inherited – the hundreds of thousands of public servants of state Islam across the region, the tens of thousands of mosques and thousands of religious schools? Liberals demand the abolition of the Islam state because it violates the separation of religion and state; Islamists detest it for its repressive qualities. Despite progressive liberalization, governments in the past decade have not sought disestablishment, and have instead increased the resources and policing of state-run religion. I draw on the experience of Muslim governments in the competitive field of state–Islam relations in European countries to explain the modest beginnings of reform of the official religion apparatus in Muslim-majority countries.
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Lorch, Jasmin, and Hatem Chakroun. "Othering within the Islamist Spectrum: Ennahda and the Political Salafists in Tunisia." Middle East Law and Governance 12, no. 2 (August 29, 2020): 198–221. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763375-01202006.
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Abstract While research on Islamist moderation has paid considerable attention to cross-ideological cooperation, it has barely explored whether and how the moderation of Islamist parties is related to interactions inside the Islamist spectrum. We attempt to bridge this gap by using othering as a theoretical-analytical lens with which to analyze the interplay between Ennahda’s moderation and the party’s relations to the political Salafists in Tunisia. We argue that the discursive act of othering the political Salafists has helped Ennahda construct itself both as a moderate, democratic actor representing the ‘true’ version of Tunisian Islam and as an effective and reliable political force. Moreover, while the concept of othering has barely been systematically applied to intra-Islamist relations, we show that it constitutes a fine-grained tool with which to study Islamist moderation in the context of intra-Islamist competition.
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Al Qurtuby, Sumanto. "THE RISE OF ISLAMISM AND THE FUTURE OF INDONESIAN ISLAM." Journal International Studies 16 (December 30, 2020): 105–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.32890/jis2020.16.7.
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Since the downfall of Suharto’s dictatorial regime in 1998, Indonesia has witnessed a surge of various Islamist groups that have potentially threatened the country’s religious tolerance, civil Islam, and civic pluralism. Moreover, it is suggested that the rise of Islamist groups could likely transform Indonesia into an intolerant Islamist country. However, this article asserts that the Islamist groups are unlikely to reform Indonesia into an Islamic State or Sharia–based government and society, and are unable to receive the support and approval of the Indonesian Muslim majority due to the following fundamental reasons: the groups’ internal and inherent weaknesses, ruptured alliance among the groups, lack of Islamist political parties, limited intellectual grounds of the movement, the accommodation of some influential Muslim clerics and figures into the central government body, and public opposition toward the Islamist groups.
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Öney, Berna, and Torsten J. Selck. "What was the ‘Kurdish opening’ all about? A qualitative text analysis of parliamentary group speeches in Turkey." Ethnicities 17, no. 6 (March 30, 2017): 771–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1468796817700934.
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This study explores the use of four discourses – socio-economic, relative deprivation, pro-Islamist and terrorism oriented – used by political parties in Turkey to address the Kurdish issue and the resulting political party strategies during the Kurdish opening in Turkey. Although the factors that influence the Kurdish issue have drawn attention, no research has analysed Turkish political parties’ perspectives on the Kurdish issue in primary political documents. By examining 188 parliamentary group speeches delivered during the Kurdish opening process with qualitative text analysis, this study reveals that the mainstream parties in the Turkish Parliament employ socio-economic, relative deprivation and regional terrorism approaches, while the ethnic parties use either regional terrorism and pro-Islamist approaches or the relative deprivation approach. Due to the overlap in their discourses, the mainstream parties have developed a new strategy: compartmentalization of the ethnic issue by creating sub-ethnic categories. This research contributes to revealing political parties’ approaches to the Kurdish question and their strategies for mobilizing the ethnic median voter.
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Clark, Janine Astrid, and Jillian Schwedler. "Who Opened the Window? Women's Activism in Islamist Parties." Comparative Politics 35, no. 3 (April 2003): 293. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4150178.
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Guazzone, Laura. "The success of Islamist parties works against al‐Qaida." International Spectator 41, no. 2 (April 2006): 95–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03932720608459418.
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Haynes, Jeffrey. "Islamist parties and political normalization in the Muslim world." Democratization 22, no. 1 (January 2, 2015): 201–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13510347.2014.977264.
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Tho Seeth, Amanda. "Islamist-Secular Cleavages at Tunisia ́s Universities." International Higher Education, no. 85 (March 14, 2016): 21–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.6017/ihe.2016.85.9243.
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This article shows how the struggle between secularist and Islamist forces has entered Tunisia´s universities since the introduction of democracy in 2011. In the new political freedom, Islamist voices have become more powerful at the campuses. The Islamist student organization UGTE for the first time ever won the elections over the student councils in November 2015. A future constant rise and stabilization of Islamist power over academia could be backed up by the current weakness of the secular parties in parliament. Furthermore, since democratization, universities have become targets of Salafist violent protests and are affected by the temporary curfews imposed after recurrent terrorist attacks by The Islamic State (IS) in the country.