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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Isolationismen'
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Plum-Sellers, Marjorie Ann. "A comprehensive review of relationships, social isolationism and adolescents." Online version, 2001. http://www.uwstout.edu/lib/thesis/2001/2001plum-sellersm.pdf.
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Steinberg, Drew. "Social cohesion or isolationism In London's Islamic faith schools." Diss., Connect to the thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10066/3667.
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Walker, Douglas Earl. "The phoenix of foreign policy isolationism's influence on U.S. foreign policy during the twentieth century /." Thesis, Monterey, California : Naval Postgraduate School, 1990. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA242065.
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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 1990.Thesis Advisor(s): Abenheim, Donald. Second Reader: Teti, Frank M. "December 1990." Description based on title screen as viewed on March 30 2010. DTIC Descriptor(s): Foreign Policy, United States Government, Variations, Abandonment, Pressure, Fear, Dissociation, Policies, Cold War. DTIC Identifier(s): Foreign Policy, History, United States, Isolationism, World War 1, World War 2, Cold War, Post Cold War Era, Theses. Author(s) subject terms: Isolationism, U.S. Foreign Policy, U.S. History - 1914-1990. Includes bibliographical references (p. 177-185). Also available in print.
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Hebborn, William. "Three waves in modern Catholic education : from isolationism via modernity to post-modernity." Thesis, London South Bank University, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.265282.
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This study argues that there have been three waves of modern Catholic education, with two major ships in the last thirty years. The first wave, which I call the Tildentinel institutional', was the product of the Council of Trent, and rcflcctcd the narrow defensive priorities of a Church which felt itself besiegedb y encn-deso n all sides, and was inherently hostile to the intellectual force of modernity. The fir-st ship look place in the mid-I 960s, and masks the arrival of the second wave, which I have called the 'experiential Vexpaimentall. It emerges as an immediate response to the reforms of the Second Vatican Council and essentially totally reversed the Church's previous isolationist policy as regards the modem world, a fact which clearly had profound policy implications for Catholic education The second a,v ew as therefore grounded in this new policy of openness and dialogue with the modem world, consequentliy twas more open to the then current rescarch insights in educatione, specially child-centred experientiaal pproachets en in favour.I t is also associated in educationatl erms with the crisis, which gripped the Catholic Church in the wake of Vatican U. Ile next shijl to the third 'restorationistIntegrationtst' mnw, coulda t first glanceb e dismisseda st he inevitablec onservativree actiont o the reformso f the 1960s%, whicinh part it is, but I believei t to be more than merer eaction.C onsequentlyI , have arguedt hat it representsa more sophisticatedcr itical analysisi n both theologicaal nd educationatle rmso f the modernw orld in the postV atican1 1p eriod.E achm aveI, maintain, correspondms ith a pcriod-specificC hurchs trategya s regardsm odernity.F roni this perspectiveth ef irst Kvver epresentsa strategyb asedo n absoluter esistanceto modernity,t hesecondw avea ccommodationw,h ile the third wavei s in a sensea n amalgamo f the two previousw aves,a nd representsa n ambivalentt ms-modem strategyo f selectiveT Csistmccto the modemworld. The third wavec oincides% %itthhe pontificateo f PopeJ ohnP aul U and representsa n attemptt o find a postmoderns olutiont o the problemsa risingf rom modernity,a nd so dcmandsa morec onfidenta ssertiono f Catholici dentity and culture, and a readinessto return to a more systematicp resentationo f the Catholicf aith. This policy is underpinnedb y a radical assertioni,n terms of uitness,o f the sociald emandso f the Gospel,m tdchi s useda s a meansm bcrcbyt he Church,a s it seesi t, ran confront false moderni deologiesa nd values.T his approachis also supportedb y a strongf eeling running throught he CatholicC hurcht hat duringt he crisis that followcdt he CouncilC atholicismto ok a too deepq uaff of 'secularism' which has donem ucht o destroyt he sacred1jeculabr alancem ithin the Church.I le third wave.t hen, I am suggestingi,s an attemptb y the Churcht o restoret his balanceT. be main bulk of thcwork is context.T he thesisi s divided into threes ections. The first dealsw ith definiitionsa nd looks at Catholic educationfr om the macrop erspectiveT. he seconds ectionf ocuseso n the local Catholic community in England and Wales and its engagement witeh education issues, from the particular perspective of the development of the Catholic schools system in this country. The third sectiond eals% %itmh y o%n; case study,w lich at 'Corei!s concerned% ithd iscoveringth e ideas, and attitudeso f Catholicp riestst o Catholic education ; with a specific focus upon Ctholic shools , wich I hope wll throw some lght on my central tesis.My cases tudy i very much a study wthin a study,and wuld have lttle value i it did not address the current issues n modemC atholice ducationI. will analyseth e continuingd ebatew ithin the Catholicc ommunityo n the role andp laceo f the schoolsi,n a changeda ndc hanging environmentf,r om the perspectiveo f the wavesth esis.
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Clevinger, Kara B. ""THE SWEETEST OF ALL WORDS": HOME AND RHETORICS OF ISOLATIONISM IN ANTEBELLUM DOMESTIC LITERATURE." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2015. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/312644.
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EnglishPh.D.
This dissertation is a study of antebellum literature about the home and the post-Revolutionary conceptualization of domesticity as political participation. Analyzing texts that take the construction, management, and pursuit of a home as central concerns, I trace a cultural preoccupation with isolation in the idealization of the home. The cult of domesticity that emerged and was reflected in these texts was a troubled, conflicting response to the ideology of Republican Motherhood, which defined a woman's political contribution as raising good citizen sons and patriotic daughters. By taking a previously private role and turning it into a public duty, the mother became a highly visible and symbolically loaded figure. It also made her sphere of action, the home, a highly charged political space, subject to government intervention and social control. In conduct manuals, magazines, memoirs, and fiction, women writing about the home represent it as vulnerable to unwelcome intrusion, invasion, and influences, giving both power and critique to the ideal of home as isolated and pure, and, ultimately, attempting to reveal a domestic ideology that was at odds with Republican Motherhood and notions of liberal privacy that held the home to be a completely private, independent space. Tracing this tension in canonical and popular literature, I construct comparisons of texts not frequently put into conversation with each other, drawing provocative parallels and important distinctions between them and opening up scholarly understandings of domesticity with discussions of isolation and purity. Beginning with an analysis of domestic manuals by Catharine Beecher and Lydia Maria Child, I read these texts side by side with manuals on the construction of the asylum and penitentiary, which along with the home were built on models of isolation. These prescriptive texts attend obsessively to air purity and proper ventilation, and the figure of the nation's "inmate" emerges: a version of subjecthood in which self-development and redemption rely on an environment protected from all external influences (physical, political, economic, and social). Following this version of the ideal home as it plays out in the most popular women's magazine of the period, Godey's Lady's Book, I next examine how the figure of the child becomes a powerful symbol for vulnerability and freedom, unpacking the ways that sentimental rhetoric both served and failed the American homebuilding project. In the last two chapters, I analyze the female authors Caroline Kirkland and Fanny Fern and their attempts to transplant the American home to the West and the urban center, respectively. In A New Home, Who'll Follow?, Kirkland's "hut in the wilderness" becomes the best embodiment of the American Myth. Finally, in the autobiographical novel Ruth Hall and in her newspaper writings, Fanny Fern places her heroines "beyond the pale of female jurisdiction," rejecting the bonds of womanhood, but also revealing fears for the isolated woman and her potential for desolation and madness. Contextualizing Fern within the written output of maternal associations, I conclude with a consideration of the home as complex and multivalent: it is imagined as a space to work and a space free from work, a woman's empire and her prison, a place one desperately hopes to find and a place one wants to escape; the home is where one is free to be herself and where one is cut off and confined.
Temple University--Theses
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Simons, Peter. "Isolationism on the Road to Damascus: Mass Media and Political Conversion in Rural Western Michigan." Fogler Library, University of Maine, 2004. http://www.library.umaine.edu/theses/pdf/SimonsP2004.pdf.
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Dugar, Nikki. "I Am What I Say I Am: Racial and Cultural Identity among Creoles of Color in New Orleans." ScholarWorks@UNO, 2009. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/945.
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This paper examines the generational changes in the culture and racial self-identification of Creoles of Color of New Orleans. This study argues that the key to understanding Creole culture is the role that isolationism has played in its history. While White ethnics pursued a path of assimilation, Creoles of Color pursued a path of isolationism. This path served them well during the Jim Crow era, but it suddenly became undesirable during the Black Power era. Now, however, new values of multiculturalism have resurrected Creole identity as a cultural asset.
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Walters, Kathryn Perry. "20,000 Fewer: The Wagner-Rogers Bill and the Jewish Refugee Crisis." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/91429.
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In the fall of 1938, Marion Kenworthy, child psychologist, and Clarence Pickett, director of the American Friends Service Committee, began designing a bill that would challenge the United States's government's strict immigration laws and allow persecuted children to come to the United States and live in American homes. The Wagner-Rogers Bill, named for Senator Robert Wagner of New York and Representative Edith Rogers of Massachusetts and introduced in February 1939, sought to allow the entry of 20,000 refugee children from Germany. At the time, multiple domestic factors limited the willingness of American politicians to meet this problem head on: high unemployment rates after the stock market crash in 1929, an isolationist sentiment after the impact of World War I, and xenophobia. These factors discouraged the lawmakers from revising the quota limit set on obtainable visas established by the 1924 Immigration Act and allow outsiders into the United States. These few actors who supported the Wagner-Rogers Bill reflect a hidden minority of the American public and political body that fought to help Jewish refugees by standing up to the majority of citizens and politicians against higher immigration into the United States, and the story of the this Bill demonstrates what might have been possible and illuminates 20th century models of American humanitarianism and its role in creating international refugee protection.Master of Arts
In the fall of 1938, Marion Kenworthy, child psychologist, and Clarence Pickett, director of the American Friends Service Committee, began designing a bill that would challenge the United States’s government’s strict immigration laws and allow persecuted children to come to the United States and live in American homes. The Wagner-Rogers Bill, named for Senator Robert Wagner of New York and Representative Edith Rogers of Massachusetts and introduced in February 1939, would allow the entry of 20,000 refugee children from Germany. At the time, multiple domestic factors limited the willingness of American politicians to meet this problem head on: high unemployment rates after the stock market crash in 1929, an isolationist sentiment after the impact of World War I, and xenophobia. These factors discouraged the lawmakers from reforming pre-existing immigration policies to allow more outsiders into the United States. These few actors who supported the Wagner-Rogers Bill reflect a hidden minority of the American public and political body that fought to help Jewish refugees by standing up to the majority of citizens and politicians against higher immigration into the United States, and the story of the this Bill illuminates 20th century models of American humanitarianism and its role in creating international refugee protection.
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Petraud, Jean-Félix. "The American Foreign Policy with the Middle East : from the earliest days to the Obama’s mandate." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2015. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-261957.
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The following dissertation is an attempt of analysis and understanding of the foreign policy of the United States in the Middle East region and its evolution through time. Considering the fact that the Middle East region is or at least used to be a vital region for the United States national interests, the dissertation presents an exhaustive list of major events that have been major shifts in the US foreign policy in the region. The more or less chronological timeline allows the reader to have a better understanding of the evolution of the US foreign policy. The result of the dissertation is the identification of different patterns of foreign policy and to put the spot on the reasons of the changes of these patterns. Nevertheless, the history of the Middle East region and the incredible number of major events through the 2Oth century and the early 21st century make impossible to deal with all of them. Moreover, analysis and comments are based on academic research, but the dissertation remains subjective and may lead to discussions and debates.
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Girn, Kanwaljit Singh. "Internationalism and isolationism in early American foreign affairs, circa 1774 to 1789 : an eighteenth century balance of power perspective." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2018. http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/30254/.
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It is the central argument of this thesis that American foreign policy in its critical founding years involved an active participation in the European balance of power. A framework is presented of American foreign engagement in this period which rejects existing notions of the newly independent nation as diplomatically isolationist from the start. The thesis also rejects two generally accepted origins of isolation, an interpretation of President's Washington's 1796 Farewell Address as a warning against entangling alliances, and of an American neutrality as, what John Adams referred to as a perfect impartiality. Instead, concerns with neutrality and avoidance of alliances which are interchangeably quoted when discussing isolationism, are exposed as nuanced terms that had specific meanings. They are best understood as a framework that mandated a hybrid approach to the creation of policy, within which ideology and realism were given greater relative weight depending on international conditions. Hence, at the commencement of the Revolutionary War, the ideological basis of foreign affairs that rejected political alliances, enshrined in the 1776 Model Treaty, was compromised in favour of a French Treaty. After success in that War, foreign policy took on a subtle complexion. Once independence had been achieved, American statesmen felt compelled to articulate an approach to foreign affairs that, whilst claiming an equality of dealings with European powers, in practice circumvented that neutrality by taking advantage of their rivalries in a rapidly evolving view of American national interest. Analysis of early foreign affairs through this prism of balance of power, illustrates the effectiveness of the emerging, ideologically polarised American nation in confronting the established international structure that was the European equilibrium. An equilibrium designed to contain conflict and restrain power, provided fertile ground for statesmen to achieve the objectives of national interest without compromising the fundamental tenet of the American founding.
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Roper, Brandon D. "Clash of Titans: William Randolph Hearst and his Impact on American Foreign Policy During the Interwar Period." DigitalCommons@CalPoly, 2010. https://digitalcommons.calpoly.edu/theses/267.
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The purpose of this thesis is to analyze a prominent figure of the 20th century, William Randolph Hearst and to analyze the influence he was able to exert over American foreign policy through his own personal connections and those of his periodicals. This also includes an analysis between Hearst and Roosevelt, and noting the varying levels of influence between the two. This thesis will demonstrate that William Randolph Hearst is a prominent figure of 20th century history, but was overshadowed by Roosevelt. Hearst while powerful was always putting his power into ventures that would backfire politically. When his papers declined, his influence over politics plummeted instantly.
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Madison, Nathan Vernon. "Isolationism, Internationalism and the “Other:” The Yellow Peril, Mad Brute and Red Menace in Early to Mid Twentieth Century Pulp Magazines and Comic Books." VCU Scholars Compass, 2010. http://scholarscompass.vcu.edu/etd/2330.
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This thesis’ purpose is to demonstrate, via the examination of popular youth literature (primarily pulp magazines and comic books) from the 1920s through to the 1950s, that the stories found therein drew their definitions of heroism and villainy from an overarching, nativist fear of outsiders that had existed before the Great War, but intensified afterwards. These depictions were transferred to America’s “new” enemies following both the United States’ entry into the Second World War, as well as the early stages of the Cold War. This transference of nativist imagery left behind the ethnically-based origins of such depictions, showing that racism was not the sole and simple reason for such exaggerated visages. A process of change, in regards to America’s nativist sentiment, so virulent after the First World War, will be explained by way of the popular, inexpensive escapism of the time, the pulp magazines and comic books of the early to mid-twentieth century.
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Agamalova, Medeya. "Klimat och Rättvisa : Varierande grader av utsatthet för klimatförändringar." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Institutionen för idé- och samhällsstudier, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-184430.
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It is widely recognized that changes in climate have an effect on people all around the world.There is also data supporting the claim that people are affected differently based on their ability (or lack thereof) to handle the imposed risks. The degree of ability can also determine whether adaptation and mitigation measures will be successful. This thesis discusses a few climate justice theories and principles to settle on those that can handle the variety in degrees of imposed risks. Arguments against isolated treatment of greenhouse gas emissions are drawn from discussion of the per capita principle. It is also argued that ideas about justice ought to be included into the theories and principles which guide international agreements. It is also shown that the absence of an account of historical responsibility ignores important considerations. Arguments against the rival account of Posner and Weisbach further strengthens the defended view.Att förändringar i klimatet har påverkan på världens befolkning är välkänt. Det finns även data som bekräftar att människor påverkas i varierande utsträckning på grund av deras möjlighet (eller avsaknad av sådan) att handskas med riskerna som förändringar i klimatet utgör. Faktorer som påverkar dessa möjligheter avgör även framgången av anpassnings- och mildringsåtgärder. Den här uppsatsen behandlar några klimat-rättvise teorier med tillhörande principer för att avgöra vilka på bästa sätt kan ta hänsyn till den varierande graden av utsatthet för de negativa konsekvenserna av klimatförändringar. Argument mot principer som behandlar utsläpps-rätter i isolation visar att ett annat tillvägagångssätt bör anammas. Det argumenteras även för att uppfattningar om generella rättvise-frågor bör integreras. Vidare visas det att ett historisktperspektiv, i form av historisk ansvarsskyldighet, ger stöd till viktiga uppfattningar som inte kan ignoreras. Argument mot den motsatta teoribildningen, som förespråkas av Posner ochWeisbach, styrker det försvarade tillvägagångssättet.
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Robinson, Lawrence Spencer. "Internationalism and isolationism between the wars : an opinion survey focusing on George Horace Lorimer, Gilbert M. Hitchcock and the World-Herald, and the correspondence of Cordell Hull /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10359.
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Kennedy, Brian Kilmartin. "Global Problems, Parochial Concerns: Urban Catholics, New Deal Politics, and the Crises of the 1930s." The Ohio State University, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1269234024.
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Paton-Walsh, Margaret. "Our war too : American women against the Axis /." Lawrence, Kan : University Press of Kansas, 2002. http://www.loc.gov/catdir/toc/fy032/2002002976.html.
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Hallé, Einar. "La Norvège et l'isolationnisme, 1940-1972." Thesis, Paris 4, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA040107.
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Nous avons d’abord entrepris de tracer un tableau de la Norvège en nous reportant à des ouvrages d’auteurs tels Raymond Aron (1905-1983) et son « Guerre et paix entre nations », de Francis Fukuyama (1952-) avec son étude « The Origins of Political Order » [Les origines de l’ordre politique], de Hans Magnus Enzensberger (1929-), auteur de « Norsk utakt » [La Norvège qui marche à contretemps], d’Henrik Ibsen (1828-1906) et son « Peer Gynt », et de nombreux écrits d’Olav Riste (1933-) et d’autres auteurs.A la fin de cette première partie notre analyse a permis d’identifier l’isolationnisme traditionnel et défensif des Norvégiens que nous désignons comme étant du premier degré, puis une seconde forme d’isolationnisme appelé organique et du second degré, car intériorisé et ainsi occulté.Nos sources principales ont été les Comptes rendus de réunions du Comité des Affaires étrangères et de la Constitution au Storting (Parlement) à Oslo.La deuxième partie de cette thèse traite la période de 1940 à 1949 qui se termine par l’adhésion de la Norvège au Pacte atlantique et l’OTAN en 1949, car le pays n’avait tout simplement pas d’autre choix. En troisième partie nous suivons la Norvège dans une phase d’internationalisation profonde de 1950 à 1972 où le pays adhère, de nouveau sous la contrainte, d’abord à l’Association européenne de libre échange puis cherche à se joindre à la Communauté économique européenne. L’échec au référendum sur l’Europe en 1972 est à imputer en très grande partie à son isolationnisme que nous qualifions d’extraordinaireWe start by building up a portrait of Norway by referring to works by authors such as Raymond Aron (1905-1983) and his «War and peace between nations» [Guerre et paix entre nations], Francis Fukuyama (1952-) with his study of « The Origins of Political Order », Hans Magnus Enzensberger(1929-), author of « Out-of-step Norway » [Norsk utakt], Henrik Ibsen and his « Peer Gynt» as well as numerous writings by Olav Riste (1933-) and other contributors.At the end of this first part our analysis has uncovered the traditional and defensive isolationism of the Norwegians which we qualify as being of the first degree, then a second degree isolationism, organic in character, since it is interiorised and hence hidden.Our main sources are accounts of meetings of the “Committee for Foreign affairs and of the Constitution” at the Storting (Parliament) in Oslo.The second part of this thesis deals with the period from 1940 to 1949 where Norway joined the Atlantic pact and NATO in 1949, quite simply because the country had no other choice. In the third part we look at Norway during her period of opening up to the international community from 1950 to 1972 where the country joins, again because she was forced to, first the European Free Trade area (EFTA), then is a candidate for membership of the European Economic Community (EEC). The loss at the referendum on Europe in 1972 is mostly due to her isolationism that we in the end shall qualify as being extraordinary
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Villarreal-Rios, Rodolfo Williams William Appleman. "Independent internationalism and nationalistic pragmatism the United States and Mexico /." [Missoula, Mont.] : The University of Montana, 2008. http://etd.lib.umt.edu/theses/available/etd-11032008-163623/unrestricted/Villarreal-Rios_Rodolfo_THESIS.pdf.
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Lukeš, Jakub. "Spojené státy americké a Mnichovská dohoda." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-198825.
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In my diploma thesis, I provide an analysis of the Munich Agreement and the Czechoslovak crisis from the perspective of the United States of America. My aim is to create comprehensive picture of bilateral relations between Czechoslovakia and the United States before and after the signing of the Munich Agreement. Thesis focuses on the diplomatic and economic relations between Czechoslovakia and United States in the period 1936 -- 1938/1939. The introductory part of the thesis is devoted to the phenomenon of isolationism and its influence in shaping the U.S. foreign policy. The main point of the analysis is the attitude of the American public to the Czechoslovak crisis and the Munich Agreement itself. The main hypothesis consists in the assertion that the United States played a major role in the Czechoslovak crisis that preceeded the signing of the Munich Agreement. I am seeking answers to these questions: How did the American public perceived the Czechoslovak crisis? What was the reaction of the U.S. government to the Czechoslovak crisis and the subsequent the Munich Agreement? How did president F. D. Roosevelt perceived the Czechoslovak crisis? In order to find answers to my questions I am using the issued and unissued sources, specialized literature and especially the contemporary press. The thesis has proved that the United States took part in the events that preceded the signing of the Munich Agreement.
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Cannon, Ammie. "Controversial Politics, Conservative Genre: Rex Stout's Archie-Wolfe Duo and Detective Fiction's Conventional Form." BYU ScholarsArchive, 2006. https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/etd/469.
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Rex Stout maintained his popular readership despite the often controversial and radical political content expressed in his detective fiction. His political ideals often made him many enemies. Stances such as his ardent opposition to censorship, racism, Nazism, Germany, Fascism, Communism, McCarthyism, and the unfettered FBI were potentially offensive to colleagues and readers from various political backgrounds. Yet Stout attempted to present radical messages via the content of his detective fiction with subtlety. As a literary traditionalist, he resisted using his fiction as a platform for an often extreme political agenda. Where political messages are apparent in his work, Stout employs various techniques to mute potentially offensive messages. First, his hugely successful bantering Archie Goodwin-Nero Wolfe detective duo—a combination of both the lippy American and the tidy, sanitary British detective schools—fosters exploration, contradiction, and conflict between political viewpoints. Archie often rejects or criticizes Wolfe's extreme political viewpoints. Second, Stout utilizes the contradictions between values that occur when the form of detective fiction counters his radical political messages. This suggests that the form of detective fiction (in this case the conventional patterns and attitudes reinforced by the genre) is as important as the content (in this case the muted political message or the lack of overt politics) in reinforcing or shaping political, economic, moral, and social viewpoints. An analysis of the novels The Black Mountain (1954) and The Doorbell Rang (1965) and the novellas "Not Quite Dead Enough" and "Booby Trap" (1944) from Stout's Nero Wolfe series demonstrates his use of detective fiction for both the expression of political viewpoints and the muting of those political messages.
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Schnurr, Jeremy. "“The Best Possible Time for War?” The USS Panay and American Far Eastern Policy During the Roosevelt Presidency." Thèse, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/20486.
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This thesis examines American Far Eastern policy from the beginning of the Franklin Roosevelt presidency through the early months of 1938. This study is chiefly concerned with the attack by Japanese aircraft on the USS Panay and its effect on the course of U.S. foreign policy. Particular attention is paid to the Anglo-American dialogue which occurred throughout the Far Eastern Crisis. Prior to the end of 1938, the U.S. administration’s position in Asia was dictated both by policies inherited from preceding administrations and by the extreme isolationism of the American people. This foundation effectively inhibited any cooperation with foreign powers. Relying on a reactive policy in the Far East, Washington remained aloof from entanglement as the President sought a plan which would permit U.S. involvement without inviting isolationist wrath. This paper traces an evolution in American Far Eastern policy, highlighting the Panay incident as a distinctly identifiable turning point whereby isolationism gave way to internationalism.
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Nichols, Christopher McKnight. "From empire to isolation : internationalism and isolationism in American thought /." 2008. http://wwwlib.umi.com/dissertations/fullcit/3312186.
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Black, Erin. "Specters of "Isolationism"? Debating America's Place in the Global Arena, c.1965-1974." Thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1807/17731.
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The United States emerged from the Second World War determined to play a leading role in the maintenance of international order. Increasing levels of tension between the United States and the forces of communism after 1945, however, slowly forced a redefinition of what might be more distinctly termed America's "global" responsibilities, such that by 1961 John F. Kennedy declared that the United States would "pay any price. . .in order to assure the survival and success of liberty." An identifiable Cold War consensus took shape based on the assumption that it was America's responsibility to lead, protect, and defend, the "free-world." Since America was effectively waging a battle to ensure the successful spread of its own values, the Cold War consensus also served to severely limit debate—dissent essentially implied disloyalty. By the mid-1960s, however, the Cold War consensus began to crack and a debate over American foreign policy began to emerge.
That debate is the focus of this dissertation, which looks at the opposition to Cold War policies which emerged in the Senate, most notably among the members of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee --many of whom had once played a role in developing the very foreign policies they now protested. The war in Vietnam provided the focal point for much of the dissent, but the foreign aid program also became heavily criticized, as did America's NATO policy, particularly the size of the American military presence in Europe. More important, however, Senate dissenters came to question the United States' very position as the principle defender of the free world. They did not dispute the idea that America had a significant role to play in the global arena, but they did not believe that role should consist of being the world's policeman, the self-appointed arbiter of other’s affairs, and the keeper of the status quo. Because of their views, the so-called dissenters were labelled as "neo-isolationists." They saw themselves the true "internationalists," however, believing that the Cold War had led to confusion between internationalism and indiscriminate global involvement.
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Endicott, Travis Wayne. "The Strait Defense: A Case Study Comparison of Global Straits." Thesis, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1805/11086.
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Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)The global climate is creating more ice-free waters in the Arctic. These new navigation possibilities around the Arctic lead to increased global trade, tourism, and oil and gas exploration. With the foreseeable increased nautical transportation through the Northwest Passage, the United States needs to revisit its security posture in and around the Bering Strait. At least five different grand strategies are potentially relevant in addressing this question. By comparing the suggestions of these leading grand strategy approaches to what has actually been implemented by the United States in the Strait of Hormuz, the Strait of Malacca, and the Panama Canal, similarities emerge that can help the United States shape their strategy for the defending of its national interests in the Bering Strait. By testing the different grand strategies against three reasonably similar cases, I find that a forward military presence and supporting a liberal institutionalist approach are the two key aspects that the United States should employ in the Bering Strait. Increasing and improving the military presence that the United States has in the region should be a top priority. In addition, supporting the Arctic Council would provide an increased level of security to the United States and other nations in the region. This strategy is not without its challenges and it will require artful statecraft in order to be successful.