Academic literature on the topic 'Israel's relations with Middle East'
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Journal articles on the topic "Israel's relations with Middle East"
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Qian, Bingyou. "Israel’s Geopolitical Strategy: Strategic Partnership, Territorial Disputes and International Support." SHS Web of Conferences 179 (2023): 05024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/202317905024.
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This study delves into Israel's geopolitical strategy, with a particular focus on its strategic partnership, territorial disputes, and international support in the Palestinian-Israeli conflict within the broader context of Middle East geopolitics. Israel, as a pivotal player in the Middle East, wields significant influence over regional stability and international politics. First, we examine the robust cooperation between Israel and the United States, a crucial alliance spanning political, military, and intelligence domains. This partnership not only bolsters Israel's national defense but also holds considerable sway in Middle East geopolitics. Next, we conduct an in-depth analysis of the territorial disputes, particularly in the West Bank and East Jerusalem, which constitute the heart of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. These disputes have intricate geopolitical implications and require international intervention, encompassing political and legal dimensions. Lastly, we concentrate on Israel's geopolitical standing on the global stage, emphasizing the influence of the United States and the role of international organizations. U.S. support significantly shapes Israel's international relations, while international entities play pivotal roles in resolving the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. In essence, this study seeks to provide profound insights into Israel's geopolitical strategy and its profound impact on the Palestinian-Israeli conflict and the broader Middle East geopolitical landscape. By dissecting these critical elements, we aim to offer valuable perspectives and references for the resolution of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict and the advancement of peace and stability in the Middle East.
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Ustiashvili,, Samin. "Iran-US relations; The Middle East issues." International Journal of Scientific Research and Management 9, no. 10 (2021): 780–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.18535/ijsrm/v9i10.sh02.
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 Iran-US relations have historically been of particular importance to both sides. The ups and downs of this relationship and its causes and factors have always been considered by international relations researchers and thinkers, including the two countries' experts. This article aims to examine Israel's role in perpetuating the strained relations between Iran and the United States. The continuing turmoil and the severance of official relations between Iran and the United States, given the historical background of relations between the two countries, the existence of shared regional interests, along with the opportunities to repair and improve relations, raises the question of international relations researchers why relations between the two countries are still strained as Iran enters the fourth decade of its revolution. What are the leading causes and factors of the continuation of the strained relations between the two countries? In response to various hypotheses, the author cites a drastic change in the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran towards Israel - compared to the pre-revolutionary period - the main factor in the continuation of hostility between the two countries and Iran's opposition to Israel. Therefore, considering the opposition to the Middle East peace process as the main factor of the current situation, it has tried to confirm the mentioned hypothesis by presenting evidence and analyzing documents. This article has been written with a genealogical (historical-analytical) approach and has a review nature. To attain the specifications of this research, a descriptive methodology will be used. The advantages presented by this method include enabling the collection of a significant amount of data at once. The scientific findings of this study indicate the undeniable effect of the Israeli variable on Iran-US relations.
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Zisser, Eyal. "The Abraham Accords - Israel and the Middle East - What Next?" Transatlantic Policy Quarterly 21, no. 3 (2022): 11–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.58867/muby2344.
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The signing of the Abraham Accords in September 2020 was a turning point in Israel's standing in the Middle East. The accords created a positive atmosphere that helped promote regional cooperation in security and the economy. This positive change does not, however, provide an answer to some of the fundamental challenges that Israel is facing, which cast their shadows on the entire region, such as the Iranian threat - Tehran's regional ambitions and its efforts to gain nuclear capabilities; but first and foremost, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, which is getting further and further away from a solution, and may flare up and damage regional stability and hinder the progress in Israeli-Arab relations, which was achieved following the signing of the Abraham accords.
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DE WAART, PAUL J. I. M. "Israel's Settlement-Policy Stumbling-Block in the Middle East Peace Process." Leiden Journal of International Law 20, no. 4 (2007): 825–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156507004475.
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According to Israel's Guide to the Mideast Peace Process, charges regarding the illegality of Israeli settlements in the 1967 Occupied Palestinian Territory (OPT) have no foundation in international law. Peace efforts between Israel and Palestine will have no chance of success as long as Israel uses its prolonged military occupation to promote and protect its annexation-in-disguise of the West Bank and East Jerusalem. John Dugard has passed on this hard truth consistently as Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the OPT. The international community should take the same hard line towards the Guide as it has done towards the Hamas Charter. If it wants to establish a just and lasting peace in the Middle East, it should not allow Israel to bend the truth any more in respect of the legality of the Israeli settlements in the OPT as Hamas has done in respect of the illegality of Israel.
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Kılıçer, Aybars Arda. "The Changing Dynamics of Israel's Foreign Policy." Transatlantic Policy Quarterly 21, no. 3 (2022): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.58867/xzdw1818.
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Israel, formally known as "The State of Israel," was established on 14 May 1948, and has since played a pivotal role in international affairs, particularly in the politics of the Middle East and North Africa. Israel's relations with its Arab neighbors have been tense for decades, and a lasting peace has never appeared more likely. Yet, we already live in a time of perpetual change, and naturally, the politics of Israel and the surrounding region of the Middle East and North Africa are not immune to this pattern. Realizing this, TPQ decided to focus on the Changing Dynamics of Israel's Foreign Policy in its upcoming Fall 2022 issue.
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Drake, Laura. "A Netanyahu Primer." Journal of Palestine Studies 26, no. 1 (1996): 58–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2538031.
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Prior to his election as prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu built a store-house of writings and interviews outlining his vision of Israel's place in the Middle East and the world. Valuable clues within them make it possible to establish the general pattern of Netanyahu's political thought, including his level of morale, determination, areas of focus, and philosophy of action. Working from the existing record, the author addresses Netanyahu's historical assumptions and worldview; his political program toward the Palestinians, Syria, and other Arabs; and his attitude toward Israel's future dimensions and Arab-Israeli relations. Netanyahu's personal and political commitment to his long-held objectives and the unlikelihood of his deviation from these principles are discussed.
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Walker, J. "Turkey and Israel's Relationship in the Middle East." Mediterranean Quarterly 17, no. 4 (2006): 60–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10474552-2006-024.
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Mady, Abdel-Fattah. "American foreign policy and peace in the Middle East." Contemporary Arab Affairs 3, no. 3 (2010): 271–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2010.493739.
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The purpose of this study is to answer the following question: ‘Does US foreign policy undermine peace efforts in the Occupied Palestinian Territories?’ Careful observations of US foreign policy during the Oslo Process reveal that the United States has indeed undermined peace efforts in the Occupied Palestinian Territories. The American position substantially departed from United Nations Resolutions 242 and 338, which the Palestinians were promised would serve as the basis for negotiations. Although the American–Israeli alliance underwent periodic adjustments, American foreign policy has, over the last decade, helped to create a framework in the Middle East wherein only Israeli needs have legitimacy. During the Oslo Process, the United States and Israel have tried to impose Israel's plans on the Palestinians, ignoring United Nations resolutions and the international community. The evidence reveals that US foreign policy was based on double standards and unfair terms. Further, the seeming link between the aid provided by the United States to Israel and the latter's aggressive policies toward the Palestinians makes it appear as though Washington is ‘rewarding’ such policies, that is, as if Washington is enabling Israel to deny Palestinians’ legitimate rights, violate United Nations resolutions and principles of international law, keep its military occupation forces, and expand Jewish settlements in the Occupied Palestinian Territories.
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Salamé, Ghassan. "Middle Easts, old and new1." Contemporary Arab Affairs 3, no. 1 (2010): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550910903471181.
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This article is the text of an address given by Ghassan Salamé at the ‘Oil and Money’ Conference convened in London, UK, on 21 October 2009. In it, the author deals with what the ambiguous, amorphous, elastic and politically expedient term ‘Middle East’ has connoted historically and what it may or may not denote in political formulations of a given moment. In particular, American, European, Turkish, Iranian, Israeli and Arab views – and the serious implications of these – are examined with superb economy of style. Whether as part of the US-delimited region of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) or whether as affiliated to the European Union via a Mediterranean Union based on trade relations, the exclusion or inclusion in the Middle East is not a simple matter where regional players such as Iran and Turkey have historical extraterritorial ambitions which would, yet again, appear to be coming to the fore – even when such may threaten internal balances. The author argues that Israel's position is increasingly problematic due not only to Palestinian demographics, but also to its recent experience against Hezbollah which has mastered asymmetrical warfare at a time when the ability of the United States to defend its primary ally in the region has been cast into doubt. The states of the Arab World have proved ineffectual and certain of them are looking to ‘escape’ from the Middle East into Africa (Libya) or looking to formulate a new regional constellation in which Turkey and Iran will play leading roles (Syria).
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Ivanov, S. M. "Unresolvation of the Palestine problem — the main threat to regional security." Diplomaticheskaja sluzhba (Diplomatic Service), no. 2 (April 10, 2024): 151–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/vne-01-2402-07.
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The article analyzes the situation in the Middle East in connection with a new largescale armed confl ict between Israel and radical Islamist groups. The author reminds readers of the origins and causes of the Palestinian-Israeli confl ict and gives a detailed picture of the dynamics of events in the former British mandate territory of Palestine after 1948. The main reason for the ongoing tension in Israel's relations with the Arab and Muslim world is the disregard by the Israeli authorities and the leaders of a number of Arab countries of the relevant resolutions of the UN General Assembly on the creation of the State of Palestine. The ongoing occupation of the Syrian Golan Heights and Lebanese Shebaa farms by the Israeli armed forces does not help to strengthen confi dence in Tel Aviv on the part of neighboring Arab countries. The author believes that the main goals of the attack on Israel by Hamas militants and Islamic Jihad (banned in the Russian Federation) on October 7, 2023 were, fi rstly, to attract the attention of regional and global players to the Palestinian problem, and secondly, to demonstrate the increased military capabilities of Hamas and the vulnerability of Israel, and thirdly, a slowdown or complete disruption of the process of further normalization of Israel’s relations with Arab countries. In addition, Palestinian radicals believed that a successful military operation against Israel could lead to an increase in fi nancial, economic, political and military assistance to Hamas from its supporters and sponsors. The author notes the growing involvement of a number of regional and extra-regional players in the armed confl ict in the Gaza Strip (Lebanese Hezbollah, Yemeni Houthis, Iran, Qatar, Turkey, USA, EU countries). The article also notes the limited capabilities of UN institutions and other international organizations at this stage for a comprehensive and fair Middle East settlement.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Israel's relations with Middle East"
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Cubert, Harold M. "The PFLP's changing role in the Middle East." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/13437.
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The PFLP represents a violent Marxist trend among Palestinian political organizations. It is uncompromisingly hostile toward Israel, the industrialized West and the West's regional allies, and rejects any settlement of the Arab-Israeli conflict which does not entail both Israel's elimination and the establishment of an independent Palestinian state on all land it claims as Palestine. Until this occurs, the PFLP remains committed to armed conflict with its enemies. This study attempts to explain the PFLP's lagging position within the Palestinian national movement by comparing its policies with Fatah's. Unlike the PFLP, Fatah's overriding concern was to establish a Palestinian authority on any portion of 'liberated land' and consider the question of Israel's existence later. Fatah's selection of supporters was never conditioned upon ideological compatibility. It formed coalitions with all interested parties and accepted assistance from all willing providers. Most importantly, Fatah - as the PLO's dominant faction - transformed itself from an underground group to a quasi-government with diplomatic status and later, to leadership of the PNA in the West Bank and Gaza Strip. Fatah's flexibility enabled it to survive regional and global changes. In the unipolar international order which followed the Soviet bloc's collapse in 1991, the PLO courted the United States and its allies, participated in the Arab-Israeli peace process, and was rewarded with authority over part of the Palestinian 'homeland'. The PFLP, spurning change, refused to act likewise. From its Damascus headquarters, it can currently do nothing without the Syrian government's approval and Syria, on the verge of a peace agreement with Israel, is unlikely to allow its protege to do more than issue statements. Only an imaginative and bold move by the PFLP, at this point, can restore the organization's prestige among its constituents and notoriety among its enemies.
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Sasley, Brent E. "Individuals and the significance of affect : foreign policy variation in the Middle East." Thesis, McGill University, 2006. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=102843.
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This dissertation seeks to expand our understanding of variation in foreign policy. Although we have a series of large, extant literatures dealing with the sources of foreign policy, there has been less attention paid over the last decade to understanding why states change their behavior. At the same time, the thesis argues that foreign policy change is best understood as a result of the role of individual decision-makers and the role that emotion plays in their foreign policy calculations.<br>Foreign policy depends on the decisions made by individual leaders. The type of individual thus determines the specific policy. Here individuals are categorized as ideological or adaptable. Ideological individuals are more rigid in their belief structures, are more likely to select policies that fit with their extant understandings of the world and the position of their state in it, and more likely to rely on the emotional or affective appeal an object or issue holds for them. Adaptable leaders are more flexible, not tied to specific ideologies or reliant on emotion to guide their thinking, and thus more likely to choose or learn ideas that best respond to changing environmental conditions. At the same time, how a state's decision-making institutions are structured tells us how likely it is that an individual's own predilections matter. In polities where decision-making is centralized (e.g., in the office of the prime minister), individuals have greater leeway to put their ideas (whether based on their ideological outlooks or shifting environmental circumstances) into practice, while in de-centralized polities other actors constrain the leader from autonomous decision-making. In such cases, it is likely that an individual's ideas will conform to those of the constraining actors. Finally, the role of ideas is taken into consideration, as the dominant national ideas about foreign policy regarding a specific issue-area help us better understand the context in which individuals make (or change) foreign policy.<br>This model is tested against alternate explanations---systemic imperatives, Constructivism, public opinion, poliheuristic theory, and prospect theory---in two case studies: the Israeli decision to pursue and sign the 1993 Oslo Accords, and the 2002 decision by the Islamist government in Turkey to actively lobby for membership in the European Union. Both foreign policies represent significant variation, and both provide important theoretical and empirical puzzles for scholars.
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Batarfi, Khaled M. "Analysis of news coverage patterns of Middle East conflicts /." view abstract or download file of text, 1999. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/uoregon/fullcit?p9948015.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Oregon, 1999.<br>Typescript. Includes vita and abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 171-180). Also available for download via the World Wide Web; free to University of Oregon users. Address: http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/uoregon/fullcit?p9948015.
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Askren, Jillian. "United States-middle-east relations : the role of economics in foreign policy." Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2010. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/1347.
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This item is only available in print in the UCF Libraries. If this is your Honors Thesis, you can help us make it available online for use by researchers around the world by following the instructions on the distribution consent form at http://library.ucf.edu/Systems/DigitalInitiatives/DigitalCollections/InternetDistributionConsentAgreementForm.pdf You may also contact the project coordinator, Kerri Bottorff, at kerri.bottorff@ucf.edu for more information.<br>Bachelors<br>Sciences<br>Political Science
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Muhammad, Shaaban S. "The metamorphosis of power in the Middle East after peace with Israël." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/212461.
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Goss, Alexandra. "Banned from the Only Democracy in the Middle East: Targeted Exclusion at Israel’s External Border Crossings." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2016. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/pomona_theses/166.
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Despite seemingly discriminatory practices at the border directed towards US citizens, no formal academic work has been conducted on the subject. This study is the first of its kind, which examines the phenomenon of the denying and banning of US citizens from the external Israeli border crossings. It draws upon the cases of 110 US citizens who have been banned or denied from the external Israeli border crossings from 1987-2015. This study finds that denial is often associated with Palestinian Americans, Arab Americans, Muslim Americans, Black Americans and Americans who personally identify as activists or are considered by border officials to be so. It argues that Israel’s actions at their border crossings have become increasingly standardized over time through practices of “stealth authoritarianism” that create the veneer of due process in the execution of a denial or ban and lead to difficulties pursuing redress. Finally, this study puts forth how this practice fits within the broader context of Israeli policies regarding the subjugation of Palestinians living in the occupied Palestinian territories and Israel proper as well as individuals suspected of being activists working towards Palestinian liberation. Ultimately, this study hopes to lay a multi-disciplinary groundwork for understanding the implications of the denial and banning of US citizens at the external Israeli border crossings for those who wish to pursue the topic in the future.
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Elshelmani, Saad A. "The new world order and its impact on the Arab Israeli peace process (1991-1999)." Thesis, Durham University, 2000. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/4323/.
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This thesis examines the impact of the New World Order on the Arab-Israeli peace process. It argues that, since the collapse of the Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War, the old bipolar World Order has disappeared and a new unipolar one has emerged. The United States of America, as the only remaining single superpower, has enjoyed a great degree of influence and a kind of hegemony in international affairs. Its military superiority and economic, technological and diplomatic strength, in the absence of any competing power, have given it the upper hand to pursue its own policies and its own interests. This American unipolarity and hegemony are clearly demonstrated in the Middle East peace process. The United States' unipolarity on the international level and its hegemony on the regional level have allowed it to pursue policies to resolve the Arab- Israeli conflict. Regional states, released from the constraints or protection of the patron- client relationships fostered under the bi-polar Old World Order, have adjusted their own policies to take into account this New World Order. A neo-realist understanding of this has been developed which assesses this process in terms of international and regional balance of power and "rules of the game”. This method had been used to understand the reasons for and nature of the Arab- Israeli peace negotiations that started at Madrid in 1991 and developed in Oslo in 1993. The thesis argues that these negotiations were in fact a single process which was the direct result of this American-led New World Order. Whether through direct or indirect American involvement or through the indirect or direct acknowledgement by regional actors of the nature of the New World Order, American interests and preferences have been strongly reflected in the peace process.
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Abitbol, Eric. "Hydropolitical peacebuilding : Israeli-Palestinian water relations and the transformation of asymmetric conflict in the Middle East." Thesis, University of Bradford, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/6255.
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Recognising water as a central relational location of the asymmetric Israel- Palestinian conflict, this study critically analyses the peacebuilding significance of Israeli, transboundary water and peace practitioner discourses. Anchored in a theoretically-constructed framework of hydropolitical peacebuilding, it discursively analyses the historical, officially-sanctioned, as well as academic and civil society water and peace relations of Israelis and Palestinians. It responds to the question: How are Israeli water and peace practitioners discursively practicing hydropolitical peacebuilding in the Middle East? In doing so, this study has drawn upon a methodology of interpretive practice, combining ethnography, foucauldian discourse analysis and narrative inquiry. This study discursively traces Israel's development into a hydrohegemonic state in the Jordan River Basin, from the late-19th century to 2011. Recognising conflict as a power-laden social system, it makes visible the construction, production and circulation of Israel's power in the basin. It examines key narrative elements invoked by Israel to justify its evolving asymmetric, hydrohegemonic relations. Leveraging the hydropolitical peacebuilding framework, itself constituted of equality, partnership, equity and shared ii sustainability, this study also examines the discursive practices of Israeli transboundary water and peace practitioners in relationship with Palestinians. In so doing, it makes visible their hydrohegemony, hydropolitical peacebuilding, and hydrohegemonic residues. This study's conclusions re-affirm earlier findings, notably that environmental and hydropolitical cooperation neither inherently nor necessarily constitute peacebuilding practice. This work also suggests that hydropolitical peacebuilding may discursively be recognised in water and peace practices that engage, critique, resist, desist from, and practice alternative relational formations to hydrohegemony in asymmetric conflicts.
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Collins, Marshall. "Exclusion vs. Inclusion: American and Turkish Foreign Policy in the Middle East." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2012. https://dc.etsu.edu/honors/39.
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Why do countries engage in democracy promotion around the world? Why is the principle component of U.S. foreign policy abroad assistance with democratization? One answer is the Democratic Peace Theory (DPT) (also known as “Liberal Peace”). Accordingly, DPT states, as its basic tenant, democracies behave differently with one another than they do non-democracies, especially in relation to military altercations.
Why are some countries more successful than others in promoting democratic ideals around the world? In order to partly explain this question, I examine American and Turkish foreign policy initiatives in the Middle East from a comparative perspective. The United States of America and the Republic of Turkey both reflect the basic tenant of the Democratic Peace Theory in their foreign policies. Each maintains policies that promote the establishment of democracies and the perpetuation of democratic ideals in the Middle East region. Differences in policies are observable when consideration is placed on the principles of inclusion and exclusion in negotiating, nation building, and the promotion of national interests in foreign affairs. The United States maintains bureaucratic rigidity while Turkey exemplifies an open policy when negotiating with interested parties. An analysis of nuclear proliferation in Iran, the two invasions of Iraq since 1990, and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict reveals an increase and advancement of Turkey’s influence in the spread of democracy in the Middle East and a corresponding decline in that of the U.S. This approach might have strengthened Turkish strategic leverage in the region with comparatively greater (than the United States) ability to promote democratic ideals in the Middle East region through the continued building of partnerships and a dedication to stability of the region, the balancing of internal political ideologies, and the stability of Turkish international relations above all else.
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Dessí, Andrea T. "Normalizing the Israel asset : the Reagan administration and the second cold war in the Middle East : leverage, blowback and the institutionalization of the US-Israel 'special relationship'." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2018. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3825/.
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The US-Israel relationship reached a critical, institutionalizing juncture during the 1980s. Measurable in qualitative and quantitative terms, the Reagan administration had a transformative impact on bilateral ties, institutionalizing ad hoc forms of cooperation while modifying prevailing discourse to recognize Israel as an 'ally' and a 'strategic asset' in the Cold War. New bureaucratic agreements were signed, bilateral working groups formed and joint military exercises held throughout a decade that capped a long familiarization process between societies and political elites in the two countries. By the end of the 1980s, many of the bureaucratic frameworks that today still govern the US-Israeli relationship were institutionalized, as were those elements of preferential treatment commonly cited as proof for the 'special' or 'unique' nature of US-Israel ties. This study focusses on the institutional and bureaucratic dimensions of US support for Israel, examining the changing rationalizations for this support and the way this relates to the salient theme of a mutual struggle for influence and leverage over the policies of the other. Drawing on recently declassified documents, complimented with high-level interviews and other materials, the research answers three interrelated questions as to 'why' this institutionalization process was carried out, 'how' it would materialize and 'what effects' these processes would have on future US policy towards Israel and the Middle East. While predicated on an effort to enhance US leverage over Israel, the study argues that the institutionalization of the relationship would formalize interdependence between the two countries, consolidating a 'policy straitjacket' that has constrained presidential freedom of action towards both Israel and the broader Middle East. This has furthered the US's 'entrapment' in a quasi-exclusivist relationship with Israel that has enhanced a process of 'Israelization' of US approaches and viewpoints on Middle East developments, harming US influence while transforming the US into an active participant and major obstacle to a resolution of the Arab-Israeli conflict and the broader stabilization of the Middle East.
Books on the topic "Israel's relations with Middle East"
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Eilam, Ehud. Israel's strategic challenges in the Middle East. Palgrave Macmillan, 2014.
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Curtiss, Richard H. Stealth PACs: How Israel's American lobby seeks to control U.S. Middle East policy. 2nd ed. American Educational Trust, 1990.
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Library of Congress. Major Issues System, ed. Middle East peace proposals. Library of Congress, Congressional Research Service, Major Issues System, 1985.
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Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service., ed. The Middle East Peace Conference. Congressional Research Service, Library of Congress, 1992.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Israel's relations with Middle East"
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Pardo, Sharon, and Dani Filc. "EU–Israeli relations." In Routledge Handbook of EU–Middle East Relations. Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429317873-26.
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Podeh, Elie. "Israel’s Clandestine Relations in the Middle East." In The Palgrave International Handbook of Israel. Springer Nature Singapore, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-2717-0_66-1.
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Akbarzadeh, Shahram. "The Arab–Israeli wars." In Middle East Politics and International Relations, 2nd ed. Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003196778-3.
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Akbarzadeh, Shahram, and Kylie Baxter. "The Arab–Israeli wars." In Middle East Politics and International Relations. Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315165455-3.
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Akbarzadeh, Shahram. "The formation of the State of Israel." In Middle East Politics and International Relations, 2nd ed. Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003196778-2.
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Akbarzadeh, Shahram, and Kylie Baxter. "The formation of the State of Israel." In Middle East Politics and International Relations. Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315165455-2.
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Yellinek, Roie. "Israel and China." In Routledge Handbook ON China–Middle East Relations. Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003034520-15.
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Eilam, Ehud. "The Relations Between the United States, Israel, and Iran." In Israeli Strategies in the Middle East. Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-95602-8_8.
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Burton, Guy. "China and the Palestinian–Israeli conflict." In Routledge Handbook ON China–Middle East Relations. Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003034520-29.
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Bicchi, Federica, and Benedetta Voltolini. "The European Union and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict." In Routledge Handbook of EU–Middle East Relations. Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429317873-33.
Full textConference papers on the topic "Israel's relations with Middle East"
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Veretilnyk, Oleksandr. "Prospects for energy cooperation between the EU and Israel in the light of Israel's aggressive foreign policy in the Middle East." In 26th International Scientific Conference “Competitiveness and Innovation in the Knowledge Economy". Academy of Economic Studies of Moldova, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.53486/cike2022.19.
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This article presents the results of an analysis of energy cooperation between the EU and Israel, which is aimed at reducing the dependence of European states on Russian energy carriers. The need for getting rid of energy dependence on Russian oil, gas and coal among the EU member states arose after the invasion of Russian troops in Ukraine on February 24, 2022. The Russian-Ukrainian war led not only to the deterioration of Russian-Ukrainian relations, but also to the imposition of Western sanctions against Russia, a country that is the main supplier of energy to the European market. The desire to abandon Russian energy carriers forced the European states to look for new suppliers of oil, gas and coal. One of these suppliers decided to become Israel, which, according to Western human rights activists, is pursuing a policy of apartheid. The purpose of this study was to analyze the cooperation between the European Union and Israel in the field of natural gas supplies from the eastern Mediterranean Sea. During the study, the author came to the conclusion that this cooperation: 1) most likely will not help the countries of the European Union to fully compensate for the reduction in natural gas supplies from Russia; 2) carries risks for the reputation of the European Union as a defender of human rights and freedoms in the world (because Israel continues to pursue an aggressive foreign policy in the Middle East, continues to occupy and annex the territories of neighboring states, build illegal Jewish settlements in the occupied territories11 of Palestine and Syria, conduct apartheid, commit politically motivated assassinations of their critics).
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Jiang, Zhiyu. "Biden’s Middle East Policy: Inheritance and Changes to Trump’s Middle East Policy." In 2021 International Conference on Public Relations and Social Sciences (ICPRSS 2021). Atlantis Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.211020.135.
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Ruan, Guanjie. "Great Powers in the Middle East:." In 2021 International Conference on Public Relations and Social Sciences (ICPRSS 2021). Atlantis Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.211020.191.
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Dhini, Harini Lukika, and Irfa Puspitasari. "International System and Foreign Policy: Turkey Closer Ties with the Middle East in 2007." In Airlangga Conference on International Relations. SCITEPRESS - Science and Technology Publications, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5220/0010279405030509.
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Kulieva, Fizze. "Relations middle chalcolithic age pottery of Nakhichevan with the Middle Eastern countries." In Antiquities of East Europe, South Asia and South Siberia in the context of connections and interactions within the Eurasian cultural space (new data and concepts). Institute for the History of Material Culture Russian Academy of Sciences, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.31600/978-5-907053-34-2-121-123.
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Fang, Qifeng, and Xiaocheng Lu. "The Transformation of the US Strategy in the Middle East: Retreat after 2011." In 2021 International Conference on Public Relations and Social Sciences (ICPRSS 2021). Atlantis Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.211020.234.
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Salamey, Imad, and Muzammil Hussain. "Sectarian Minorities and Democratic Transition in the Middle East Survey of Lebanese Public Opinion." In 2nd Annual International Conference on Political Science, Sociology and International Relations. Global Science Technology Forum, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.5176/2251-2403_pssir12.92.
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Zosidze, Nugzar. "GERMANY�S MIDDLE EAST STRATEGY AND GEORGIAN-GERMAN RELATIONS IN THE SECOND HALF OF 1918." In 5th SGEM International Multidisciplinary Scientific Conferences on SOCIAL SCIENCES and ARTS SGEM2018. STEF92 Technology, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2018/2.2/s08.033.
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Danics, Štefan. "Hrozba "velké" války na Blízkém východě." In Národná a medzinárodná bezpečnosť. Akadémia ozbrojených síl generála Milana Rastislava Štefánika, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.52651/nmb.c.2024.9788080406738.47-57.
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The Israeli-Palestinian conflict escalated after the largest Hamas terror attack of 7 October 2023. This attack was long prepared and organised with the all-round support of Iran, which intended with its allies to launch an all-out war against Israel. However, Israel's retaliatory war in the Gaza Strip to eliminate Hamas's military capabilities is expanding dangerously territorially to include other allies of Iran and may escalate into a regional war in the Middle East. Averting a regional war is a challenge for the United States, but on the other hand it also requires restraint on the part of Israel. The US has sent aircraft carriers to the region and is arming Israel, but at the same time is conducting power diplomacy. In addition, the U.S. is engaging the Houthis of Yemen to secure transportation across the Red Sea, as well as fighting Iran and Lebanons Hezbollah.
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Almula-dhanoon, Mufeed. "Nexus Between Political Stability and Economic Growth– Evidence from Middle East Countries." In 3rd International Conference on Administrative & Financial Sciences. Cihan University - Erbil, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.24086/afs2020/paper.283.
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There is much research that has discussed the relationship between political stability and economic growth, but only a few have attempted to explore the causal relationship between them. This paper aims to examine the causative relations between political instability (measured by the government stability index), and economic growth for fourteen countries in the Middle East for the period 1984-2017. The methodology based on the application of Granger Toda-Yamamoto (T-Y) method for the purpose of analyzing the causal relationship between the two variables. The empirical results show that there is no evident on causal relation between political stability and economic growth.
Reports on the topic "Israel's relations with Middle East"
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DOĞRUL, Mürsel, and Hayati ÜNLÜ. TÜBA Filistin - İsrail Savaşı Raporu. Türkiye Bilimler Akademisi, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.53478/tuba.978-625-8352-81-8.
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"This report, compiled with the initiatives of TÜBA International Relations Working Group, analyses the historical, current and future dimensions of the Israeli- Palestinian War in the light of theoretical literature and recent data. On 7 October 2023, the armed attacks by the military wing of Hamas targeting Israeli settlers and the ‘Operation Iron Swords’ launched by Israel in response to the attacks caused serious concerns in the international community in the context of humanitarian crisis and global chaos. The multi-actor nature, impact and historical origins of the Palestinian-Israeli War have made it necessary to examine this issue once again by focusing on historical ruptures. Israel’s disproportionate reprisals, violations of established international norms and laws of war/conflict, and attacks on civilians, including hospitals, have had/are having serious repercussions on international relations and the Middle East region in particular. The report’s findings indicate that the events in the region have led to a realization of the humanitarian crises in the Palestinian territories. This has resulted in a shift away from the traditional poweroriented pro-Israel stance, following domestic protests by countries that rejected the humanitarian tragedy in the Gaza Strip. However, due to the unfair structural and institutional bias of national and international politics, individual, academic and scientific freedom is still under extreme pressure to protect Israel."
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TÜBA REPORT ON THE PALESTINIAN-ISRAELI WAR. Türkiye Bilimler Akademisi, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.53478/tuba.978-625-8352-82-5.
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"This report, compiled with the initiatives of TÜBA International Relations Working Group, analyses the historical, current and future dimensions of the Israeli-Palestinian War in the light of theoretical literature and recent data. On 7 October 2023, the armed attacks by the military wing of Hamas targeting Israeli settlers and the ‘Operation Iron Swords’ launched by Israel in response to the attacks caused serious concerns in the international com- munity in the context of humanitarian crisis and global chaos. The multi-a- ctor nature, impact and historical origins of the Palestinian-Israeli War have made it necessary to examine this issue once again by focusing on historical ruptures. Israel’s disproportionate reprisals, violations of established inter- national norms and laws of war/conflict, and attacks on civilians, including hospitals, have had/are having serious repercussions on international rela- tions and the Middle East region in particular. The report’s findings indicate that the events in the region have led to an awareness of the humanitarian crises in the Palestinian territories. This has resulted in a shift away from the traditional power-oriented pro-Israel stance, following domestic protests by countries that rejected the humanitarian tragedy in the Gaza Strip. However, due to the unfair structural and institutional bias of national and internati- onal policy, individual, academic and freedom of expression are still under extreme pressure to protect Israel."
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DOĞRUL, Mürsel, and Hayati ÜNLÜ, eds. TUBA takrir el-Harbi’l-Filistiniyye’l-İsrailiyye. Turkish Academy of Sciences, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.53478/tuba.978-625-8352-90-0.
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"This report, compiled with the initiatives of TÜBA International Relations Working Group, analyses the historical, current and future dimensions of the Israeli-Palestinian War in the light of theoretical literature and recent data. On 7 October 2023, the armed attacks by the military wing of Hamas targeting Israeli settlers and the ‘Operation Iron Swords’ launched by Israel in response to the attacks caused serious concerns in the international com- munity in the context of humanitarian crisis and global chaos. The multi-a- ctor nature, impact and historical origins of the Palestinian-Israeli War have made it necessary to examine this issue once again by focusing on historical ruptures. Israel’s disproportionate reprisals, violations of established inter- national norms and laws of war/conflict, and attacks on civilians, including hospitals, have had/are having serious repercussions on international rela- tions and the Middle East region in particular. The report’s findings indicate that the events in the region have led to an awareness of the humanitarian crises in the Palestinian territories. This has resulted in a shift away from the traditional power-oriented pro-Israel stance, following domestic protests by countries that rejected the humanitarian tragedy in the Gaza Strip. However, due to the unfair structural and institutional bias of national and internati- onal policy, individual, academic and freedom of expression are still under extreme pressure to protect Israel."
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Just, Richard E., Eithan Hochman, and Sinaia Netanyahu. Problems and Prospects in the Political Economy of Trans-Boundary Water Issues. United States Department of Agriculture, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.32747/2000.7573997.bard.
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The objective of this research was to develop and apply a conceptual framework for evaluating the potential of trans-boundary bargaining with respect to water resource sharing. The research accomplished this objective by developing a framework for trans-boundary bargaining, identifying opportunities for application, and illustrating the potential benefits that can be gained thereby. Specifically, we have accomplished the following: - Developed a framework to measure the potential for improving economic efficiency considering issues of political feasibility and sustainability that are crucial in trans-boundary cooperation. - Used both cooperative and non-cooperative game theory to assess feasible coalitions among the parties involved and to model potential bargaining procedures. - Identified empirically alternative schemes of cooperation that both improve upon the economic efficiency of present water usage and appease all of the cooperating parties. - Estimated the potential short-run and long-run affects of water reallocation on the agricultural sector and used this information to understand potential strategies taken by the countries in bargaining processes. - Performed case studies in Israeli-Jordanian relations, the relationship of Israel to the Palestinian Authority, and cooperation on the Chesapeake Bay. - Published or have in process publication of a series of refereed journal articles. - Published a book which first develops the theoretical framework, then presents research results relating to the case studies, and finally draws implications for water cooperation issues generally. Background to the Topic The increase in water scarcity and decline in water quality that has resulted from increased agricultural, industrial, and urban demands raises questions regarding profitability of the agricultural sector under its present structure. The lack of efficient management has been underscored recently by consecutive years of drought in Israel and increased needs to clean up the Chesapeake Bay. Since agriculture in the Middle East (Chesapeake Bay) is both the main water user (polluter) and the low-value user (polluter), a reallocation of water use (pollution rights) away from agriculture is likely with further industrial and urban growth. Furthermore, the trans-boundary nature of water resources in the case of the Middle East and the Chesapeake Bay contributes to increased conflicts over the use of the resources and therefore requires a political economic approach. Major Conclusions, Solutions, Achievements and Implications Using game theory tools, we critically identify obstacles to cooperation. We identify potential gains from coordination on trans-boundary water policies and projects. We identify the conditions under which partial (versus grand) coalitions dominate in solving water quality disputes among riparian countries. We identify conditions under which linking water issues to unrelated disputes achieves gains in trans-boundary negotiations. We show that gains are likely only when unrelated issues satisfy certain characteristics. We find conditions for efficient water markets under price-determined and quantity-determined markets. We find water recycling and adoption of new technologies such as desalination can be part of the solution for alleviating water shortages locally and regionally but that timing is likely to be different than anticipated. These results have been disseminated through a wide variety of publications and oral presentations as well as through interaction with policymakers in both countries.
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Wezeman, Pieter, and Alexandra Kuimova. Military Spending and Arms Imports by Iran, Saudi Arabia, Qatar and the UAE. Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.55163/zapt6109.
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Tense relations between Iran, Qatar, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) are a major cause for concern regarding stability, security and peace in the Gulf region and in the Middle East more generally. These states seek to play a major role in the Middle East and use arms as a key tool in the pursuit of this aim. To illustrate the importance given to military capability in these four states, this fact sheet provides a concise overview of trends and patterns of military expenditure and of arms imports—the main source of modern major arms for these states—in the period 1994–2018.
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Garlick, Jeremy. Beyond Central Asia: the ever-expanding influence of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. EuroHub4Sino, 2025. https://doi.org/10.31175/eh4s.fa95.
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Key takeaways - The SCO is expanding beyond its Central Asian heartland southwards and westwards across Asia, reaching the Middle East and North Africa. As a “talking shop”, it has achieved relatively peaceful and cooperative relations between its ever-expanding club of members. - In 2024, Turkey, a NATO member, applied for membership of the SCO, indicating a probable shift by President Erdogan away from a frustrated bid for EU membership to closer ties with China and Russia. - SCO dialogue partners include Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates (UAE), Kuwait, Bahrain and Qatar. This suggests that these oil- and gas-producing Middle Eastern states are interested in enhancing ties with China and Russia rather than being reliant on political and economic ties with the US and the EU. - The SCO should be seen as a sister organization of BRICS, enhancing Chinese and Russian influence in the global South, with a particular focus on Asia and the Middle East. As such, it should be taken seriously as a counter to the influence of legacy organisations of the US-led “liberal international order” such as the G7 and NATO.
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Garlick, Jeremy, and Anja Senz. Choosing to lose: how US and EU policy decisions contribute to greater Chinese influence in the Global South. EuroHub4Sino, 2025. https://doi.org/10.31175/eh4s.0d53.
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Key takeaways: - Over the last ten years the USA and the EU have not been paying sufficient attention to rising Chinese influence in the Global South. - Studying public opinion survey data reveals that there has been a swing towards China and away from the USA across parts of Africa, the Middle East, and Asia. - This shift comes not from any shift in Chinese policy, but from what the West is – and is not – doing, most notably in connection with the conflicts in Gaza and Ukraine. - Since Trump was inaugurated for the second time in January 2025, decisions to cut aid to the Global South, introduce tariffs, and walk away from global climate action are leaving even more of a vacuum for China to fill. - In the context of rising Chinese and falling US engagement, Europe urgently needs to develop a clearer strategy in its relations with the developing world, focussing on smaller states as well as big players like India and Brazil.
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Wezeman, Pieter D., Justine Gadon, and Siemon T. Wezeman. Trends in International Arms Transfers, 2022. Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55163/cpns8443.
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Imports of major arms by European states rose by 47 per cent between 2013–17 and 2018–22, while the global volume of international arms transfers fell by 5.1 per cent. There were decreases in arms transfers to Africa (–40 per cent), the Americas (–21 per cent), Asia and Oceania (–7.5 per cent) and the Middle East (–8.8 per cent) between the two periods. The five largest arms importers in 2018–22 were India, Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Australia and China. The five largest arms exporters were the United States, Russia, France, China and Germany. The war in Ukraine had only a limited impact on the total volume of arms transfers in 2018–22, but Ukraine did become a major importer of arms in 2022. In addition, most European states substantially increased their arms import orders and the war will have significant ramifications for future supplier–recipient arms trade relations globally. From 13 March 2023 the freely accessible SIPRI Arms Transfers Database includes updated data on transfers of major arms for 1950–2022, which replaces all previous data on arms transfers published by SIPRI. Based on the new data, this fact sheet presents global trends in arms exports and arms imports, and highlights selected issues related to transfers of major arms.
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Abdullah, Hannah, Karim Elgendy, and Hanne Knaepen. Climate Resilience in Cities of the EU’s Southern Neighbourhood: Opportunities for the EU Green Deal. The Royal Institute of International Affairs, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.55317/casc016.
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Cities in the Middle East and North Africa are already suffering the effects of climate change. Weak urban regulation, ineffective climate policies, limited decentralization and insufficient empowerment of local authorities and civil society further decrease urban resilience. Future climate scenarios and projected urban growth threaten the stability of the region; with potential negative knock-on effects on Europe. This CASCADES Spotlight Study examines climate vulnerabilities in urban areas in countries to the south of the EU and the wider Middle East and North Africa region and advocates for systemic approaches to addressing urban climate resilience by strengthening the water-energy-food nexus, as well as other enabling factors such as decentralization. It concludes with recommendations on how the European Green Deal can help cities in the region adapt to climate impacts, based on a water-energy-food nexus approach. Over the past two decades, the European Commission has stepped up its support for urban climate action and resilience. An increasing number of programmes financed under the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) South have addressed urban climate resilience in response to the region’s rapid urbanization and the high climate vulnerability of cities. The number of urban dwellers in the wider Middle East and North Africa region is estimated to reach 527 million in 2050, an increase of 72% compared to 2020. At the same time, climate impacts – including both slow onset changes and sudden disasters – are putting additional stress on urban infrastructure. This stress is aggravated by weak urban regulations that have created unsustainable development trends which undermine the potential benefits of urbanization and adversely affect urban climate resilience. The prevalence of highly centralized administrative systems and incomplete decentralization reforms hamper local capacity building and decision-making, which are prerequisites for effective adaptation and resilience. At the same time, climate impacts – including both slow onset changes and sudden disasters – are putting additional stress on urban infrastructure. This stress is aggravated by weak urban regulations that have created unsustainable development trends which undermine the potential benefits of urbanization and adversely affect urban climate resilience. The prevalence of highly centralized administrative systems and incomplete decentralization reforms hamper local capacity building and decision-making, which are prerequisites for effective adaptation and resilience. The convergence of the region’s harsh climatic conditions with rapid, unsustainable urbanization and the associated socio-economic burdens can exacerbate existing political instability, conflict-induced migration and poverty. These developments could cascade into the EU, altering security, trade and diplomatic relations with the Southern Neighbourhood. The EU’s evolving approach to working with local authorities on urban infrastructure and climate governance is a first step towards addressing the region’s intertwined urban and climate crises. However, this approach is still in the early stages and there is a need to reflect on lessons learned and how urban spaces, climates and governance are evolving in the region. This study suggests that the EU’s overwhelming focus on supporting cities in the region with energy efficiency and the transition to sustainable energy systems is not enough to strengthen urban climate resilience. In cities of the Southern Neighbourhood, which typically struggle with resource management and scarcity, climate resilience will increasingly depend on local capacities to formulate and implement nexus approaches, especially in the water, energy and food sectors. Based on case studies of three small and intermediary urban areas, the study advocates for a systemic approach to addressing urban climate resilience in Southern Neighbourhood cities. Considering the established effectiveness of applying a water-energy-food nexus approach to improving climate resilience, the paper stresses the need for local governments to explore nexus opportunities between the water, energy and food sectors in order to achieve resilient and sustainable urbanism, while also highlighting other enabling factors such as decentralization. It concludes by exploring how future external action around the European Green Deal and its ambitions for systemic transformation could benefit from stepping up cooperation with cities in the Southern Neighbourhood around the water-energy-food nexus.