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Cubert, Harold M. "The PFLP's changing role in the Middle East." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/13437.
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The PFLP represents a violent Marxist trend among Palestinian political organizations. It is uncompromisingly hostile toward Israel, the industrialized West and the West's regional allies, and rejects any settlement of the Arab-Israeli conflict which does not entail both Israel's elimination and the establishment of an independent Palestinian state on all land it claims as Palestine. Until this occurs, the PFLP remains committed to armed conflict with its enemies. This study attempts to explain the PFLP's lagging position within the Palestinian national movement by comparing its policies with Fatah's. Unlike the PFLP, Fatah's overriding concern was to establish a Palestinian authority on any portion of 'liberated land' and consider the question of Israel's existence later. Fatah's selection of supporters was never conditioned upon ideological compatibility. It formed coalitions with all interested parties and accepted assistance from all willing providers. Most importantly, Fatah - as the PLO's dominant faction - transformed itself from an underground group to a quasi-government with diplomatic status and later, to leadership of the PNA in the West Bank and Gaza Strip. Fatah's flexibility enabled it to survive regional and global changes. In the unipolar international order which followed the Soviet bloc's collapse in 1991, the PLO courted the United States and its allies, participated in the Arab-Israeli peace process, and was rewarded with authority over part of the Palestinian 'homeland'. The PFLP, spurning change, refused to act likewise. From its Damascus headquarters, it can currently do nothing without the Syrian government's approval and Syria, on the verge of a peace agreement with Israel, is unlikely to allow its protege to do more than issue statements. Only an imaginative and bold move by the PFLP, at this point, can restore the organization's prestige among its constituents and notoriety among its enemies.
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Sasley, Brent E. "Individuals and the significance of affect : foreign policy variation in the Middle East." Thesis, McGill University, 2006. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=102843.
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This dissertation seeks to expand our understanding of variation in foreign policy. Although we have a series of large, extant literatures dealing with the sources of foreign policy, there has been less attention paid over the last decade to understanding why states change their behavior. At the same time, the thesis argues that foreign policy change is best understood as a result of the role of individual decision-makers and the role that emotion plays in their foreign policy calculations.<br>Foreign policy depends on the decisions made by individual leaders. The type of individual thus determines the specific policy. Here individuals are categorized as ideological or adaptable. Ideological individuals are more rigid in their belief structures, are more likely to select policies that fit with their extant understandings of the world and the position of their state in it, and more likely to rely on the emotional or affective appeal an object or issue holds for them. Adaptable leaders are more flexible, not tied to specific ideologies or reliant on emotion to guide their thinking, and thus more likely to choose or learn ideas that best respond to changing environmental conditions. At the same time, how a state's decision-making institutions are structured tells us how likely it is that an individual's own predilections matter. In polities where decision-making is centralized (e.g., in the office of the prime minister), individuals have greater leeway to put their ideas (whether based on their ideological outlooks or shifting environmental circumstances) into practice, while in de-centralized polities other actors constrain the leader from autonomous decision-making. In such cases, it is likely that an individual's ideas will conform to those of the constraining actors. Finally, the role of ideas is taken into consideration, as the dominant national ideas about foreign policy regarding a specific issue-area help us better understand the context in which individuals make (or change) foreign policy.<br>This model is tested against alternate explanations---systemic imperatives, Constructivism, public opinion, poliheuristic theory, and prospect theory---in two case studies: the Israeli decision to pursue and sign the 1993 Oslo Accords, and the 2002 decision by the Islamist government in Turkey to actively lobby for membership in the European Union. Both foreign policies represent significant variation, and both provide important theoretical and empirical puzzles for scholars.
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Batarfi, Khaled M. "Analysis of news coverage patterns of Middle East conflicts /." view abstract or download file of text, 1999. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/uoregon/fullcit?p9948015.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Oregon, 1999.<br>Typescript. Includes vita and abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 171-180). Also available for download via the World Wide Web; free to University of Oregon users. Address: http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/uoregon/fullcit?p9948015.
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Askren, Jillian. "United States-middle-east relations : the role of economics in foreign policy." Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2010. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/1347.
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This item is only available in print in the UCF Libraries. If this is your Honors Thesis, you can help us make it available online for use by researchers around the world by following the instructions on the distribution consent form at http://library.ucf.edu/Systems/DigitalInitiatives/DigitalCollections/InternetDistributionConsentAgreementForm.pdf You may also contact the project coordinator, Kerri Bottorff, at kerri.bottorff@ucf.edu for more information.<br>Bachelors<br>Sciences<br>Political Science
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Muhammad, Shaaban S. "The metamorphosis of power in the Middle East after peace with Israël." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/212461.
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Goss, Alexandra. "Banned from the Only Democracy in the Middle East: Targeted Exclusion at Israel’s External Border Crossings." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2016. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/pomona_theses/166.
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Despite seemingly discriminatory practices at the border directed towards US citizens, no formal academic work has been conducted on the subject. This study is the first of its kind, which examines the phenomenon of the denying and banning of US citizens from the external Israeli border crossings. It draws upon the cases of 110 US citizens who have been banned or denied from the external Israeli border crossings from 1987-2015. This study finds that denial is often associated with Palestinian Americans, Arab Americans, Muslim Americans, Black Americans and Americans who personally identify as activists or are considered by border officials to be so. It argues that Israel’s actions at their border crossings have become increasingly standardized over time through practices of “stealth authoritarianism” that create the veneer of due process in the execution of a denial or ban and lead to difficulties pursuing redress. Finally, this study puts forth how this practice fits within the broader context of Israeli policies regarding the subjugation of Palestinians living in the occupied Palestinian territories and Israel proper as well as individuals suspected of being activists working towards Palestinian liberation. Ultimately, this study hopes to lay a multi-disciplinary groundwork for understanding the implications of the denial and banning of US citizens at the external Israeli border crossings for those who wish to pursue the topic in the future.
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Elshelmani, Saad A. "The new world order and its impact on the Arab Israeli peace process (1991-1999)." Thesis, Durham University, 2000. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/4323/.
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This thesis examines the impact of the New World Order on the Arab-Israeli peace process. It argues that, since the collapse of the Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War, the old bipolar World Order has disappeared and a new unipolar one has emerged. The United States of America, as the only remaining single superpower, has enjoyed a great degree of influence and a kind of hegemony in international affairs. Its military superiority and economic, technological and diplomatic strength, in the absence of any competing power, have given it the upper hand to pursue its own policies and its own interests. This American unipolarity and hegemony are clearly demonstrated in the Middle East peace process. The United States' unipolarity on the international level and its hegemony on the regional level have allowed it to pursue policies to resolve the Arab- Israeli conflict. Regional states, released from the constraints or protection of the patron- client relationships fostered under the bi-polar Old World Order, have adjusted their own policies to take into account this New World Order. A neo-realist understanding of this has been developed which assesses this process in terms of international and regional balance of power and "rules of the game”. This method had been used to understand the reasons for and nature of the Arab- Israeli peace negotiations that started at Madrid in 1991 and developed in Oslo in 1993. The thesis argues that these negotiations were in fact a single process which was the direct result of this American-led New World Order. Whether through direct or indirect American involvement or through the indirect or direct acknowledgement by regional actors of the nature of the New World Order, American interests and preferences have been strongly reflected in the peace process.
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Abitbol, Eric. "Hydropolitical peacebuilding : Israeli-Palestinian water relations and the transformation of asymmetric conflict in the Middle East." Thesis, University of Bradford, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/6255.
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Recognising water as a central relational location of the asymmetric Israel- Palestinian conflict, this study critically analyses the peacebuilding significance of Israeli, transboundary water and peace practitioner discourses. Anchored in a theoretically-constructed framework of hydropolitical peacebuilding, it discursively analyses the historical, officially-sanctioned, as well as academic and civil society water and peace relations of Israelis and Palestinians. It responds to the question: How are Israeli water and peace practitioners discursively practicing hydropolitical peacebuilding in the Middle East? In doing so, this study has drawn upon a methodology of interpretive practice, combining ethnography, foucauldian discourse analysis and narrative inquiry. This study discursively traces Israel's development into a hydrohegemonic state in the Jordan River Basin, from the late-19th century to 2011. Recognising conflict as a power-laden social system, it makes visible the construction, production and circulation of Israel's power in the basin. It examines key narrative elements invoked by Israel to justify its evolving asymmetric, hydrohegemonic relations. Leveraging the hydropolitical peacebuilding framework, itself constituted of equality, partnership, equity and shared ii sustainability, this study also examines the discursive practices of Israeli transboundary water and peace practitioners in relationship with Palestinians. In so doing, it makes visible their hydrohegemony, hydropolitical peacebuilding, and hydrohegemonic residues. This study's conclusions re-affirm earlier findings, notably that environmental and hydropolitical cooperation neither inherently nor necessarily constitute peacebuilding practice. This work also suggests that hydropolitical peacebuilding may discursively be recognised in water and peace practices that engage, critique, resist, desist from, and practice alternative relational formations to hydrohegemony in asymmetric conflicts.
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Collins, Marshall. "Exclusion vs. Inclusion: American and Turkish Foreign Policy in the Middle East." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2012. https://dc.etsu.edu/honors/39.
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Why do countries engage in democracy promotion around the world? Why is the principle component of U.S. foreign policy abroad assistance with democratization? One answer is the Democratic Peace Theory (DPT) (also known as “Liberal Peace”). Accordingly, DPT states, as its basic tenant, democracies behave differently with one another than they do non-democracies, especially in relation to military altercations.
Why are some countries more successful than others in promoting democratic ideals around the world? In order to partly explain this question, I examine American and Turkish foreign policy initiatives in the Middle East from a comparative perspective. The United States of America and the Republic of Turkey both reflect the basic tenant of the Democratic Peace Theory in their foreign policies. Each maintains policies that promote the establishment of democracies and the perpetuation of democratic ideals in the Middle East region. Differences in policies are observable when consideration is placed on the principles of inclusion and exclusion in negotiating, nation building, and the promotion of national interests in foreign affairs. The United States maintains bureaucratic rigidity while Turkey exemplifies an open policy when negotiating with interested parties. An analysis of nuclear proliferation in Iran, the two invasions of Iraq since 1990, and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict reveals an increase and advancement of Turkey’s influence in the spread of democracy in the Middle East and a corresponding decline in that of the U.S. This approach might have strengthened Turkish strategic leverage in the region with comparatively greater (than the United States) ability to promote democratic ideals in the Middle East region through the continued building of partnerships and a dedication to stability of the region, the balancing of internal political ideologies, and the stability of Turkish international relations above all else.
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Dessí, Andrea T. "Normalizing the Israel asset : the Reagan administration and the second cold war in the Middle East : leverage, blowback and the institutionalization of the US-Israel 'special relationship'." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2018. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3825/.
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The US-Israel relationship reached a critical, institutionalizing juncture during the 1980s. Measurable in qualitative and quantitative terms, the Reagan administration had a transformative impact on bilateral ties, institutionalizing ad hoc forms of cooperation while modifying prevailing discourse to recognize Israel as an 'ally' and a 'strategic asset' in the Cold War. New bureaucratic agreements were signed, bilateral working groups formed and joint military exercises held throughout a decade that capped a long familiarization process between societies and political elites in the two countries. By the end of the 1980s, many of the bureaucratic frameworks that today still govern the US-Israeli relationship were institutionalized, as were those elements of preferential treatment commonly cited as proof for the 'special' or 'unique' nature of US-Israel ties. This study focusses on the institutional and bureaucratic dimensions of US support for Israel, examining the changing rationalizations for this support and the way this relates to the salient theme of a mutual struggle for influence and leverage over the policies of the other. Drawing on recently declassified documents, complimented with high-level interviews and other materials, the research answers three interrelated questions as to 'why' this institutionalization process was carried out, 'how' it would materialize and 'what effects' these processes would have on future US policy towards Israel and the Middle East. While predicated on an effort to enhance US leverage over Israel, the study argues that the institutionalization of the relationship would formalize interdependence between the two countries, consolidating a 'policy straitjacket' that has constrained presidential freedom of action towards both Israel and the broader Middle East. This has furthered the US's 'entrapment' in a quasi-exclusivist relationship with Israel that has enhanced a process of 'Israelization' of US approaches and viewpoints on Middle East developments, harming US influence while transforming the US into an active participant and major obstacle to a resolution of the Arab-Israeli conflict and the broader stabilization of the Middle East.
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Dias, Marli Pereira de Barros. "Israel e o Médio Oriente entre o passado e o futuro: a reafirmação estratégica do compromisso da paz." Doctoral thesis, Universidade de Évora, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10174/25368.
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O conflito israelo-árabe tem provocado, desde há muitos anos, o desgaste político, social, económico, assim como das relações entre Israel e os países árabes. Este conflito merece atenção quanto à criação de novas estratégias para alterar a realidade dos países envolvidos, através do rompimento da violência e da promoção de um compromisso para a paz. A presente tese procura estudar o problema a partir da investigação bibliográfica diversa e da análise do período compreendido após os Acordos de Oslo até à atualidade. Tomamos a disputa territorial entre Israel e a Palestina como ponto fulcral do conflito, assim como as rivalidades históricas como princípios norteadores que envolvem Israel, a Palestina, o Egito, o Líbano e a Síria na contenda regional. Partimos da hipótese de ser Israel, enquanto país mais forte na região e aquele que se encontra mais isolado das relações diplomáticas e comerciais com a maioria dos países árabes, a iniciativa de desenvolver uma estratégia para alterar positivamente a situação vigente. Os objetivos compreendem a verificação e a análise da política de Israel em relação à Palestina, ao Egito, ao Líbano e à Síria e a importância de uma nova estratégia israelita em direção ao compromisso de paz com os principais vizinhos árabes. Tal como as políticas de ambos os lados têm sido desenvolvidas, elas pouco têm contribuído para a normalização daquelas relações. Ao contrário, criaram-se novos obstáculos que inibem possíveis Acordos. As negociações bilaterais justas são praticamente inexistentes, o que dificulta o avanço ao nível multilateral, que é necessário para se alcançarem Acordos fiáveis e imparciais. Porém, nenhuma das partes se tem se mostrado disposta a conduzir as negociações bilaterais e multilaterais com o compromisso de romper com o passado belicoso. Hoje, é fundamental a génese de novas políticas e estratégias que assegurarem a estabilidade política entre os países envolvidos; ABSTRACT:
Title: Israel and the Middle East Between Past and Future. A Strategic Reassurance of Commitment to Peace.
The Arab-Israeli conflict has caused, for many years political, social, and economic distress in the relations between Israel and Arab countries. This conflict deserves attention as well as the creation of new strategies to change the reality between the countries involved, by ending violence and promoting commitment to peace. This work aims to study this problem through diverse literary research and analysis of the period after the Oslo agreements to the present day, using the territorial dispute between Israel and Palestine as a focal point of the conflict, as well as historic rivalries as guiding principles involving Israel, Palestine, Egypt, Lebanon and Syria in regional strife. We believe that the initiative to develop a strategy to positively change the current situation comes from Israel, while it's the strongest country in the region and the most isolated from diplomatic and trade relations with most Arab countries. Our work intends to verify and analyse Israel's foreign policy towards Palestine, Egypt, Lebanon and Syria and the importance of a new Israeli strategy towards the commitment to peace with key Arab neighbors. As policies of both sides have been developed, some have contributed to the normalization of those relations. In contrast, new obstacles have been created that inhibit possible agreements. Fair bilateral negotiations are practically non-existent, making it difficult to advance to a multilateral level, which is necessary to reach reliable and impartial agreements. However, neither party has proved willing to conduct bilateral and multilateral negotiations with the commitment to break its warlike past. Today, the creation of new policies and strategies that ensure political stability between countries involved is fundamental.
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De, Villiers Shirley. "Religious nationalism and negotiation : Islamic identity and the resolution of the Israel/Palestine conflic." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007815.
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The use of violence in the Israel/Palestine conflict has been justified and legitimised by an appeal to religion. Militant Islamist organisations like Ramas have become central players in the Palestinian political landscape as a result of the popular support that they enjoy. This thesis aims to investigate the reasons for this support by analysing the Israel/Palestine conflict in terms of Ruman Needs Theory. According to this Theory, humans have essential needs that need to be fulfilled in order to ensure survival and development. Among these needs, the need for identity and recognition of identity is of vital importance. This thesis thus explores the concept of identity as a need, and investigates this need as it relates to inter-group conflict. In situating this theory in the Israel/Palestine conflict, the study exammes how organisations like Ramas have Islamised Palestinian national identity in order to garner political support. The central contention, then, is that the primary identity group of the Palestinian population is no longer nationalist, but Islamic/nationalist. In Islamising the conflict with Israel as well as Palestinian identity, Ramas has been able to justify its often indiscriminate use of violence by appealing to religion. The conflict is thus perceived to be one between two absolutes - that of Islam versus Judaism. In considering the conflict as one of identities struggling for survival in a climate of perceived threat, any attempt at resolution of the conflict needs to include a focus on needs-based issues. The problem-solving approach to negotiation allows for parties to consider issues of identity, recognition and security needs, and thus ensures that the root causes of conflicts are addressed, The contention is that this approach is vital to any conflict resolution strategy where identity needs are at stake, and it provides the grounding for the success of more traditional zero-sum bargaining methods. A recognition of Islamic identity in negotiation processes in Israel/Palestine may thus make for a more comprehensive conflict resolution strategy, and make the outcomes of negotiations more acceptable to the people of Palestine, thus undermining the acceptance of violence that exists at present.
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Arduengo, Enrique Sebastian. "The War for Peace: George H. W. Bush and Palestine, 1989-1992." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2009. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc11061/.
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The administration of President George H. W. Bush from 1989 to 1992 saw several firsts in both American foreign policy towards the Middle East, and in the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. At the beginning of the Bush Presidency, the intifada was raging in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, and by the time it was over negotiations were already in progress for the most comprehensive agreement brokered in the history of the conflict to that point, the Oslo Accords. This paper will serve two purposes. First, it will delineate the relationships between the players in the Middle East and President Bush during the first year of his presidency. It will also explore his foreign policy towards the Middle East, and argue that it was the efforts of George H. W. Bush, and his diplomatic team that enabled the signing of the historic agreement at Oslo.
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Odeh, Rana Kamal. "The Impact of Changing Narratives on American Public Opinion Toward the U.S.-Israel Relationship." Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1401818860.
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Cummins, Joshua I. "Hearts and Minds: US Foreign Policy and Anti-Americanism in the Middle EastAn Analysis of Public Perceptions from 2002-2011." Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1366212110.
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Kassem, Madjdy. "The foreign policy of Anwar Sadat : continuity and change, 1970-1981." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:399e0973-167a-4747-937a-9cc3e83236f9.
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This thesis aims to examine both continuity and change in Egyptian foreign policy between 1970 and 1981. The overarching question of this work is: Why and how did President Sadat affect changes in foreign policy? More specifically, the thesis examines the evolution of Egyptian foreign policy in three concentric circles: the Superpowers, the Arab world, and Israel. The broader aim of the thesis is to provide a detailed study of Egyptian foreign policy in this period, which witnessed a multitude of watershed events. The topic is important because Egypt is a leading state in the Arab world, a core actor in the Arab-Israeli conflict, and a strategic ally of the superpowers during the Cold War. The thesis offers a detailed chronological account of Egyptian foreign policy during the 1970s. It advances a revisionist interpretation of the early Sadat years, arguing that there was much greater continuity with the foreign policy of Gamal Abdel-Nasser than is commonly believed. The account ends in 1981, with the assassination of Anwar Sadat and the succession of Hosni Mubarak. It is argued that Sadat not only managed to reverse Nasser’s radical path in foreign policy, but that he also succeeded in institutionalising his most significant policy changes: peace with Israel and the removal of Egypt from the Arab-Israeli conflict. The methodology of the thesis is principally empirical and qualitative in nature. The thesis is based on extensive archival research, recently declassified official documents, memoirs of policymakers in English and Arabic, and oral histories in the form of interviews and transcripts of discussions with former Egyptian policymakers.
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Rihan, Carl. "International relations and Syria's first military rule, 1949 : Husni al-Zaim, the Hashemites, the Arab-Israeli conflict and Western powers." Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017IEPP0040.
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Considéré comme un tournant dans l'histoire de la Syrie moderne, les raisons qui ont conduit Housni al-Zaim, Commandant des Forces Armées Syriennes en 1949, à effectuer son coup contre le président Kouatli, ce qui l’a conduit à prendre les décisions qui ont été les siennes sur le plan syrien mais surtout au niveau de la géopolitique moyen-orientale, restent ouvertes aux interprétations. L'objectif de cette thèse de doctorat est de fournir une nouvelle interprétation historique de l'interaction entre le principal protagoniste du premier coup d’Etat en Syrie, Housni al-Zaim, d'une part, et les acteurs moyen-orientaux et internationaux d'autre part, à travers l'étude de sources précédemment inexploitées et le réexamen de certaines déjà étudiées. Méthodologiquement, nous employons l'approche de Collingwood, « l’histoire étant le vécu, par l’historien, des pensées passées de son sujet d’étude », en nous penchant ainsi sur la reconstruction progressive des expériences de tous ceux qui furent impliqués dans les évènements du premier coup d’Etat de 1949, pour pouvoir nous prononcer sur la nature de la relation et de l’interaction, tout au long du régime d’al-Zaim avec les puissances étrangères, et jusqu’à quel point cette relation et interaction a-t-elle influencé le déroulement des événements. Notre étude s'appuie sur un large éventail de sources qui compose ainsi notre inventaire, et qui comprendra le plus grand nombre de mémoires et témoignages de personnalités et d'acteurs-clés rédigés en langue arabe, complétés par des rapports des services de renseignements libanais et américains, ainsi que par des documents d’archives diplomatiques françaises, britanniques et américaines<br>Although considered to be a turning point in the history of modern Syria, the reasons that led Housni al-Zaim, the commander of the Syrian Armed Forces in 1949, to effectuate his coup against President Kouatli, as well as the reasons that led him to take the decisions he did in the course of his reign, decisions that both impacted Syria and Middle Eastern geopolitics, remained open to speculation. The objective of this doctoral dissertation is to provide a new historical interpretation of the interaction between Syria’s first coup d’Etat’s main protagonist – Husni al-Zaim, on one hand, and the regional and international actors on the other, an interaction that has long been a matter of discussion and speculation, through the study of previously untapped sources and the re-examination of some that have already been studied. Methodologically, we are employing Collingwood’s approach of history as the historian’s re-living of his subject’s past experience, by using a select number of sources to understand al-Zaim’s approach towards regional and international relations, in an attempt to first reconstruct the personal experiences of al-Zaim, and as much as possible, all of those of the protagonists of the events that his rule witnessed, so as to finally give our verdict on the extent to which this interaction with foreign actors influenced the turn of the events that his rule witnessed. Our study draws on a wide range of sources making up our inventory, which includes the largest number of memoirs and testimonies of key figures and actors written in Arabic, complemented with Lebanese and American intelligence reports, as well as with French, British and American diplomatic documents
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Schonmann, Noa. "The Phantom Pact : Israel's periphery policy in the Middle East." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.522796.
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El, Hankouri Ouadia. "La politique britannique au Proche-Orient au prisme des relations anglo-israéliennes : de la première guerre israélo-arabe (1948-1949) à la guerre des Six-Jours (1967)." Thesis, Paris Est, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PESC0001.
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L'objectif de cette thèse est d'étudier la politique de la Grande-Bretagne vis-à-vis du conflit israélo-arabe au prisme de ses intérêts au Proche-Orient entre la première guerre israélo-arabe (1948-1949) jusqu'à la guerre des Six-Jours en 1967. Nous avons essayé de préciser, en ce sens, qu'en plus des intérêts politiques, géostratégiques et économiques, cette politique a été aussi marquée par les changements des rapports de force qui s'imposaient inévitablement dans le monde entier, notamment l'avènement des États-Unis et de l'URSS comme superpuissances mondiales, le nationalisme arabe…etc. Dans ce cadre d'intérêts politiques et économiques, nous avons souligné que la création de l'État d'Israël répondait aux besoins stratégiques des puissances occidentales au Moyen-Orient. D'ailleurs, cette approche prouvera sa validité dès 1956 quand l'État d'Israël va jouer un rôle déterminant pendant l'expédition de Suez. Nous avons mis l'accent sur la place qu'occupait l'industrie du pétrole et les intérêts commerciaux dans le processus de la décolonisation britannique du Moyen-Orient pendant les années 1950 et 1960. Bien que l'étude de la politique britannique au Proche-Orient soit négligée, et ce, en raison de son « déclassement politique », notre recherche a bien montré que la Grande-Bretagne a joué un rôle aussi important que celui des Américains dans la sauvegarde de leurs intérêts à travers une « gestion » commune des affaires du Moyen-Orient<br>The aim of this thesis is to study the British policy towards the Arab-Israeli conflict through the prism of British interests in the Middle East from the first Arab-Israeli war in 1948-1949 to the Six-Day War in 1967. In addition to economic and political interests, we show that in the years under review the British policy has also been marked by a change in the world balance of power, namely the emergence of the United States and the Soviet Union as the world's leading superpowers, Arab nationalism ... etc. In this context, we emphasize that the creation of the State of Israel met the strategic needs of Western powers in the Middle East. This approach will prove its effectiveness only eight years after the creation of Israel when the latter played a decisive role during the tripartite invasion of Egypt in late 1956. Moreover, we point out the place occupied by oil industry and commercial interests in the process of British decolonization in the Middle East in the 1950s and 1960s. The study of British foreign policy in the Middle East has been neglected because of the “demise of Britain's political supremacy” worldwide. Nevertheless, we show that Britain has played a role as important as that of the United States in safeguarding their common interests in the Middle East through a close collaboration
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Maddy-Weitzman, Edie. "Waging peace in the Holy Land : a qualitative study of Seeds of Peace, 1993-2004." Thesis, Boston University, 2005. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=845786431&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=78691&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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Chamberlin, Paul. "Preparing for Dawn: The United States and the Global Politics of Palestinian Resistance, 1967-1975." The Ohio State University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1243876457.
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Jevon, Graham. "Jordan, Palestine and the British world system, 1945-57 : Glubb Pasha and the Arab Legion." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:01496a87-76a9-4cbb-87b7-a6b67969df3a.
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This thesis offers a microcosmic insight into Britain's transition toward a world system without an Empire by exploring the life of the Anglo-Jordan Treaty (1946-57) via the prism of the British financed Jordanian Army, also known as the Arab Legion, and its British commander, Glubb Pasha. In so doing it puts the state of the relationship down to a system of mutual dependence. Britain's withdrawal from Jordan has primarily been linked either to the success of Arab nationalism or the loss of British will. By examining the Treaty relationship from construction to termination this thesis posits that it is imprudent to push any single factor too deeply, but identifies a shift in the balance of mutual dependence, caused by the changing geopolitical climate, as the driving force. A subsidiary aspect of this thesis concerns the partition of Palestine. The Arab Legion was the most important Arab army during the 1948 War. Based on unprecedented access to Glubb's private papers 'the most significant new documents to emerge since the opening of the official western archives in the late 1970s' this thesis provides the most accurate portrayal of the Arab Legion's conduct yet achievable. In so doing it reconciles inconsistencies within the controversial 'collusion' debate. It negates the revisionist argument that a firm Hashemite-Zionist agreement existed, but corroborates the notion that Britain approved the Arab Legion's use to implement an alternative form of partition to that proposed by the UN. It thus supports the revisionist argument that pre-war negotiations helped shape the 1948 War, but explains the Arab Legion's adherence to this secret scheme by emphasising Glubb's (limited) autonomy. Moreover, it reveals further details concerning the divisions within the Arab coalition, which further debunks the traditional David (Israel) versus Goliath (Arab coalition) portrayal of the conflict.
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Kamolnick, Paul. "Topics in the Middle East." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2012. https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu-works/635.
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Schieck, George Foster. "Chinese-Middle East relations and their implications for U.S. policy." Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/23830.
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Markakis, Dionysius. "US democracy promotion in the Middle East : the pursuit of hegemony?" Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2012. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/576/.
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The promotion of 'democracy' abroad has been a feature of US foriegn policy since the early part of the twentieth century, accompanying its rise as an international actor. It provided the ideological basis for its opposition to rivals in the form of imperialism, fascism and communism. The end of the Cold War, which signalled the emergence of the US as the sole superpower, accelerated this process. With the ideological fusion of democracy and capitalism credited in large measure for the defeat of capitalism and state-planned economy, the promotion of democracy alongside capitalism as the only viable, legitimate mode of governance emerged as an increasingly important component of US foreign policy. Countries as diverse as the Philippines, Chile and Poland have all been subject to US democracy promotion initiatives. In the Middle East though, the US traditionally engaged authoritarian governments as a means of ensuring its core interests in the region. However the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, and the G. W. Bush administration's perception of the Middle East's 'democratic deficit' as underlying cause, initiated a significant departure in the traditional direction of US policy. Democracy promotion subsequently emerged as a central tenet of US policy to the Middle East. This thesis argues that, as part of the strategy of democracy promotion in the Middle East, the US has sought to gradually replace proxy authoritarian governments with elite-based democracies. From a neo-Gramscian perspective, this strategic shift can be seen as a move from coercive to consensual forms of social control, the underlying aim being to ensure a more enduring form of stability in the states concerned. This is part of a long-term US strategy, evidences prior in other regions such as Latin America, which ultimately aims at the achievement of a Gramscian hegemony; that is the internalisation by other societies of the US interpretation of 'democracy', and associated norms and values, as the natural order. Utilising an analytical framework derived from the neo-Gramscian approach, the thesis focuses in the main on the Clinton (1993-2001) and G. W. Bush (2001-2008) administrations, and uses the following case studies - Egypt, Irag and Kuwait - to examine the US strategy of democracy promotion in the Middle East,
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Kanaan, Claude Boueiz. "Intercommunal relations and the 1958 crisis in Lebanon." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 1995. http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/29432/.
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The 1958 crisis in Lebanon was a significant event in modern Middle Eastern and international history. Interpretations, however, overlook or subordinate the Lebanese dimensions and how the Lebanese interpreted crisis and causation, through the lens of established community mythologies. Lebanon contains different, confessionally-defined communities, with a long history of tensions and clashes between them. Examination of these enables the Lebanese dimensions to the 1958 crisis to be given due weight. While regional and international dimensions are of clear importance, the crisis resulted from internal Lebanese factors, long and short term, relating to the different communities, rather than to the impact of international issues such as Nasserism. Where such issues were significant it was because they were not imposed, but invoked by Lebanese elements in the name of Lebanese foreign policy, in order to further their own cause and agendas for Lebanon. The mythologies surrounding the 'historical' evolution of the communities helped shape the differing agendas for Lebanon. Of the communities, the Maronite community and its invocation of mythology has played a consistently significant role. The Druze and Sunni, were, at different times, of significance also, particularly in terms of relations with the Maronites. These groups used their interpretations of the 'history' of Lebanon to justify their agendas for the future of Lebanon, and in so doing, helped to precipitate a crisis. The political compromise set up to administer Lebanon was based on 'historical' assumptions and differences, and was consequently vulnerable. In this context, the role of Chamoun in escalating the ever-present level of intercommunal tension, in 1957 and 1958, is another major element in the study. The study uses a range of sources, including official and private papers, unpublished memoirs, oral evidence and newspapers, to map communal feelings and tensions leading to the crisis itself, and its resolution.
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Calabrese, John. "China and the Middle East (1950-1988) : a changing framework of relations." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1991. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1144/.
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This study examines China's relations with the Middle East. Its primary objective is to determine to what extent, and in what ways, China's involvement with the region has evolved. To accomplish this aim I have adopted an historical approach, examining China's relations with the Middle East between 1950 and 1988. The study is therefore subdivided into seven chapters, each of which treats a 'distinctive' period in the history of China's foreign relations since the founding of the PRC in 1949. For purposes of this study, the 'Middle East' is defined as the 'zone of Arab--Israeli confrontation', comprising the states of Israel, Egypt, Jordan, and Syria as well as including the PLO; plus the Persian Gulf, with emphasis on the states of Iran, Iraq, Saudi Arabia and Kuwait. Each chapter begins with a discussion of China's relations with the superpowers, and with developing countries. By indicating China's general foreign policy concerns, these sections hopefully shed light on the relative priority China attached to the Middle East in any given period. Thereafter, each chapter provides a country-by-country analysis of China's interaction with the Middle East, highlighting the opportunities and dilemmas that China encountered in the course of such involvement with the region. All chapters end with an 'evaluation' which assesses the nature of China's objectives and efforts as well as the success of its involvement. The chief findings of this study are: (1) that the Middle East has never been politically ir relevant or strategically inconsequential to China; (2) that the number of partners with whom China has engaged, along with the range and scale of Chinese involvement with the region (especially in the economic and military spheres), has expanded; (3) that the alternating pattern of 'involvement' and 'retraction' that once characterised China's interaction with the Middle East has, since the early 1970s, given way to a pattern of 'sustained engagement'. Accordingly, the study recommends attention to the prospects for, and possible ramifications of, China's future interaction with the region.
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Dolatyar, Mostafa. "Water politics in the Middle East : a context for conflict or cooperation?" Thesis, University of Newcastle Upon Tyne, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.245084.
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Al, Saleh Abdullah R. "Conflict Analysis: Exploring the Role of Kuwait in Mediation in the Middle East." PDXScholar, 2009. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3208.
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The Middle East is a large geographical area, and while people think of it as a homogeneous area in terms of language and culture, the region IS actually more of a melting pot of ethnic, religious, racial and linguistic groups. Understanding the distinctions between these groups is of paramount importance to understanding the region. Historical rivalries between some groups, for example, Sunni and Shia Muslims, go back hundreds, perhaps thousands, of years. Yet, people continue with life. How do countries continue to deal with each other when there are open, unsettled questions, such as boundaries or control of islands? Is there a resolution method that will finalize these issues for once and ever?
Chapter One will discuss methodology and research implementation. Chapter Two will review theories of conflict resolution as described in the literature. Chapter Three will review the historical background of conflict in the Middle East in general, these four conflicts in particular and the role that Kuwaiti diplomats played (to the limited extent that it can be determined). Chapter Four offers overall conclusions and suggestions.
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Moleta, Benedict Joseph. "EU-Palestine relations in 2020: Is political engagement possible?" Thesis, University of Sydney, 2020. https://hdl.handle.net/2123/24106.
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This dissertation considers the prospects for more direct and effective political relations between the EU and Palestine, in light of the geopolitical pragmatism proposed by new Commission President Ursula von der Leyen and new High Representative Josep Borrell. Part I reviews current conditions within the EU, in EU-US relations, and in Palestine and the surrounding region, which I suggest are producing new opportunities for political engagement. A persistent tension is identified between the primarily economic and ethical terms of engagement which characterize EU-Palestine relations today, and the potential for these to be accompanied by more directly political forms of diplomacy and foreign policy. Part II draws on Olivier Roy's The Politics of Chaos in the Middle East (2007) to present three conceptual elements which could frame a newly political EU-Palestine relationship. These are: inescapable nationalism, problems of political legitimacy, and the necessity of engaging with complex political actors such as Hamas and Hizbullah. Part II presents an analysis of contemporary EU-Palestine relations via these three conceptual elements, and proposes that in all of them a productive “intermediary” quality is evident. They address aspects of political interaction which lie between long-term historical factors and current events (historical intermediacy), between local, regional and global affairs (geographical intermediacy), and between theoretical and practical considerations (methodological intermediacy). The dissertation proposes that an intermediary approach, based on negotiation with an enlarged range of diplomatic partners, could contribute to a conceptual reorientation of EU-Palestine relations. Such a reorientation would be in accordance with the geopolitical pragmatism proposed by the new EU leadership.
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Clary, Eric Michael. "Using the Syrian Civil War to Measure Hierarchy: Regional Power Transition in the Middle East." PDXScholar, 2018. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4359.
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In 2018, the Syrian Civil War will enter into its ninth year of conflict. From an international relations perspective there are few, if any, studies on state actors in regional sub-state systems. What can an intrastate conflict teach us about future dynamics of the regional interstate hierarchy? It is worthwhile to examine The Syrian Civil War for three reasons. First, Syria lies in the heart of the Middle East lending proximity to regional actors. Second, the breakdown of order in Syria represents a microcosm of the global anarchic environment. Third, Syrian Civil War is an intrastate war that encapsulates both state and non-state actors. This paper intends to provide a clear regional hierarchical analysis with future possibilities and perspectives.
For the last century realism then neorealism dominated the field of international relations, yet they are unfit theories for analyzing the Middle East's hierarchy. To address anomalies realists and neorealists incorporated preference and satisfaction, which undermined the core tenets of their theories. Power Transition Theory (PTT) incorporates satisfaction while maintaining structural organization. The addition of power and satisfaction give PTT the necessary tools to assess regional hierarchies and estimate the likelihood of conflict. This PTT theoretical framework will be used to assess the global hierarchy, the status quo set by the United States, and Syria's relation to the status quo. A synopsis of the Syrian Civil War will be provided to contextualize the actors and dyadic comparisons between actors before and after the Iranian-Russian-Syrian victory in Aleppo. The dyadic comparison indicates power and satisfaction among interested parties and if they change during the course of the conflict.
Conclusions indicate that the actors and the environment in the Syrian theater are suitable for Power Transition Theory and the data acquired by researching the Syrian Civil War affirms Yeşilada and Tanrikulu's assessment that Russia tops the Middle East's hierarchy with Turkey and Iran following at near parity. The findings reveal the veracity of Lemke's claim that PTT can be utilized for intrastate conflict. The findings substantiate my claim that intrastate conflict can inform us of a region's hierarchy.
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Allison, Benjamin V. "Through the Cracks of Detente: US Policy, the Steadfastness and Confrontation Front, and the Coming of the Second Cold War, 1977–1984." Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1587394697039162.
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Hutton, Daniel Mckinley. "A geopolitical analysis of U.S. alliance building within the Middle East." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/43087.
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The concept of geopolitics - is reconsidered as a viable framework in analyzing the power relationship between nation states and then applied to the Middle East.
After reviewing the historical development of geopolitics, it is modified, and then set against alternative approaches in explaining Middle Eastern alliances. Ultimately, geopolitics is used in order to rationalize America's alliance network within the region.<br>Master of Arts
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Tekelioglu, Ahmet Selim. "International Relations Theory And The International Relations Of The Middle East: A State Of The Field Study." Master's thesis, METU, 2009. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12610244/index.pdf.
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ABSTRACT
INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS THEORY AND THE INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS OF THE MIDDLE EAST: A STATE OF THE FIELD STUDY
Tekelioglu, Ahmet Selim
M.Sc., Department of International Relations
Supervisor: Prof. Dr. Meliha AltuniSik
January 2009, 82 pages
This thesis analyzes the level of interaction between International Relations theories and the literature on the international relations of the Middle East. The disciplines- area studies controversy is analyzed in a way to account for the low level of cooperation between International Relations as an academic discipline and Middle East studies. The thesis looks into the literature in order to demonstrate to what extent developments in International Relations theories informed the study of the international relations of the Middle East. The thesis emphasizes the need for a normative/ critical aprroach in order to overcome the bridge beween these fields caused by epistemological and methodological as well as by the political economy of scholarship informed by ideological rivalries.
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Sattler, Verena. "Entre chocs pétroliers et conflit israélo-arabe : la France et l’institutionnalisation de la politique proche-orientale de la Communauté Européenne : de la création de la Coopération Politique Européenne en 1969/70 à la déclaration de Venise de 1980." Thesis, Paris 4, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA040078.
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C’est avec le lancement de la Coopération Politique Européenne (CPE) en 1969/70 que les six États membres de la Communaute européenne (CE) ont tourné une page dans l’histoire de l’intégration européenne. À partir de cette date les membres de la CE se sont consultés sur des questions de politique étrangère afin d’harmoniser leurs vues et d’élaborer des positions communes. Dès le début la France avait le plus grand intérêt à mettre le Proche-Orient sur l’agenda des Six. Comme les deux chocs pétroliers de 1973/74 et de 1979 risquaient de peser lourd sur les relations euro-arabes, les autres États membres de la Communauté ont consenti en principe à développer une position commune envers le Proche-Orient. Ainsi une politique proche-orientale des Six, et àpartir de 1973 des Neuf, s’est institutionnalisée au cours des années 1970 qui était basée d’une part sur des déclarations communes sur la situation au Proche-Orient et d’autre part sur une coopération économique interrégionale plus étroite, notamment dans le cadre du dialogue euro-arabe. Sous la présidence de Georges Pompidou tout comme sous la présidence de Valéry Giscard d’Estaing la France a été le moteur dans le développement des relations euro-arabes des années 1970. Même si l’action française qui visait à faire adopter sa propre politique proche-orientale par ses partenaires européens n’était pas toujours couronnée de succès la déclaration commune du 6 novembre 1973 et surtout la déclaration commune de Venise du 13 juin 1980reflètent nettement position pro-palestinienne de la France<br>By launching European Political Cooperation (EPC) in 1969/70 the six member states of the European Community (EC) openend a new chapter in the history of European Integration. Henceforward the six member states consulted each other in foreign policy issues in order to develop commun positions where possible. From the beginning France showed the greatest interest in putting the Middle East on the European agenda. As the two oil price shocks of 1973/74 and 1979 put a strain on the euro-arab relations the other member states of the EC supported the French request to develop a commun European Near-Eastern policy. Consequently, the 1970ies were marked by a process of institutionalisation of commun policy towards that region that was, on theone side, based on common European declarations, and, on the other side, on a more intense euro-arab cooperation in the field of economics, and this especially within the framework of the euro-arab dialogue. Both under the presidency of Georges Pompidou and under the presidency of Valéry Giscard d’Estaing France can be described as motor of the development and the extension of euro-arab relations. Even if the French diplomacy that tried to make her Near-Eastern policy a common European policy has not always been crowned with succes the common Brussels declaration of November 1973 and especially the common Venicedeclaration of June 1980 reflect clearly the pro-Palestinian stance of France
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Atashi, Rahim. "The importance of Middle-East Oil in International Politics." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/212450.
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Mirfakhraie, Ramin. "Alter-democratization : a critique of US interventionism in the Middle East." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2009. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/2282/.
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My thesis, titled ‘Alter-Democratization: A Critique of US Interventionism in the Middle East’, is grounded in political sociology and its principal concern for the phenomenon of power and relations thereof. As such, it explores the dialectics of Bush administration democratic interventionism in the Middle East, with particular focus on Iran. The first part of the thesis deals with the hybrid nature of such interventionism, which is mainly empirical in nature. Here, it is argued that, because of its strategic disposition, the neoconservative drive to ‘democratize’ the Middle East is in fact an attempt at domination rather than democratization. The second part of the thesis deals with the main ontological aspect of the project, namely, the Bush administration’s assumption – as reflected in its Greater Middle East Initiative of 2004 – that Western – especially liberal, market-oriented – conceptions of freedom and democracy are somehow prior, and thus superior, to local conceptions of such phenomena. Accordingly, particular attention is paid, in mainly a cross-hermeneutical comparative manner, to issues relating to social psychology, traditional Islamic political philosophy and jurisprudence, economic conditions, and civil/uncivil society as potential determinants of the future of democracy in the Middle East. Through the use of books, journal articles, and electronic documents, the thesis draws, in quite an interdisciplinary manner, upon both primary and secondary sources of relevant historical and theoretical data, in order to put forward the idea that viable transitions to democracy in the Middle East, including Iran, will have to eventually be an outcome of endogenous processes of reflexivity, education, negotiation, consensus, and socioeconomic development, and that anything other than the above (i.e. so exogenous as to undermine endogenous processes of transition to democracy) will necessarily be dominational and, thus, undemocratic in nature. Consequently, the thesis will be addressing some of the deficiencies inherent in the existing literature on US liberal internationalism, for many of the hitherto accounts of such internationalism have either viewed the topic from an Orientalist perspective, thereby ignoring local preferences and capacities altogether, or have simply overlooked many of the negative consequences of so-called democratic interventionism for the populations and endogenous processes involved.
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Afifi, Rola. "La politique d’aide au développement de l’Union européenne dans le territoire palestinien occupé : vers l’établissement d’un État palestinien." Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015USPCB222.
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La thèse vise à examiner les politiques d'aide au développement de l'Union européenne (UE) et leur impact sur les conditions politiques, économiques, sécuritaires et sociales dans le Territoire palestinien occupé (TPO). De plus, elle vise à répondre à la question de savoir si ces politiques ont concrètement contribué à la construction d'une économie palestinienne solide conduisant à l'établissement d'un État palestinien, ou si elles étaient seulement des politiques destinées à protéger un processus de paix, délabré en permanence, et à maintenir le statu quo de l'occupation tout en répondant aux exigences de survie de la population palestinienne. L'étude met en lumière l'évolution de la politique d'aide européenne au peuple palestinien en accordant de l'intérêt à l'évolution de la politique étrangère de l'UE envers le conflit palestino-israélien et aux institutions en charge de la coopération au développement avec les pays tiers au sein de l'Union. La présente recherche a pour objet l'aide accordée par l'UE aux Palestiniens pour la période s'étendant de 1993 à 2014. Elle met en évidence un ensemble de résultats, dont le plus important est que cette aide a joué un rôle éminent afin d'éviter l'effondrement de l'Autorité nationale palestinienne (ANP) et d'aider le peuple palestinien. Elle s'est diversifiée au cours des années, en quantité et en qualité, afin de s'adapter à la situation politique, économique et humanitaire dans le TPO. Elle a contribué aux réformes réussies effectuées par l'ANP dans plusieurs secteurs, et elle a davantage soutenu les plans nationaux palestiniens de développement. Pourtant, cette aide n'a réussi ni à freiner les politiques de dé-développement pratiquées systématiquement par l'occupation, ni à mettre de la pression sur Israël. Cette recherche souligne que cette aide ne réalisera pas ses objectifs, notamment celui de l'établissement d'un État palestinien viable coexistant avec l’État d'Israël en paix et en sécurité, tant que l'UE n'utilisera pas son pouvoir économique et ne transformera pas sa rhétorique en actions concrètes sur le terrain<br>The study aims to examine the policies of development aid of the European Union (EU) and their impact on the political, economic, security and social conditions in the occupied Palestinian territory (OPT). In addition, it seeks to answer the question whether these policies have helped to build a strong Palestinian economy leading to the establishment of a Palestinian state, or if they were only policies to protect the peace process, permanently dilapidated, and maintain the status quo of the occupation while meeting the basic requirements of survival of the Palestinian population. The study highlights the evolution of the European political support to the Palestinian people by highlighting the evolution of EU foreign policy towards the Palestinian-Israeli conflict and the institutions responsible for the development cooperation with third countries within the Union. This research relates to the aid granted by the EU to the Palestinians for the period extending from 1993 to 2014. It highlights a set of results, the most important is that this aid has played a prominent role in avoiding the collapse of the Palestinian National Authority (PNA) and in helping the Palestinian people. It has diversified over the years, both in quantity and quality, to fit the political, economic and humanitarian situation in the OPT. It contributed to the successful reforms carried out by the PNA in several sectors, and has further supported the Palestinian national development plans. However, this aid has not succeeded to curb the de-development policies systematically practiced by the occupation or to put pressure on Israel. This research underlines that this aid will not achieve its objectives, including that of the establishment of a viable Palestinian state coexisting with the State of Israel in peace and security, as long as the EU does not use its economic power and does not turn its rhetoric into concrete action on the ground
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Stake, Ronald Patrick. "The Holy See and the Middle East the public diplomacy of Pope John Paul II." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2006. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/06Mar%5FStake.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2006.<br>Thesis Advisor(s): Anne Marie Baylouny, Werner Freistetter. "March 2006." Includes bibliographical references (p. 79-86). Also available online.
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Harman, Andrew. "A One Percent Chance: Jabotinsky, Bernadotte, and the Iron Wall Doctrine." Chapman University Digital Commons, 2016. http://digitalcommons.chapman.edu/war_and_society_theses/1.
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This thesis is an examination of the long historical processes that have led to the Israel/Palestine conflict to the contemporary period, focusing mostly on the period before Israeli independence and the 1948 war that created the Jewish state. As Zionism emerged at the turn of the twentieth century to combat the antisemitism of Europe, practical and political facets of the movement sought immigration to Palestine, an area occupied by a large population of Arab natives. The answer to how the Zionists would achieve a Jewish state in that region, largely ignoring the indigenous population, fostered disagreements and a split in the Zionist ideology. The Revisionist Zionist organization was founded by Ze’ev Jabotinsky and favored a more militant orientation. With an “Iron Wall” manifesto, and as time passed and international aid waned, the Revisionists evolved into an anticolonial movement that not only viewed Palestinians as an obstacle to the Jewish state but turned their anticolonial furor toward the British and United Nations threats. That evolution reached a crescendo in 1948 when the Revisionist paramilitary group Lehi assassinated the UN Mediator, Count Bernadotte. That act was a catalyst that began the end of the war and the solidification of a Palestinian refugee crisis that persists to the present. As the Iron Wall Doctrine evolved from the early teachings of Jabotinsky through anticolonial violence and the removal of native Arabs from the new state of Israel, future prime ministers who were former Revisionist terrorists maintained the prescribed perpetual state of war Jabotinsky predicted with the now landless Palestinians. This research concludes that both Jabotinsky and Bernadotte were crucial characters in the narrative that allowed for the Iron Wall Doctrine, and thus the Jewish state, to not only exist but to carry on beyond the 1948 independence into the long standing conflict it has become.
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Ashton, Nigel John. "British strategy and Anglo-American relations in the Middle East, January 1955--March 1959." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1992. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.357695.
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Pearson, Ivan L. G. "In the name of oil : Anglo-American relations in the Cold War Middle East." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2009. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:de154509-c2b8-415e-8f53-bda07c234d3d.
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Traditional historiographies of the Cold War Middle East read into Britain's postwar economic decline a corresponding demise of British regional influence. According to these accounts, the Suez Crisis served to teach Britain new limits to its military capabilities, occasioning a break from independent endeavours to project power in the region. However, the case studies presented in this thesis demonstrate that the Suez Crisis did not mark a precipitous turning point in Britain's political influence in the Middle East in the short- to medium-term. Britain's power in the region rested upon not only its material assets, but other less tangible bases as well. Most importantly, Britain's power in the Middle East during the period examined increasingly included its ability to influence the policies of United States – a country with great resources and an emerging presence in the region.
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Harland, Michael Ian. "From Hubris to Reality: Neoconservatism and the Bush Doctrine's Middle East Democratisation Policies." Thesis, University of Canterbury. Department of History, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/2417.
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Following the terrorist attacks of September 11 2001, the Bush administration articulated an anti-terrorism grand strategy of armed democratisation in the Middle East that constituted the heart of the “Bush Doctrine.” This strategy derived primarily from the framework of activist democracy promotion developed by neoconservatives, and reached its apex in 2003 when it served as the rationale for regime change in Iraq as the fulcrum for the democratic transformation of the Arab world. Yet by 2008, the Bush administration's democratisation policies and many elements of the broader neoconservative framework of democracy promotion have been significantly scaled back as a result of the challenges they have faced in the Arab world - to the extent that both are now entering a state of decline. In seeking to assess the development, assumptions and outcomes to date of the United States' post-September 11 anti-terrorism strategy in the Middle East, this thesis offers a critical account of the rise and decline of the “neoconservative moment” in American foreign policy as exemplified by the Bush Doctrine's Middle East democratisation policies. This thesis examines the origins, evolution and claims of the neoconservative paradigm of armed democracy promotion; it relates these to the justifications for interventionist democratisation in the Middle East present in the terms of the Bush Doctrine; and it assesses some of the key critiques made of these assumptions over the past five years. Unlike a number of studies of the Bush Doctrine and neoconservatism, this thesis takes seriously the Bush Doctrine's claims and neoconservative beliefs as a genuine intellectual framework for intervention, consistently examining their assertions on their own terms. Further, this thesis utilises an interdisciplinary approach of study, adopting a number of the methods and analytical tools of history and political science in making its arguments and reaching its conclusions.
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Mansour, Imad. "The domestic sources of regional orders : explaining instability in the Middle East." Thesis, McGill University, 2009. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=115631.
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This dissertation addresses the puzzle as to why some regions in the world are engulfed in militarized disputes among member states, while other regions live under peaceful conditions. It argues that domestic regime-societal management strategies have significant explanatory value to understand variance in regional orders. These domestic factors have largely been ignored in International Relations (IR) literature. A domestic politics-based analytical framework explains how states with inclusionary governing regimes (those which account for the interests of societal actors in policy formulation and consequently give them stakes in the survival of the regime) are more likely to move the regional order towards stability. On the other hand, states with exclusionary regimes (those which do not account for the interests of societal actors in policy formulation and consequently do not give them stakes in the survival of the regime) are more likely to push the regional order toward instability.<br>The dissertation also addresses a frequently underexposed dimension of IR theory: exactly how do major powers influence regional orders? It argues that major powers penetrate regional states in support of either societal actors or regimes (and sometimes both). In that process major powers help alter the power asymmetries inside regional states affecting their preferences and strategies, and hence their behaviour towards the regional order.<br>The analytical framework is used to explain variations in Middle East regional orders through four paired comparisons of six states: Israel-Egypt, Israel-Turkey, Israel-Syria, and Iran-Saudi Arabia. The time frame under study is from 1950 to 2000. The change in the Middle East regional order post-1990 did not correspond in magnitude to the change in the international system, adding credibility to this framework which prioritizes domestic level variables in shaping regional orders.
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Plummer, Tim. "Green Tiger: Hedging and the Changing Regional Dynamics of the Middle East." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2017. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1665.
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China has become an increasingly important economic, and more recently, political force in the Middle East. Coupled with the perceived reduction in American power, this has caused Middle East states closely tied to the US to hedge in response to increased strategic ambiguity. Their strategies are characterized by simultaneous attempts to capture the economic and political gains of cooperation with China, while minimizing the risk of a continued dependence for their security on a US perceived to be disengaging from the region. This has resulted in a self-reinforcing regional dynamic of ambiguity that has incentivized these states to draw closer to China and thereby increase Chinese influence in the region. To test this theory, this paper examines the case of Saudi Arabia before discussing the effects of this strategy on the region’s dynamics. Hedging can create a self- fulfilling prophecy that reduces the power of the established hegemon, increases the power of a rising state, and increases the probability of a new systemic structure emerging.
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Tziarras, Zenonas. "Turkish foreign policy towards the Middle East under the AKP (2002-2013) : a neoclassical realist account." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2014. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/67666/.
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The problematique driving this research stems from the different approaches concerning Turkish foreign policy (TFP) under the Justice and Development Party (AKP) since 2002. Moreover, the controversy about TFP, also expands to a theoretical debate within the International Relations, and Foreign Policy Analysis, literature. However, although more balanced approaches have emerged in recent years to explain TFP, a comprehensive and systematically integrated approach that deals with TFP drivers, causal chains and foreign policy behaviour is yet to be seen; and this is a gap that this thesis seeks to fill. In this light, this thesis’ objective is to explain TFP towards the Middle East under the AKP. Thus, the central and overarching question to be answered is: what are the foreign policy-making dynamics under the AKP? The goal is to trace the causal relationship between the (independent and intervening) variables (system and domestic level) vis-à-vis the dependent variable (foreign policy behaviour) in terms of the foreign policy outcomes of “revisionism” and “status quo.” In answering the overarching question, the thesis also addresses a set of sub-questions: how are domestic developments linked to external developments? Is there evidence of revisionism or ideological incentives in TFP? Answering such questions also allows for inferences on long-standing questions about TFP to be made. For example: is Turkey turning away from its traditional Western allies? Has Turkey been promoting peace and cooperation, or have its policies created polarisation between international actors? The main argument is twofold. First it is argued that TFP under the AKP towards the Middle East has been revisionist. This stems from the fact that AKP elite ideology is revisionist and the domestic driver that has the primary role in filtering systemic dynamics and leading to the foreign policy outcome. Thus, whenever the circumstances – namely, little to no external or domestic effective opposition – allow AKP policy-makers to act according to their ideologically-charged rhetoric, TFP behaviour is revisionist. When AKP is constrained by other external or domestic drivers, TFP is more prone to maintaining the status quo. As such, system-level drivers (international power relations, external threat perceptions and international economic interdependencies), and most importantly international power relations, play the primary role in shaping and causing shifts in TFP but always in conjunction with unit-level variables. Lastly, it is suggested that the region’s volatility will keep forcing Turkey to switch back and forth in its alliance with the West not least because of the gap between its revisionist aspirations and its limited capabilities. The same aspirations will unavoidably be challenged as they face the reaction of other regional and international players.
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Kettle, Louise. "Learning from history in British overseas security : case studies from intervention in the Middle East." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2015. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/30575/.
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Recent problematic military interventions, as part of the Global War on Terror, have led to widespread criticism that British policy-makers have failed to learn lessons from history. At the same time as the accusations of not learning, the British government has repeatedly claimed that lessons have been learned, particularly from the disastrous war in Iraq. This thesis investigates these contradicting claims by analysing learning from the past in the Foreign and Commonwealth Office, Ministry of Defence and the Intelligence Community across four case studies of British military intervention in the Middle East; 1958 in Jordan, 1961 in Kuwait, the 1990-1991 Gulf War and 2003-2009 Iraq War. It provides a fresh analysis of these highly significant events, using previously undisclosed documents, offers an assessment of learning processes and concludes by recommending practical suggestions for the improvement of learning from history in the future.
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Smude, Arley A. "Anti-Americanism in the Middle East : addressing the phenomenon and finding solutions." Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2008. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/1141.
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This item is only available in print in the UCF Libraries. If this is your Honors Thesis, you can help us make it available online for use by researchers around the world by following the instructions on the distribution consent form at http://library.ucf.edu/Systems/DigitalInitiatives/DigitalCollections/InternetDistributionConsentAgreementForm.pdf You may also contact the project coordinator, Kerri Bottorff, at kerri.bottorff@ucf.edu for more information.<br>Bachelors<br>Sciences<br>Political Science
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Allgott, Philip. "U.S. diplomatic relations : how has it been used in Iran and North Korea? /." Jönköping : Jönköping University. Jönköping International Business School, 2008. http://www.diva-portal.org/smash/get/diva2:201405/FULLTEXT01.
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Margulies, Matthew Eric. "The Contradictions Created by China’s Middle East Policies and Role, and Future Development Opportunities." The Ohio State University, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1305776212.
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