Academic literature on the topic 'Israel and Palestine'
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Journal articles on the topic "Israel and Palestine"
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Ruebner, Josh. "Obama's Legacy on Israel/Palestine." Journal of Palestine Studies 46, no. 1 (2016): 50–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2016.46.1.50.
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This retrospective assessment argues that despite the arrival in office in 2009 of a president who articulated the case for Palestinian rights more strongly and eloquently than any of his predecessors, U.S. official policy in the Obama years skewed heavily in favor of Israel. While a negotiated two-state resolution of the conflict between Israel and the Palestinians continued to be the formal goal of the United States, Israel's defiant refusal to stop settlement expansion, the administration's determined actions to perpetuate Israeli impunity in international fora, as well as the U.S. taxpayer's hefty subsidy of the Israeli military machine all ensured that no progress could be made on that score. The author predicts that with all hopes of a negotiated two-state solution now shattered, Obama's successor will have to contend with an entirely new paradigm, thanks in no small part to the gathering momentum of the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) movement.
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Kahan, Emmanuel Nicolás. "Progressive Jews in Argentina and the Arab-Israeli Conflict: Stances on the Six-Day War (1967)." Latin American Perspectives 46, no. 3 (February 7, 2019): 42–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x19828736.
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Since the 1947 United Nations resolution on the partition of Palestine and, subsequently, the Israeli Declaration of Independence in 1948, the Israeli-Palestinian issue has played a powerful role in Argentine public space that has not found a concomitant response in academia. The stance with regard to the 1967 Six-Day War taken by an institution that promotes itself as representative of progressive Argentine Jews, the Idisher Cultur Farband (Argentine Federation of Jewish Cultural Institutions—ICUF), undermined certain meanings, ties of solidarity, and modes of representation held by a diversity of actors regarding the existence and legitimacy of the State of Israel. Desde la resolución de 1947 de las Naciones Unidas sobre la partición de Palestina y, posteriormente, la Declaración de Independencia de Israel en 1948, el problema israelí-palestino ha desempeñado un papel importante en el espacio público argentino que no ha encontrado una respuesta concomitante en el mundo académico. La postura con respecto a la Guerra de los Seis Días de 1967 tomada por una institución que se promueve a sí misma como representante de los judíos progresistas argentinos, el Idisher Cultur Farband (Federación Argentina de Instituciones Culturales Judías—ICUF), socavó ciertos significados, vínculos de solidaridad y modos de representación de una diversidad de actores con respecto a la existencia y legitimidad del Estado de Israel.
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de Oliveira, Luciana Garcia. "An Old Diaspora: Histories of Militancy by Palestinians with a Northeastern Accent." Latin American Perspectives 46, no. 3 (February 7, 2019): 71–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x19828381.
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Most of the Palestinians who arrived in the cities of Northeastern Brazil came during the time of the Ottoman Empire in the nineteenth century, especially after the travels of Emperor Dom Pedro II. The arrival of Palestinians before the founding of the State of Israel in 1948 made many Palestinians and their descendants indifferent to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The situation changed in the 1980s as a result of the worsening situation of Palestinians in Lebanon, when the Palestine-Brazil Cultural Center was established in the city of Olinda, Pernambuco, and the deputy Raymundo Asfora made many speeches in defense of the Palestinian cause. These militant actions served as an inspiration for new generations of Palestinians born in Brazil. A maioria dos palestinos que chegaram à algumas cidades do nordeste brasileiro vieram durante a vigência do Império Turco Otomano, em pleno século XIX, sobretudo após as viagens do imperador do Brasil, Dom Pedro II ao Oriente Médio. A chegada dos palestinos antes da fundação do Estado de Israel (1948) foi determinante para que muitos palestinos e descentes fossem indiferentes ao conflito Israel-Palestina. A situação mudou, mais tarde, na década de 1980, durante o agravamento da situação dos palestinos no Líbano. Foi inaugurado o Centro Cultural Palestina-Brasil na cidade de Olinda, PE, e o deputado Raymundo Asfora realizava muitos discursos públicos em defesa da causa palestina. Essas ações militantes serviram de inspiração para as novas gerações de palestinos nascidos no Brasil.
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Palamarenko, Evgenii V. "TRENDS IN THE DEVELOPMENT OF ECONOMIC RELATIONS OF ISRAEL IN THE MIDDLE EAST." Today and Tomorrow of Russian Economy, no. 98 (2019): 13–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.26653/1993-4947-2019-98-02.
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The lack of Russian-language research on the features of the economic development of Israel as an OECD member state underlines the urgent need to identify new trends in the Israeli economy. Not taking into account the existing variety of humanitarian studies, and especially the concentration of studies on the political history of Israel and its modern component, we can recognize a clear lack of work that would cover Israeli economy. Current trends in Israeli trade relations, which have begun to make the mselves clear, require both consideration of effective trade and economic interaction between Israel and Palestine, and identification of the peculiarities of hidden regional trade and economic ties. Israel and Palestine are in close cooperation on the exchange of labor and goods, despite the lack of a political settlement. For Palestine, Israel is a major trading partner, and Palestine plays a key security role for Israel. The second important aspect in covering new trends in the Israeli economy may be the need to study the nascent format of cooperation between Israel and the Middle East. The article explores the specifics of economic relations between Israel and the countries of the Middle East, reveals the growing role of economic relations between Israel and the countries of the region.
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Ivekovic, Ivan. "Israel and the bantustanization of Palestine." Medjunarodni problemi 54, no. 4 (2002): 408–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp0204408i.
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Contrary to repeated statements that Israel is a 'democratic state,' the author argues that it is an ethnocratic state. From its inception it has established a system of legal, political, residential and economic segregation of its Palestinian citizens. Since Israel has occupied the West Bank, Jerusalem and the Gaza Strip in 1967, these were subjected to a systematic Jewish colonization and Judaization, which were met with Palestinian resistance. Both created a spiral of political violence. Israel's 'industrial' state terror is now confronted with 'artisan's'' terror of frustrated Palestinian groups. The author is of the opinion that a highly defective 'peace' deal offered by the Israeli government of Ariel Sharon would have transformed the Palestinian state entity in a Bantustan-like cluster of would-be 'autonomous areas'.
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Dias, Stéphane. "A paz pede arte: Os diálogos de paz e seus agentes." Malala 6, no. 9 (July 28, 2018): 91–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/issn.2446-5240.malala.2018.148427.
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Este artigo explora uma agenda de pesquisa teórico-aplicada no âmbito das ciências da linguagem. Como parte da pesquisa, apresentaremos nossa análise de um diálogo, disponibilizado pelo projeto The Palestine Papers, entre negociadores do Estado de Israel e da Organização para a Libertação da Palestina. Abordaremos, assim, um objeto teórico (agência dialógica) e um objeto empírico (diálogos de paz israelo-palestinos). E, a partir do arsenal teórico proposto, dos problemas levantados na análise e de uma proposta de pacificação tomada como base, defenderemos um cenário alternativo de mediação, cujo núcleo é o uso de novos agentes e novas linguagens.
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Ghanem, As'ad. "The Binational Idea in Palestine and Israel: Historical Roots and Contemporary Debate." Holy Land Studies 1, no. 1 (September 2002): 61–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hls.2002.0004.
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This article deals with the question of binationality in the Israeli Jewish–Palestinian framework in Israel/Palestine. The first part presents the relevant theoretical background, and the second sets forth the guidelines which lead one to think that the binational concept in Israel/Palestine is the only possible solution. The third part discusses the historical roots for the progress of the idea in Jewish and Palestinian thought. The fourth enumerates the forces preventing a separation between Israel and the West Bank and Gaza Strip, leading to the need to consider a solution based on establishing a common political framework. The fifth part evaluates the support for and the opposition to this idea and its prospects of being accepted among the Israeli and Palestinian publics. The final part presents general guidelines for a binational settlement between Israeli Jews and Palestinian Arabs in the joint state of Israel–Palestine.
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Brown, Rachel H. "Reproducing the national family: kinship claims, development discourse and migrant caregivers in Palestine/Israel." Feminist Theory 20, no. 3 (March 13, 2019): 247–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1464700119833039.
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This article probes the politics of the migrant caregiver/citizen-employer relationship in Palestine/Israel as it unfolds within the Jewish-Israeli home. Based on interviews with migrants from the Philippines, Nepal, India and Sri Lanka and their Jewish-Israeli employers, I examine how Israel’s ethno-racially hierarchical citizenship regime and the transnational gendering and racialisation of carework manifest in this relationship. I begin by situating migrant women working as caregivers within the legal and political context of Palestine/Israel, delineating how gendered constructions of the Jewish-Israeli woman uphold the borders of the nation and paint non-Jewish migrant women as reproductively threatening. I then analyse two common tropes among citizen-employers in describing migrant caregivers. The first, what I term the ‘kinship trope’, characterizes them as ‘one of the family’, obscuring the ethno-racial basis of the state. I show how this trope contrasts sharply with Zionist settler colonial rhetoric portraying Jewish-Israelis as ‘one big family’. The second trope represents migrant women as individual agents of economic development and Israel as a market-driven, neoliberal society that is equally a state for all its citizens. By depicting Israel as a ‘modern’, ‘progressive’ state that is an exemplar of gender equality, this trope again masks the ethno-racial basis of citizenship, as well as gender disparities. Finally, I argue for a feminist approach to migrant carework that accounts for the ways neoliberal labour formations are mediated by gendered racisms specific to a particular state’s racial nation-building project.
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Beckerleg, Susan. "African Bedouin in Palestine." African and Asian Studies 6, no. 3 (2007): 289–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920907x212240.
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AbstractThe changing ethnic identity and origins of people of Bedouin and African origin living in southern Israel and the Gaza Strip are explored in this paper. For thousands of years, and into the twentieth century, slaves were captured in Africa and transported to Arabia. Negev Bedouin in Palestine owned slaves, many of whom were of African origin. When Israel was created in 1948 some of these people of African origin became refugees in Gaza, while others remained in the Negev and became Israeli citizens. With ethnic identity a key factor in claims and counter claims to land in Palestine/Israel, African slave origins are not stressed. The terminology of ethnicity and identity used by people of African origin and other Palestinians is explored, and reveals a consciousness of difference and rejection of the label abed or slave/black person.
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Chammah, Maurice. "Israel and Palestine." Cornell Internation Affairs Review 2, no. 1 (November 1, 2008): 29–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.37513/ciar.v2i1.339.
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At a time when large scale political visions regarding the Israeli-Palestinian impasse have become subsumed by day to day concerns and a peace process losing in credibility, many Israelis and Palestinians nevertheless discuss a range of possible final statuses for their respective populations and nations. This article shows how the idea of two states living side by side has been increasingly challenged in the recent past, both by ideologies on the left and right and by “facts on the ground,” leading many to consider a range of possibilities involving a single state.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Israel and Palestine"
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Cetin, Idil. "Israel And Palestine Face2face." Master's thesis, METU, 2009. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12610825/index.pdf.
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Face2Face is a photographic project realized by JR, an undercover photographer and Marco, a technology consultant, in 2007 in the Middle East context. It consisted of taking the portraits of Israeli and Palestinian people who were doing the same job, printing them in huge formats and putting them on various unavoidable places in Israeli and Palestinian cities. The project was based on the idea that Israeli and Palestinian people were so much similar to each other, as if they were &lsquotwin brothers raised in different families&rsquo
but that they were not aware of that. Therefore, the artists decided to provide them with images of the other side which would make people be surprised, laugh, stop for a while and think about the other side once again. The artists hoped that such a reworking of the ideas about the other side would hopefully motivate people to enter into dialogue with each other, which would eventually end up in peaceful co-existence. This thesis sets this photographic project as its starting point. It focuses upon its conceptualization of dialogue, which is based on the idea of seeing the other from a new perspective, and compares it with Mikhail Bakhtin&rsquo
s concept of dialogue and Emmanuel Levinas&rsquo
s concept of face-to-face, which are based on the idea of disrupting the self. It then criticizes the project for its neglect of various dimensions which shape Israeli and Palestinian identities, such as diaspora, nostalgia and home and of the heavy burden of the past on these two communities&rsquo
present. As a result, the thesis focuses upon the concept of collective memory at length and then discusses photography at the service of collective memory. Another section is devoted to the analysis of Israeli and Palestinian collective memories. The photographic project Face2Face is discussed all throughout the thesis in terms of its failure to spot the crucial dimensions in Israeli-Palestinian context, no matter how well intended it was.
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Kukali, Elias. "Perceptions of the Israel – Palestine conflict:." Doctoral thesis, Saechsische Landesbibliothek- Staats- und Universitaetsbibliothek Dresden, 2017. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:14-qucosa-214421.
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This study is an attempt to comprehend how Palestinians and Israelis perceive the conflict and the peace process. It identifies the channels and dynamics related to the shaping of their perceptions on the individual, community, and political levels. The main objectives of this study are to probe the degree of homogeneity between these levels for both Palestinians and Israelis as well as the degree of discord between them on the same levels and to pinpoint intervening factors that contribute to carving out the ultimate perceptions that individuals hold. Unlike previous work, this study employs a multi-method approach to measure and benchmark of the topic at hand. To bridge further gaps, a developed matrix extends the analyses on temporalspatial dimensions of individuals’ cognitions, affections, and behaviors pertaining to the conflict. This study falls within the descriptive research that seeks probing the effect of macro-level factors (the media, and political parties/leaders) on microlevel ones (the audience cognitive processing), and is involved in describing and identifying its elements and components through the collection and analysis of data. Interpretation of data is based on a combination of content analysis for eight major newspapers, two public opinion surveys and a document analysis affiliated to the main four political parties.
The analysis of the Palestinians and Israelis’ perspective of the conflict and the peace process revealed that the actual conflict has three main dimensions: First, the struggle between individuals, which is full of self-contradictions, as each party describes a conflict in a way different than the other. It is a conflict, in which the past and present of the two sides of the conflict are different - the bitter past itself with different narratives, yet the motives are the same but conducive to different results. Whereas each party is blaming the other on these three levels, the conflict is rooted in different forms, but intertwined with one another. Both nations differ entirely in prioritizing the core issues of the conflict. For example, the study reveals that for Palestinians the issue of Jerusalem ranks first, followed by the issue of releasing of prisoners. The issue of the refugees ranks third, and paradoxically recognizing Israel as a Jewish state ranks last according to Palestinians. As for the Israelis, the issue of security and safety ranks first, the recognition of the Jewishness of their state ranks second, followed by the issue of Jerusalem that comes in the third place, whereas and at loggerheads with the Palestinians’ aspirations, the establishing of a Palestinian state on the 1967 borders ranks last on their part. The same applies to the proposed solutions of the conflict. The future is fuzzy, and everyone sees the most appropriate solutions that fit their own interest, as a part of the zero-sum game. Both peoples yearn for peace, and both peoples are tired and bored of the conflict, but the majority in both sides, however, are not willing to make concessions towards this end and consequently are not optimistic in reaching peace in the near future.
Furthermore, each party does not view the political leadership of the other party as a partner for peace. Secondly, a media conflict, where the analysis illustrates a similarity in the issues raised in the Palestinian and Israeli newspapers, but there were distinct statistical differences in the extent of coverage and in the display of those issues and their interpretation between the Israeli and Palestinian media, the matter which is clearly reflects on the individuals’ view on the causes of the conflict, its consequences and solutions. Regarding the third level of the conflict i.e. the conflict between political leaders and parties, a strong statistical relationship has been established between political affiliation to a particular party and the perspective of both, the Palestinian and Israeli peoples, on the most significant issues of the conflict. This is reflected in the homogeneity degree of the priorities of the parties and political leaders in the analysis of documents and media, in the analysis of the content with the order of priorities in the Palestinian and Israeli mindset. The statistical results have particularly shown a strong reciprocal correlation between the angles of this triangle. The relationship boosts wrong inherited notions and beliefs, which necessitates their eradication and adoption of new strategies on the part of political stakeholders. In that case, the media will publish them in a positive way that serves the peace process and bring the Palestinian-Israeli conflict to an end. Finally, on the basis of the results and conclusions of this dissertation a model was developed that illustrated how these interactions frame realities into new realities that let the peace process sink even more day by day.
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Bassi, Danilo Martins Guiral. "A ideia de um Estado binacional na Palestina histórica: conceitos, evolução histórica e perspectivas na atualidade." Universidade de São Paulo, 2016. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8138/tde-22082016-130222/.
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A presente dissertação de mestrado tem por objetivo traçar uma história da ideia de um Estado binacional para árabes e judeus na Palestina histórica. O estudo busca, após definir as especificidades de um Estado binacional, compreender a circulação da ideia binacional no período anterior à criação do Estado de Israel, em 1948, entre judeus e árabes-palestinos progressistas, dentro do movimento sionista e em organizações de esquerda da Palestina. Em um segundo momento, busca-se entender como o período compreendido entre a criação do Estado de Israel e o processo que levou aos Acordos de Oslo, nos anos 90, ao mesmo tempo silenciou o ideal binacional e criou as bases para seu ressurgimento na virada do século. Por fim, são analisadas, frente ao contexto israelo-palestino na atualidade, as perspectivas do ressurgimento de propostas binacionais, mais nítido entre jornalistas de esquerda, algumas figuras que fizeram ou fazem marginalmente parte da política institucional, intelectuais e acadêmicos adeptos de perspectivas críticas, assim como entre ativistas e movimentos sociais por direitos humanos envolvidos na região.This Masters thesis aims to trace a history of the idea of a bi-national state for Arabs and Jews in historical Palestine. After laying out the specificities of a binational state, it reconstructs the circulation of the binational idea in the period before the creation of the State of Israel in 1948, among progressive Jews and Palestinian Arabs, in the Zionist movement, and among left-wing organizations in Palestine. In a second step, we we analize how the period between the establishment of the State of Israel and the peace process that led to the Oslo Accords, in the 90s, was marked by silence around the binational ideal while all the same laying the foundations for its revival at the turn of the 21st century. Finally, regarding todays Israeli-Palestinian context, we analyze the prospects of revival of binational proposals, focusing on left-wing journalists, a number of more or less marginal participants in institutional politics, some critical intellectuals and academic supporters, and among activists and social movements for human rights.
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Fisher, Darren Christopher Edwin. "The role of the Jerusalem Municipality in the conflict over the city." Thesis, University of Exeter, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.322285.
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Wright, Fiona Catherine. "Conflicted subjects : an ethnography of Jewish Israeli left-wing activism in Israel/Palestine." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.708438.
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Todorova, Teodora. "Reframing Israel-Palestine : critical Israeli responses to the Palestinian call for just peace." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2014. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/14049/.
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This thesis examines how Israeli critical activist engagement with the Palestinian call for just peace reframes Israel-Palestine. The thesis makes a political-theoretical intervention by arguing that Israeli civil society engagement with the principles underlying just peace requires, if it is to be successful, the utilisation of non-statist conceptualisations of peace politics. The thesis draws upon feminist critical theory and postcolonial critique to theorise peace politics as a practice of solidarity. From this perspective the conflict is analysed through the prism of Nancy Fraser’s ‘all affected’ principle which asserts that all those whose lives and wellbeing are affected by an institution of power, whether that be a state or a transnational corporation, are subjects of justice in relation to that institution, whether they hold the same citizenship as its representatives or not. Thus, by virtue of sharing the same, albeit politically diffentiated, geo-political space Israelis and Palestinians residing in Israel within its 1948 borders, the West Bank and Gaza Strip, as well as the refugees outside Israel-Palestine, are subjects of justice and potential solidarity. As such, the Palestinians have the right to demand justice not only from the state of Israel but also from its citizens. The activist work, narratives and responses of three critical Israeli case study groups are examined in relation to the call for just peace: Anarchists Against the Wall (AATW), the Israeli Committee Against House Demolitions (ICAHD), and Zochrot (Remembering). The activist narratives and practices examined testify to the way in which critical Israeli engagement with nonviolent ethical responsibility towards the Palestinian people can result in unprecedented narrative convergence, practical solidarity, and the possibility for non-domination and cohabitation. These critical activist practices reveal just peace as an emergent and ongoing project to reframe and rearticulate the contemporary relations of oppression and domination in Israel-Palestine.
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Braun, Aaron. "Sovereignty and Exceptionalism: The Case of Israel/Palestine." Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin1374086224.
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Weisz, Talia M. "Voices from Israel/Palestine: A Documentary Video Exhibition." The Ohio State University, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1274903253.
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Shqerat, Maysa. "Everyday resistance and settler colonialism in Palestine." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2018. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/78674/.
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Gomes, Aura Rejane. "A Questão da Palestina e a Fundação de Israel." Universidade de São Paulo, 2001. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-24052002-163759/.
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O objetivo deste trabalho foi compreender, do ponto de vista da política internacional, os fatores que viabilizaram a fundação de Israel no território da Palestina, provocando um dos mais prolongados e dramáticos conflitos da história contemporânea. A criação de Israel, decidida na ONU, em 1947, violou os direitos fundamentais do povo árabe palestino (70% do total da população nesse ano), garantidos pela Carta das Nações Unidas e pelo Pacto da Sociedade das Nações, ambos fontes do Direito Internacional, e violou o título jurídico adquirido pelos árabes através do acordo firmado com os países da Entente, durante a Primeira Guerra Mundial, que garantia a independência da Palestina, causando revolta generalizada no mundo árabe, já profundamente ressentido do imperialismo ocidental na região. Considerando a conjuntura internacional desse período, delineada pela Guerra Fria, e considerando que os principais atores do sistema internacional tinham consciência de que tal decisão causaria a hostilidade dos países árabes, acarretando altíssimos custos militares, políticos e econômicos, uma vez que a Liga Árabe declarou não reconhecer uma decisão que considerava ilegal, tivemos interesse em conhecer quais foram as expectativas de ganhos que levaram os EUA, a ex-URSS e outros países a assumirem os riscos e os custos dessa decisão. Várias conclusões foram obtidas. Os EUA não tinham nenhuma expectativa de ganho com o apoio à criação de Israel, pelo contrário, esse evento acarretou pesados custos à nação norte-americana, advertidos permanentemente pelos Secretários de Estado e Defesa. A decisão pró-Israel foi uma iniciativa do Presidente Truman para defender seu interesse pessoal nas eleições seguintes, quando pretendia contar com o apoio da comunidade judaica de seu país. A posição de Truman garantiu a forte pressão dos EUA, na forma de chantagem e suborno, sobre vários países que sustentavam posições contrárias, na votação da partilha, na ONU. Quanto à decisão soviética, não há uma compreensão conclusiva. Stalin, durante muitos anos, um antagonista intransigente ao projeto sionista, surpreendeu a todos apoiando de última hora a criação de Israel, na votação na ONU. Grande parte dos estudiosos considera que o objetivo soviético era simplesmente prejudicar a Grã Bretanha. Aparentemente, nessa mudança de posição momentânea, houve um equívoco nos cálculos políticos, percebido pouco tempo depois, levando esse país a reconsiderar novamente sua posição em favor dos árabes. Grande parte dos países de ambos os blocos assumiram simplesmente o alinhamento automático às decisãos das duas superpotências. Por último, cabe destacar que o interesse do Brasil era permanecer alinhado com os EUA e, nesse sentido, Oswaldo Aranha, como Presidente da Assembléia Geral, prestou um serviço fundamental. No dia da votação, devido à avaliação de que a proposta pró-Israel seria derrotada, Oswaldo Aranha decidiu encerrar mais cedo os trabalhos, adiando a votação, dando, assim, aos sionistas o tempo que necessitavam para convencer os países contrários, a fim de mudar seu voto.The aim of this research was understand, through the aproach of international policy, the factors that make possible to establish Israel in Palestine, event that caused one of the most extended and dramatic conflicts of contemporary history. The creation of Israel, decided at UN in 1947, violated the fundamental rights of the Palestinian Arab people (70% of the whole population in that year), rights that were assured by the UN Charter and by the Pact of the League of Nations, both sources of international law, and violated the juridical title acquired by Arab people through the agreement signed with the countries of the Entente, during the First World War, that guaranteed the independence of Palestine, provoking uprising in the whole Arab world, already deeply resentful of Western imperialism in the region. We had the interest to know what was the expectation of profits that led USA, former USSR and other countries to assume the risks and costs of this decision, taking into account the international scenery of the Cold War in 1947 and that the main actors of international system was aware that such decision would cause the hostility of Arab countries bringing high military, plitical and economic costs, since that Arab League declared not recognize that illegal decision. The conclusion was that USA didnt have any expectation of gains supporting the creation of Israel, on the contrary, this event caused heavy costs to American nation. The decision of support Israel was a initiative of President Truman to defend his personal interest in the following election, opposing the Secretary of State and Secretary of Defense, because he wanted guarantee the vote of American Jews. The decision of Truman assured the strong prssure of United States by extortion and bribery over many countries to make them to vote on behalf of the creation of Israel. We didnt find a conclusive understanding about the Soviet decision. Stalin, that was for many years an intransigent antagonist to the Zionist project, surprised everybody supporting the creation of Israel at UN. Mostly of scholars consider that the Soviet intent was just to damage Britain. There seemingly was a mistake in the Soviet political calculation, perceived later, leading this country to change its position. Many countries of both blocs only asumed an automatic alignment with the decisions of the two superpowers. Finally, its important to point out that Brazilian interest was to remain aligned with the USA and, in this sense, Oswaldo Aranha, the President of General Assembly, was very useful. In the day of partition voting, due to appraisal that the pro-Israel proposal would be defeated, Oswaldo Aranha simply decided finish earlier the session, postponing the voting, in order to give time to Zionists make pressure and suborn over the opponent countries, to change their votes.
Books on the topic "Israel and Palestine"
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Spangler, Eve. Understanding Israel/Palestine. Rotterdam: SensePublishers, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-6300-088-8.
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The Israel Palestine puzzle. Berkeley, CA: Regent Press for the Judah L. Magnes Museum, 2008.
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Saksono, Lukman. Konflik Israel-Palestina dan pergerakan teroris: Israel-Palestine conflict and terrorist movement. Jakarta: Yayasan Karya Pemuda Indonesia, 2002.
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Bishārah, Marwān. Palestine/Israel: Peace or apartheid. New York: Zed Books, 2001.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Israel and Palestine"
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Moghaddam, Fathali M. "Israel—Palestine." In Mutual radicalization: How groups and nations drive each other to extremes., 41–58. Washington: American Psychological Association, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/0000089-003.
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Pappé, Ilan. "From Palestine into Israel, 1800–1948." In Israel, 12–18. Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2018. | Series: The contemporary Middle East: Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315714318-2.
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Spangler, Eve. "In Israel and Palestine." In Understanding Israel/Palestine, 27–48. Rotterdam: SensePublishers, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-6300-088-8_2.
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Spangler, Eve. "Introduction." In Understanding Israel/Palestine, 3–25. Rotterdam: SensePublishers, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-6300-088-8_1.
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Spangler, Eve. "Zionism Revisited." In Understanding Israel/Palestine, 207–29. Rotterdam: SensePublishers, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-6300-088-8_10.
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Spangler, Eve. "Conclusion." In Understanding Israel/Palestine, 231–46. Rotterdam: SensePublishers, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-6300-088-8_11.
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Spangler, Eve. "Appendix." In Understanding Israel/Palestine, 249–52. Rotterdam: SensePublishers, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-6300-088-8_12.
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Spangler, Eve. "Basic Concepts." In Understanding Israel/Palestine, 49–70. Rotterdam: SensePublishers, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-6300-088-8_3.
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Spangler, Eve. "Zionism." In Understanding Israel/Palestine, 71–82. Rotterdam: SensePublishers, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-6300-088-8_4.
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Spangler, Eve. "State Builders, Settlers, and Colonial Subjects." In Understanding Israel/Palestine, 85–107. Rotterdam: SensePublishers, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-6300-088-8_5.
Full textConference papers on the topic "Israel and Palestine"
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Hairi, Nur Atika, and Norhafizah Ahmad. "Pengaruh dan Impak Angkatan Belia Islam Malaysia (ABIM) Terhadap Isu Palestin di Malaysia." In Conference on Pusat Pengajian Umum dan Kokurikulum 2020/1. Penerbit UTHM, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.30880/ahcs.2020.01.01.001.
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The Muslim Youth Movement of Malaysia (ABIM) is an Islamic organisation legally established in 1972. From 1971 until now, ABIM is very concern to international issues, especially the Israeli-Palestinian issue. This article discusses the influence and impact of ABIM in fighting for the liberation of Palestine (1971-2020). ABIM has always called on those responsible for Palestinian independence and the freedom of its people from the grip of Israel. Although various peace negotiations have been held between Israel and Palestine internationally, concrete solutions have not been reached. The objective to be achieved is to analyze ABIM’s involvement in resolving the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The methodology used is primary source research in the National Archives of Malaysia and the ABIM Archive. Apart from that, an interview with the President of ABIM, Mr. Muhammad Faisal Abdul Aziz was also held. The results of the study found that ABIM is consistent and active in fighting for this issue. This proves that the voice of NGOs can influence and impact decisions at the national and international levels such as the United Nations (UN). The volume of voice that is always displayed by ABIM is able to give awareness to the leaders and the people of Malaysia that this issue is not just a religious issue but this issue is a universal issue involving humanitarian values. ABIM has held press conferences, sent memorandum, held demonstrations, peaceful rallies, boycotts of American-Israeli goods and set up a Palestinian Aid Fund to raise the issue. ABIM's official paper, 'Risalah' also played a role in disseminating current Palestinian issues by publishing articles from original sources on the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) and developments in Palestine, especially in the 1970s. This is because resources at the time were very limited and Western media published biased and untrue news.
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Masmuhah and Robi Sugara. "The Strategy of Non-Government Organizations (NGOs) in Israel for the Protection of the Palestina Children in Israel Palestine Conflict." In International Conference Recent Innovation. SCITEPRESS - Science and Technology Publications, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5220/0009934117151722.
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Méndez Landa, Francisco Javier. "ATACAR LA FRONTERA: LA POESÍA COMO POLÍTICA EN LA OBRA DE FRANCIS ALŸS." In IV Congreso Internacional Estética y Política: Poéticas del desacuerdo para una democracia plural. València: Editorial Universitat Politècnica de València, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/cep4.2019.10288.
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Desde finales de los años 90’s el artista belga radicado en México, Francis Alÿs (1959) ha extrapolado su labor artística al abandonar el Centro Histórico de la Ciudad de México como su principal laboratorio social, para incidir en diversas regiones del mundo -principalmente territorios de conflicto bélico, socioeconómico, político y migratorio-, en un afán de imaginar realidades distintas a las establecidas por medio de la activación de relatos urbanos, fábulas, moralejas, actividades fútiles y juegos de niños; deviniendo en variadas y aparentemente inocentes metáforas que esconden complejas y poderosas reflexiones sociales. El presente trabajo plantea trazar una acupuntura que sigue algunas acciones de Francis Alÿs fuera del territorio mexicano para construir un imaginario global desde lo poético de su labor: en un mundo gobernado por la desesperanza, y las tensiones generadas por las fronteras de los países, la voz de Alÿs se vuelve un bálsamo necesario que permite visualizar otras soluciones posibles a los conflictos políticos derivados de la independencia y la consecuente autonomía de un determinado territorio. I. En 1997, Alÿs viaja de Tijuana, Baja California, México a San Diego, California, EUA, -ciudades vecinas separadas únicamente por la valla Internacional-; pero el artista lo hace sin cruzar la frontera norte; imaginando una nueva y absurda ruta migratoria que evade la burocracia necesaria para ingresar legalmente a los Estados Unidos; iniciando su viaje en Tijuana, y prosiguiendo por Ciudad de México, Panamá, Santiago de Chile, Auckland, Sydney, Singapore, Bangkok, Rangún, Hong Kong, Shanghái, Seul, Anchorage, Vancouver, Los Ángeles y concluir finalmente en San Diego, California, arribando 35 días después de haber iniciado su travesía. II. En 2005, Alÿs convoca a lancheros voluntarios de Cayo Hueso, Florida, EUA y de La Habana, Cuba, a construir con sus endebles barcas un sólido puente que permita enlazar estas dos naciones sobre el Golfo de México. III. En 2004, Alÿs recorre la ‘Línea verde’, demarcación establecida para promover un alto al fuego entre Israel y Palestina, con una lata de pintura verde agujereada, trazando con su andar una línea verde, que materializa esta división naturalmente imaginaria. IV. En 2008, Alÿs invita a niños de las comunidades pesqueras de Tánger, Marruecos y Tarifa, España a construir una línea humana que permita liberar pequeños barcos de juguete para navegar de norte a sur, y viceversa el Estrecho de Gibraltar. Para Alÿs, la poesía posee una cualidad disruptiva, capaz de hacernos imaginar otros futuros posibles.
Reports on the topic "Israel and Palestine"
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Filippidou, Anastasia. The Role of Leadership in Transitional States: The Cases of Lebanon, Israel-Palestine. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, November 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada611482.
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