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Cetin, Idil. "Israel And Palestine Face2face." Master's thesis, METU, 2009. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12610825/index.pdf.
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Face2Face is a photographic project realized by JR, an undercover photographer and Marco, a technology consultant, in 2007 in the Middle East context. It consisted of taking the portraits of Israeli and Palestinian people who were doing the same job, printing them in huge formats and putting them on various unavoidable places in Israeli and Palestinian cities. The project was based on the idea that Israeli and Palestinian people were so much similar to each other, as if they were &lsquotwin brothers raised in different families&rsquo
but that they were not aware of that. Therefore, the artists decided to provide them with images of the other side which would make people be surprised, laugh, stop for a while and think about the other side once again. The artists hoped that such a reworking of the ideas about the other side would hopefully motivate people to enter into dialogue with each other, which would eventually end up in peaceful co-existence. This thesis sets this photographic project as its starting point. It focuses upon its conceptualization of dialogue, which is based on the idea of seeing the other from a new perspective, and compares it with Mikhail Bakhtin&rsquo
s concept of dialogue and Emmanuel Levinas&rsquo
s concept of face-to-face, which are based on the idea of disrupting the self. It then criticizes the project for its neglect of various dimensions which shape Israeli and Palestinian identities, such as diaspora, nostalgia and home and of the heavy burden of the past on these two communities&rsquo
present. As a result, the thesis focuses upon the concept of collective memory at length and then discusses photography at the service of collective memory. Another section is devoted to the analysis of Israeli and Palestinian collective memories. The photographic project Face2Face is discussed all throughout the thesis in terms of its failure to spot the crucial dimensions in Israeli-Palestinian context, no matter how well intended it was.
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Kukali, Elias. "Perceptions of the Israel – Palestine conflict:." Doctoral thesis, Saechsische Landesbibliothek- Staats- und Universitaetsbibliothek Dresden, 2017. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:14-qucosa-214421.
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This study is an attempt to comprehend how Palestinians and Israelis perceive the conflict and the peace process. It identifies the channels and dynamics related to the shaping of their perceptions on the individual, community, and political levels. The main objectives of this study are to probe the degree of homogeneity between these levels for both Palestinians and Israelis as well as the degree of discord between them on the same levels and to pinpoint intervening factors that contribute to carving out the ultimate perceptions that individuals hold. Unlike previous work, this study employs a multi-method approach to measure and benchmark of the topic at hand. To bridge further gaps, a developed matrix extends the analyses on temporalspatial dimensions of individuals’ cognitions, affections, and behaviors pertaining to the conflict. This study falls within the descriptive research that seeks probing the effect of macro-level factors (the media, and political parties/leaders) on microlevel ones (the audience cognitive processing), and is involved in describing and identifying its elements and components through the collection and analysis of data. Interpretation of data is based on a combination of content analysis for eight major newspapers, two public opinion surveys and a document analysis affiliated to the main four political parties.
The analysis of the Palestinians and Israelis’ perspective of the conflict and the peace process revealed that the actual conflict has three main dimensions: First, the struggle between individuals, which is full of self-contradictions, as each party describes a conflict in a way different than the other. It is a conflict, in which the past and present of the two sides of the conflict are different - the bitter past itself with different narratives, yet the motives are the same but conducive to different results. Whereas each party is blaming the other on these three levels, the conflict is rooted in different forms, but intertwined with one another. Both nations differ entirely in prioritizing the core issues of the conflict. For example, the study reveals that for Palestinians the issue of Jerusalem ranks first, followed by the issue of releasing of prisoners. The issue of the refugees ranks third, and paradoxically recognizing Israel as a Jewish state ranks last according to Palestinians. As for the Israelis, the issue of security and safety ranks first, the recognition of the Jewishness of their state ranks second, followed by the issue of Jerusalem that comes in the third place, whereas and at loggerheads with the Palestinians’ aspirations, the establishing of a Palestinian state on the 1967 borders ranks last on their part. The same applies to the proposed solutions of the conflict. The future is fuzzy, and everyone sees the most appropriate solutions that fit their own interest, as a part of the zero-sum game. Both peoples yearn for peace, and both peoples are tired and bored of the conflict, but the majority in both sides, however, are not willing to make concessions towards this end and consequently are not optimistic in reaching peace in the near future.
Furthermore, each party does not view the political leadership of the other party as a partner for peace. Secondly, a media conflict, where the analysis illustrates a similarity in the issues raised in the Palestinian and Israeli newspapers, but there were distinct statistical differences in the extent of coverage and in the display of those issues and their interpretation between the Israeli and Palestinian media, the matter which is clearly reflects on the individuals’ view on the causes of the conflict, its consequences and solutions. Regarding the third level of the conflict i.e. the conflict between political leaders and parties, a strong statistical relationship has been established between political affiliation to a particular party and the perspective of both, the Palestinian and Israeli peoples, on the most significant issues of the conflict. This is reflected in the homogeneity degree of the priorities of the parties and political leaders in the analysis of documents and media, in the analysis of the content with the order of priorities in the Palestinian and Israeli mindset. The statistical results have particularly shown a strong reciprocal correlation between the angles of this triangle. The relationship boosts wrong inherited notions and beliefs, which necessitates their eradication and adoption of new strategies on the part of political stakeholders. In that case, the media will publish them in a positive way that serves the peace process and bring the Palestinian-Israeli conflict to an end. Finally, on the basis of the results and conclusions of this dissertation a model was developed that illustrated how these interactions frame realities into new realities that let the peace process sink even more day by day.
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Bassi, Danilo Martins Guiral. "A ideia de um Estado binacional na Palestina histórica: conceitos, evolução histórica e perspectivas na atualidade." Universidade de São Paulo, 2016. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8138/tde-22082016-130222/.
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A presente dissertação de mestrado tem por objetivo traçar uma história da ideia de um Estado binacional para árabes e judeus na Palestina histórica. O estudo busca, após definir as especificidades de um Estado binacional, compreender a circulação da ideia binacional no período anterior à criação do Estado de Israel, em 1948, entre judeus e árabes-palestinos progressistas, dentro do movimento sionista e em organizações de esquerda da Palestina. Em um segundo momento, busca-se entender como o período compreendido entre a criação do Estado de Israel e o processo que levou aos Acordos de Oslo, nos anos 90, ao mesmo tempo silenciou o ideal binacional e criou as bases para seu ressurgimento na virada do século. Por fim, são analisadas, frente ao contexto israelo-palestino na atualidade, as perspectivas do ressurgimento de propostas binacionais, mais nítido entre jornalistas de esquerda, algumas figuras que fizeram ou fazem marginalmente parte da política institucional, intelectuais e acadêmicos adeptos de perspectivas críticas, assim como entre ativistas e movimentos sociais por direitos humanos envolvidos na região.This Masters thesis aims to trace a history of the idea of a bi-national state for Arabs and Jews in historical Palestine. After laying out the specificities of a binational state, it reconstructs the circulation of the binational idea in the period before the creation of the State of Israel in 1948, among progressive Jews and Palestinian Arabs, in the Zionist movement, and among left-wing organizations in Palestine. In a second step, we we analize how the period between the establishment of the State of Israel and the peace process that led to the Oslo Accords, in the 90s, was marked by silence around the binational ideal while all the same laying the foundations for its revival at the turn of the 21st century. Finally, regarding todays Israeli-Palestinian context, we analyze the prospects of revival of binational proposals, focusing on left-wing journalists, a number of more or less marginal participants in institutional politics, some critical intellectuals and academic supporters, and among activists and social movements for human rights.
4
Fisher, Darren Christopher Edwin. "The role of the Jerusalem Municipality in the conflict over the city." Thesis, University of Exeter, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.322285.
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Wright, Fiona Catherine. "Conflicted subjects : an ethnography of Jewish Israeli left-wing activism in Israel/Palestine." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.708438.
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Todorova, Teodora. "Reframing Israel-Palestine : critical Israeli responses to the Palestinian call for just peace." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2014. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/14049/.
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This thesis examines how Israeli critical activist engagement with the Palestinian call for just peace reframes Israel-Palestine. The thesis makes a political-theoretical intervention by arguing that Israeli civil society engagement with the principles underlying just peace requires, if it is to be successful, the utilisation of non-statist conceptualisations of peace politics. The thesis draws upon feminist critical theory and postcolonial critique to theorise peace politics as a practice of solidarity. From this perspective the conflict is analysed through the prism of Nancy Fraser’s ‘all affected’ principle which asserts that all those whose lives and wellbeing are affected by an institution of power, whether that be a state or a transnational corporation, are subjects of justice in relation to that institution, whether they hold the same citizenship as its representatives or not. Thus, by virtue of sharing the same, albeit politically diffentiated, geo-political space Israelis and Palestinians residing in Israel within its 1948 borders, the West Bank and Gaza Strip, as well as the refugees outside Israel-Palestine, are subjects of justice and potential solidarity. As such, the Palestinians have the right to demand justice not only from the state of Israel but also from its citizens. The activist work, narratives and responses of three critical Israeli case study groups are examined in relation to the call for just peace: Anarchists Against the Wall (AATW), the Israeli Committee Against House Demolitions (ICAHD), and Zochrot (Remembering). The activist narratives and practices examined testify to the way in which critical Israeli engagement with nonviolent ethical responsibility towards the Palestinian people can result in unprecedented narrative convergence, practical solidarity, and the possibility for non-domination and cohabitation. These critical activist practices reveal just peace as an emergent and ongoing project to reframe and rearticulate the contemporary relations of oppression and domination in Israel-Palestine.
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Braun, Aaron. "Sovereignty and Exceptionalism: The Case of Israel/Palestine." Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin1374086224.
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Weisz, Talia M. "Voices from Israel/Palestine: A Documentary Video Exhibition." The Ohio State University, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1274903253.
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Shqerat, Maysa. "Everyday resistance and settler colonialism in Palestine." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2018. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/78674/.
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Gomes, Aura Rejane. "A Questão da Palestina e a Fundação de Israel." Universidade de São Paulo, 2001. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-24052002-163759/.
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O objetivo deste trabalho foi compreender, do ponto de vista da política internacional, os fatores que viabilizaram a fundação de Israel no território da Palestina, provocando um dos mais prolongados e dramáticos conflitos da história contemporânea. A criação de Israel, decidida na ONU, em 1947, violou os direitos fundamentais do povo árabe palestino (70% do total da população nesse ano), garantidos pela Carta das Nações Unidas e pelo Pacto da Sociedade das Nações, ambos fontes do Direito Internacional, e violou o título jurídico adquirido pelos árabes através do acordo firmado com os países da Entente, durante a Primeira Guerra Mundial, que garantia a independência da Palestina, causando revolta generalizada no mundo árabe, já profundamente ressentido do imperialismo ocidental na região. Considerando a conjuntura internacional desse período, delineada pela Guerra Fria, e considerando que os principais atores do sistema internacional tinham consciência de que tal decisão causaria a hostilidade dos países árabes, acarretando altíssimos custos militares, políticos e econômicos, uma vez que a Liga Árabe declarou não reconhecer uma decisão que considerava ilegal, tivemos interesse em conhecer quais foram as expectativas de ganhos que levaram os EUA, a ex-URSS e outros países a assumirem os riscos e os custos dessa decisão. Várias conclusões foram obtidas. Os EUA não tinham nenhuma expectativa de ganho com o apoio à criação de Israel, pelo contrário, esse evento acarretou pesados custos à nação norte-americana, advertidos permanentemente pelos Secretários de Estado e Defesa. A decisão pró-Israel foi uma iniciativa do Presidente Truman para defender seu interesse pessoal nas eleições seguintes, quando pretendia contar com o apoio da comunidade judaica de seu país. A posição de Truman garantiu a forte pressão dos EUA, na forma de chantagem e suborno, sobre vários países que sustentavam posições contrárias, na votação da partilha, na ONU. Quanto à decisão soviética, não há uma compreensão conclusiva. Stalin, durante muitos anos, um antagonista intransigente ao projeto sionista, surpreendeu a todos apoiando de última hora a criação de Israel, na votação na ONU. Grande parte dos estudiosos considera que o objetivo soviético era simplesmente prejudicar a Grã Bretanha. Aparentemente, nessa mudança de posição momentânea, houve um equívoco nos cálculos políticos, percebido pouco tempo depois, levando esse país a reconsiderar novamente sua posição em favor dos árabes. Grande parte dos países de ambos os blocos assumiram simplesmente o alinhamento automático às decisãos das duas superpotências. Por último, cabe destacar que o interesse do Brasil era permanecer alinhado com os EUA e, nesse sentido, Oswaldo Aranha, como Presidente da Assembléia Geral, prestou um serviço fundamental. No dia da votação, devido à avaliação de que a proposta pró-Israel seria derrotada, Oswaldo Aranha decidiu encerrar mais cedo os trabalhos, adiando a votação, dando, assim, aos sionistas o tempo que necessitavam para convencer os países contrários, a fim de mudar seu voto.The aim of this research was understand, through the aproach of international policy, the factors that make possible to establish Israel in Palestine, event that caused one of the most extended and dramatic conflicts of contemporary history. The creation of Israel, decided at UN in 1947, violated the fundamental rights of the Palestinian Arab people (70% of the whole population in that year), rights that were assured by the UN Charter and by the Pact of the League of Nations, both sources of international law, and violated the juridical title acquired by Arab people through the agreement signed with the countries of the Entente, during the First World War, that guaranteed the independence of Palestine, provoking uprising in the whole Arab world, already deeply resentful of Western imperialism in the region. We had the interest to know what was the expectation of profits that led USA, former USSR and other countries to assume the risks and costs of this decision, taking into account the international scenery of the Cold War in 1947 and that the main actors of international system was aware that such decision would cause the hostility of Arab countries bringing high military, plitical and economic costs, since that Arab League declared not recognize that illegal decision. The conclusion was that USA didnt have any expectation of gains supporting the creation of Israel, on the contrary, this event caused heavy costs to American nation. The decision of support Israel was a initiative of President Truman to defend his personal interest in the following election, opposing the Secretary of State and Secretary of Defense, because he wanted guarantee the vote of American Jews. The decision of Truman assured the strong prssure of United States by extortion and bribery over many countries to make them to vote on behalf of the creation of Israel. We didnt find a conclusive understanding about the Soviet decision. Stalin, that was for many years an intransigent antagonist to the Zionist project, surprised everybody supporting the creation of Israel at UN. Mostly of scholars consider that the Soviet intent was just to damage Britain. There seemingly was a mistake in the Soviet political calculation, perceived later, leading this country to change its position. Many countries of both blocs only asumed an automatic alignment with the decisions of the two superpowers. Finally, its important to point out that Brazilian interest was to remain aligned with the USA and, in this sense, Oswaldo Aranha, the President of General Assembly, was very useful. In the day of partition voting, due to appraisal that the pro-Israel proposal would be defeated, Oswaldo Aranha simply decided finish earlier the session, postponing the voting, in order to give time to Zionists make pressure and suborn over the opponent countries, to change their votes.
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Borhani, Seyed Hadi. "Israel/Palestine : a critical textbook analysis of the question's history in Anglophone universities." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/18334.
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The Israel/Palestine question, and its resonance for international peace and security, has turned into a central interest of the modern world. It also raises much controversy in the academic community. The Western support for Israel, a key factor in Israel's survival, is a significant feature of this issue. It has been revealed, through preceding studies, that Western policies towards Israel, foreign human rights policy for instance, are biased. The West appears biased, also, in what it produces about the question. Western products in the cinema and the mass media examined in this regard. How knowledge produced in the West is influenced by the pro-Israeli environment has been an academic concern. No empirical investigation, at the same time, has been made into how academic knowledge at university level treats the Israel/Palestine question. The popular belief about the scientific and impartial characteristics of Western knowledge has probably contributed to such a state of affairs. A sample of the most popular college level textbooks on the history of the Israel/Palestine question has been selected, through an extensive survey, to represent relevant Western knowledge. The selected textbooks have been analysed through a method of 'Historical Narrative Analysis' against a Zionist/pro-Israeli structure of Israel's history. The immediate context of the histories produced, the relevant historians and their background, are analysed to answer the second part of the key question of the research: âHow the knowledge of history of the Israel/Palestine question is presented in Western academia, and why it has been presented in that particular way. The results of the first analysis, a textbook analysis, support the claim that textbook knowledge on the question is mainly pro-Israeli in bias. In relation to the question 'why', the analysis offers the 'Jewish pro-Israeli producer' as the main factor that can explain that bias in the products. Another factor is identified in this analysis as well; the relevant knowledge has been produced in a certain, American or Israeli, national and educational environment.
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Peterson, Luke Mathew. "Contending discourses : Palestine-Israel in the print news media." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610738.
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Allen, Malia M. "Gender and Sexuality in Israel/Palestine: Perceptions of Pinkwashing." Thesis, Boston College, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:104186.
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Thesis advisor: Eve SpanglerThis work explores how Israel uses LGBTQ issues as a rhetorical device (pinkwashing) in its self-presentation and examines how American college students perceive the claim that Israel is a ‘gay haven.’ Understanding the Israel/Palestine conflict from a human rights approach, I deconstruct the racial and gendered implications of the pinkwashing campaign by analyzing literature about homonationalism, pinkwashing, and queer activism. Interviews with fifteen student leaders from Zionist, pro-Palestinian, Jewish, Muslim, and LGBTQ organizations reveal how students engage with LGBTQ issues and the Conflict, as well as the institutional, cultural, and interactional factors that influence how organizations program. Interview analysis demonstrates that when pinkwashing occurs, some students use media, protests, and conversations to provide an alternative discourse. In conclusion, the findings demonstrate that pinkwashing does happen on college campuses, and anti-pinkwashing activism occurs most often in the form of queer anti-Occupation organizing. Anti-Occupation activism necessitates an intersectional approach if it is to gain human rights for all Palestinians
Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2015
Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Departmental Honors
Discipline: Sociology
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Greenstein, Ran. "Settler colonialism and Indigeneity: the Case of Israel/Palestine." HATiKVA e.V. – Die Hoffnung Bildungs- und Begegnungsstätte für Jüdische Geschichte und Kultur Sachsen, 2017. https://slub.qucosa.de/id/qucosa%3A34743.
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Ottman, Esta T. "History’s Wound: Collective Trauma and the Israel/Palestine conflict." Thesis, University of Bradford, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/17398.
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In considering the Israel-Palestine conflict, focus has remained on conventional major issues: borders, settlements, Jerusalem, Palestinian refugee rights and water. Should there be one binational state, or two states for two peoples? Yet this is a conflict that is sustained by factors more profound than the dispute over limited resources or competing nationalisms. The parties’ narratives, continually rehearsed, speak of a cataclysmic event or chain of events, a collective trauma, which has created such deep suffering and disruption that the rehearsers remain ‘frozen’ amid the overarching context of political violence.
This study offers a critical analysis of the concept of collective trauma together with the role of commemorative practices, including core contemporary canonical days of memory, and asks to what extent they may hinder progress in the resolution of an intractable conflict, such as the Israel/Palestine conflict. Without addressing the powerful traumatic current that underpins a chronic conflict, no amount of top-down formal peace-making is likely to be sustainable.
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Smith, Jerry D. "Israel's counter-terrorism strategy and its effectiveness /." Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2005. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/05Mar%5FSmith.pdf.
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Keinvall, Kristoffer. ""Ett Herrefolk i Israel" : Debatten om Israel-Palestinakonflikten i Dagens Nyheter 1988." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för kulturvetenskaper (KV), 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-71047.
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This essay focuses on analyzing the rhetoric concerning the Israeli-Palestinian conflict in opinion pieces in the Swedish daily newspaper Dagens Nyheter in 1988. This is done using a qualitative analysis method. The theoretical basis for the essay is primarily founded on postcolonial theory and in particular on Edward Said’s claim that Israel is a new example of European colonialism. The aim is to determine how the authors of the opinion pieces, using certain rhetoric, portray Israel and the Palestinians/PLO in relation to their position of power. The justification and condemnation of violence between the parties will also be examined. The results show that the pro-Israeli authors tend to use the Jews’ history of persecution and suffering as a justification for the existence of Israel. Also, they argue that Israeli violence is a form of self-defense as a result of Arab intransigence and violence. The more pro-Palestinian authors tend to portray Israel as a violent and oppressing regime, and in some cases adhere to the view on the state as an example of European colonialism.
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Odeh, Yousre. "Wind Power Potential in Palestine/Israel : An investigation study for the potential of wind power in Palestine/Israel, with emphasis on the political obstacles." Thesis, Högskolan på Gotland, Institutionen för kultur, energi och miljö, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-217094.
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Wind resource assessment studies have been conducted in the Israeli side and the Palestinian side before; however, the previous studies were restricted with the political border either Palestinian or Israeli except one of them that was based on measurements dated to 1940-1983 (R. Shabbaneh & A. Hasan, 1997). Moreover, the studies were performed years ago, with simple techniques and based on old data (R. Shabbaneh & A. Hasan, 1997). Hence, the needs for a new study that is based on updated data, and using updated model is highly demanded. This study is intended to perform wind resource assessment in Palestine/Israel; the study has used two stages of assessment, primary one based on reference station data on both sides, Israeli and Palestinian. The second stage of wind resource assessment is based on WindPRO software. The wind resource assessment ends up with identifying sites with higher potential that are situated in four selected sites, North of Palestine/Israel, North of West-bank, Jerusalem, and Eilat, the higher potential was in Eilat area bearing mean wind speed of 9.88m/s at 100 m hub height.Moreover, the study recognized the importance of political situation assessment due to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Based on conducted survey, the political situation assessment concluded that international non-governmental organizations seem to be most capable of starting up wind power project in Palestine/Israel. Furthermore, the study concluded that supportive policies from both the Israeli and Palestinian governments are crucial to promote wind power projects in the region.
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Varga, Kristina. "U.S.,ISRAEL, PALESTINE : - A REFLECTION OVER THE IMPORTANCE OF NEGOTIATION -." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, SV, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-21342.
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The purpose of this study is to examine the U.S. relations to Israel and the affect the relationship has had on Palestine from the viewpoint of Robert D. Putnam’s `two level-game´ theory. The core of the theory is that representatives have been placed between two tables; where one represents domestic negotiations while the other represents foreign negotiations. The bargains made at the foreign table affects the state’s domestic politics and vice versa. Applying the theory on U.S. relations to Israel it is possible to see that the U.S. is leading an unsuccessful negotiation at both tables. The relationship between the U.S. and Israel has existed since U.S. decided to recognize the state in 1948. Events such as the Holocaust and 9/11 have let Israel keep its underdog status as well as its sympathy from the American population. Israel also has a very powerful lobby group which have tried to steer U.S. policies towards its goal, the continuation of the Israeli state. The U.S. government have different interests in the region, besides the peace between Israel and Palestine. This leads to the government’s most difficult mission, being able to both satisfy their own people as well as proceeding with its plans and agendas for the region.
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Kaschl, Elke. "Dance and authenticity in Israel and Palestine : performing the nation /." Leiden : Brill, 2003. http://www.ub.unibe.ch/content/bibliotheken_sammlungen/sondersammlungen/dissen_bestellformular/index_ger.html.
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Sheldon, Ruth. "Ordinary ethics and democratic life: Palestine-Israel in British universities." Thesis, University of Kent, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.650810.
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This is an ethnographic study of student politics relating to Palestine-Israel within British universities. Palestine-Israel has been a focal issue within British campuses for over four decades, manifesting in intense, high profile conflicts, which have been subject to competing political and media framings. In this thesis, I identify this as a case of what Nancy Fraser (2008) describes as 'abnormal justice', a situation of incommensurable, spiralling conflicts over the 'what', 'how' and 'who' of political community. I show how students' engagement with Palestine-Israel raises spectres of entangled histories of the Holocaust and colonialism, and tensions over the national versus global boundaries of the polity. Moving beyond abstract portrayals of this as a conflict between discrete ethno-religious groups or autonomous moral actors, I attend to students' complex personal experiences of these political dynamics. My central argument is that PalestineIsrael exerts discomforting, at times irreconcilable, claims over participating students, arising out of violent histories, ongoing racisms, complex transnational attachments and " the rationalism of post-imperial British universities. I trace how unsettling ambiguities and a desire for moral coher.,e nce are enacted within this campus politics, analysing how institutional practices of containment and shaming lead to 'tragic' moments of passionate aggression, which then circulate in the media. Contributing to a cross-disciplinary turn towards affect, aesthetics and ethics in the study of public spheres, I stake a claim for responsive ethnography with ethical ambitions. I do so by drawing our attention beyond spectacular political conflicts, showing how students cultivate reflexive practices and express uncertainty, care and commitment within overlooked, 'ordinary' spaces of the campus. In these ways, I show how attending to intersubjective political experience provides vital insights into the motivations and desires at stake in justice conflicts, and operis up expansive possibilities for reflexivity and creativity within the public institutions of democratic societies.
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Eggler, Jurg. "Iconographic motifs from Palestine/Israel and Daniel 7:2-14." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/1439.
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Thesis (DLitt (Ancient Studies))--University of Stellenbosch, 1998.This is an iconographic study of the motifs of the sea, lion, wings, horns and the enthroned in the iconography of Palestine/Israel with reference to the vision of Dan 7:2-14
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Phillips, Elizabeth Rachel. "Apocalyptic theopolitics : dispensationalism, Israel/Palestine, and ecclesial enactments of eschatology." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2009. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/288883.
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This thesis is a critical analysis of the theology and ethics of dispensationalist Christian Zionism in America. Chapter One introduces the thesis and its method, which draws constructively from history, sociology, and anthropology while remaining substantively theological. Chapter Two describes dispensationalism's origins in nineteenth-century Britain and its dissemination and development in America. Chapter Three moves from broad, historical description to the contemporary and particular through an introduction to Faith Bible Chapel (FBC), an American Christian Zionist congregation. This description arises from an academic term spent at FBC observing congregational life and conducting extensive interviews, as well as fieldwork undertaken in FBC's "adopted settlement" in the West Bank, including interviews with Israeli settlers about partnerships with American Christians. The remaining chapters move to more explicitly doctrinal analysis. Chapters Four through Six are shaped by William Cavanaugh's concept of 'theopolitics' (Theopolitical Imagination, 2002): a disciplined, community-gathering common imagination of time and space. Through the exploration of a key historical text (The Scofield Reference Bible, 1917) and its continuing legacies in the life and thought of FBC, these chapters examine the theopolitics of dispensationalist Christian Zionism, demonstrating that it is a complex system of convictions and practices in which the disciplines of biblicism and biblical literalism form an eschatology which subordinates ecclesiology and Christology, nurturing an imagination of the roles of Christ and the church in time and space which sever social ethics from necessary Christological and ecclesiological sources. John Howard Yoder's work is used to bring this system into relief, and to establish that eschatology per se is not inimical to Christian social ethics. Chapter Seven concludes the thesis with a summary of its findings, as well as a discussion of the positive functions of apocalyptic in Christian social ethics, pointing toward the possibility of alternative ecclesial enactments of apocalyptic theopolitics.
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Cohen, Hella Bloom. "Private Affections: Miscegenation and the Literary Imagination in Israel-Palestine." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2014. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc500171/.
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This study politicizes the mixed relationship in Israeli-Palestinian literature. I examine Arab-Jewish and interethnic Jewish intimacy in works by Palestinian national poet Mahmoud Darwish, canonical Israeli novelist A. B. Yehoshua, select anthologized Anglophone and translated Palestinian and Israeli poetry, and Israeli feminist writer Orly Castel-Bloom. I also examine the material cultural discourses issuing from Israel’s textile industry, in which Arabs and Jews interact. Drawing from the methodology of twentieth-century Brazilian miscegenation theorist Gilberto Freyre, I argue that mixed intimacies in the Israeli-Palestinian imaginary represent a desire to restructure a hegemonic public sphere in the same way Freyre’s Brazilian mestizo was meant to rhetorically undermine what he deemed a Western cult of uniformity. This project constitutes a threefold contribution. I offer one of the few postcolonial perspectives on Israeli literature, as it remains underrepresented in the field in comparison to its Palestinian counterparts. I also present the first sustained critique of the hetero relationship and the figure of the hybrid in Israeli-Palestinian literature, especially as I focus on its representation for political options rather than its aesthetic intrigue. Finally, I reexamine and apply Gilberto Freyre in a way that excavates him from critical interment and advocates for his global relevance.
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Vinebaum, Lisa. "Body of the nation : corporeality, territory, performance : Palestine and Israel." Thesis, Goldsmiths College (University of London), 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.521810.
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The thesis is rooted in the study of the complicated relationships between the body and territory - and by extension, the body and the nation - in Palestine and Israel. This framework allows me to elaborate a more detailed study of the Palestinian suicide bomber, considered in relation to the occupation of Palestinian-inhabited territory in the west Bank and Gaza. I draw on examples from visual culture in which the deceased suicide bomber is commemorated as a martyr, in this way presenting an idealized image of the Palestinian nation. I argue that there is a relationship between territory, the "body" of the nation, and the body of the suicide bomber/martyr, and one in which ideals of self-sacrifice and resistance are performed by the martyr. In so doing I theorize the performance of martyrdom, the staging of the self as a martyr by the suicide bomber to be, as a type of subject formation under occupation, and as the enactment of a resistant subjectivity. This study asserts that the actions of the Palestinian suicide bomber are intentional and linked to territorial encroachment on Palestinian lands. In so doing it positions itself in opposition to a majority of the research literature on the subject. This research makes an innovative contribution to the study of Palestinian martyrdom by removing the suicide bomber from its primary field of study in the West, terrorism and security studies, and situating it within the realm performance studies. It proposes new understandings of the Palestinian suicide bomber, considered in terms of corporeality, performance, intentionality and subjectivity. Additionally the thesis considers performance as a research methodology. The elaboration of my theoretical propositions emerged in part through performance, the staging of myself in a mimetic attempt to put myself in the place of the Palestinian martyr. Through performance I "act out" material under consideration in the thesis while also positioning myself in relation to it. In this way I insert myself into the thesis as a critical and positioned subject. The notion of the positioned subject is also central to the practice element, where I use performance to position myself outside of mainstream North American Jewish identity. I perform various Others of my own Jewish identity, in this way asserting a resistant subjectivity.
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KOTTER, WADE RALPH. "SPATIAL ASPECTS OF THE URBAN DEVELOPMENT OF PALESTINE DURING THE MIDDLE BRONZE AGE (ISRAEL)." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/183821.
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During the Middle Bronze II B-C period (1800-1500 B.C.) Palestine underwent an unprecedented period of urban development. This urban development had several spatial consequences, which may be divided into three categories: (1) Spatial relationships between urban settlements and features of the local and regional environment, (2) Spatial patterns in the internal organization of urban settlements, and (3) Spatial patterns in the distribution of urban and rural settlements across the landscape. These three categories form the basis of this dissertation. With respect to the relationship between urban settlements and environmental features, it is demonstrated that urban settlements are associated with productive agricultural land, ample natural water sources, and natural routes of travel. They are also found only in regions where rainfall is sufficient for successful dry farming. The internal spatial organization of Middle Bronze urban settlements is found to be characterized by both agglomeration and centrality. Zones of land-use related to various urban functions are identified, and the similarity of these cities to other pre-industrial cities is demonstrated. Examination of the distribution of urban settlements across the land-scape suggests that these cities were not integrated into a regional urban system, but rather were independent city-states, each with its own supporting region. An examination of rural settlements within the hypothetical supporting region of each urban center supports this conclusion, although the inadequacies of survey within each of these regions preclude definitive conclusions.
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Adan-Bayewitz, David. "Manufacture and local trade in the Galilee of Roman-Byzantine Palestine : a case study /." Online version, 1985. http://bibpurl.oclc.org/web/25530.
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Junior, Gilberto Souza Rodrigues. "Geografia Política e os recursos hídricos compartilhados: o caso Israelo-Palestino." Universidade de São Paulo, 2010. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8136/tde-21072010-113708/.
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O trabalho aqui apresentado busca analisar a centralidade dos recursos hídricos no conflito israelo-palestino e em suas negociações de paz, no que diz respeito à configuração territorial tanto do Estado de Israel quanto de um possível Estado Palestino, a partir da perspectiva da Geografia Política. Partindo desse pressuposto busca discutir questões relacionadas à segurança internacional, à soberania dos Estados, e uma suposta mudança de paradigmas em relação a esses temas a partir da emergência das questões ambientais nas últimas décadas. A discussão acerca das possibilidades de conflitos envolvendo recursos hídricos é de grande relevância. Assim, analisar esse assunto tendo como área de estudo o Estado de Israel e os Territórios Ocupados da Palestina, acrescenta ao tema elementos de maior dramaticidade, devido a diversos fatores tais como a pouca oferta hídrica e a importância estratégica da região, o que decorre de fatores de ordem econômica, política e cultural. A partir de tal recorte regional, foi feita uma análise do conflito num constante variar de escalas, possibilitando assim, compreender os eventos locais desde uma perspectiva da totalidade, de forma que essa compreensão possa servir também como base para estudos de ordem global. Foi possível perceber as dificuldades encontradas pelo povo palestino, bem como as preocupações do Estado de Israel em relação à sua segurança hídrica. A água se torna então um elemento político na disputa por territórios e também nas mesas de negociações do conflito.This paper aims at analyzing the centrality of water resources in the Israeli- Palestinian conflict, as well as in their peace attempts, regarding the territorial configuration of both State of Israel and a possible Palestinian State, from a Political Geography perspective. Assuming that the water is a central element in the conflict the present paper discusses some issues related to international security, states sovereignty, and a supposed change of paradigm regarding these issues from the emerging environmental discussions in the last decades. The discussion around the possibilities of existing water-related conflicts is surely relevant. Thus, analyzing this subject, having as a case study the State of Israel and the Occupied Territories of Palestine adds some elements that bring more dramaticity to the matter, due to several factors such as water insufficient offer and the region strategic importance, as a result of factors of economical, political and cultural order. From such regional framework, the conflict has been analyzed with a constant shifting of scales, which allows us to understand local events from a global perspective in a way that this comprehension in a regional scale may serve as a background for studies in a global scale. It was possible to notice the difficulties faced by Palestinians, as well as worries of the State of Israel regarding water security. Water then becomes a political element in the struggle for territories and also, in the peace negotiation talks.
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Leibler, Anat Elza. "Nationalizing statistics a comparative study of the development of official statistics during the 20th century in Israel-Palestine and Canada /." Diss., View abstract only; access to full text of dissertation for UC campuses will be available after December 1, 2010, 2008. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3337303.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2008.Title from first page of PDF file (viewed January 6, 2009). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Embargoed until 12/1/2010. Includes bibliographical references (p. 274-301).
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Pienaar, Ashwin Mark. "Israel and Palestine: some critical international relations perspectives on the 'two-state' solution." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003030.
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This research questions whether Israel and Palestine should be divided into two states. Viewed through the International Relations (IR) theories of Realism and Liberalism, the ‘Two-State’ solution is the orthodox policy for Israel and Palestine. But Israelis and Palestinians are interspersed and share many of the same resources making it difficult to create two states. So, this research critiques the aforementioned IR theories which underpin the ‘Two-State’ solution. The conclusion reached is that there ought to be new thinking on how to resolve the Israel-Palestine issue.
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Kendirci, Recep. "Iron Age Aeolic Style Capitals in the Israel and Palestine area." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för arkeologi och antik historia, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-175941.
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This thesis contains descriptions and definitions of the Iron Age Proto-Aeolic capitals from Israel - Palestine area. The modern area, which my materials cover is Israel and Jordan. The time period of the capitals is between the 9th century BC and the late 8th or the beginning of the 7th century BC. Attention has been put on issues of typological characteristics, usage and time periods of the capitals and how this, through the new examples, described here for the first time, created a new typology and usage for the Proto-Aeolic capitals.
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Braun, Joachim. "The Musical Landscape in Israel/Palestine 3,000 Years Ago and Today." Bärenreiter Verlag, 2000. https://slub.qucosa.de/id/qucosa%3A36677.
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Yang, Connie. "Si(gh)ting Israel/Palestine : the slow violence of international tourism." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/62759.
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This thesis explores the ways in which the scopic regimes of tourism shape the production of “Israel” and “Palestine” as geopolitical entities by focusing on international, primarily non-Jewish tourists. I examine the extent to which spatial practices—both representational and material—reinforce or renegotiate dominant geopolitical imaginaries. Through discursive analysis and participant observation on guided tours in Tel Aviv, Jerusalem, and the West Bank, I analyze the contrasting imagined and performed geographies of Israel’s territoriality. I argue that the tourist gaze functions as a form of slow violence in Israel/Palestine, as disputed narratives are legitimized and naturalized through the concealment of the dispossession and occupation that are fundamental to the Israeli geopolitical project. In exposing how tourist processes serve as a critical juncture in which geopolitical contestation occurs, I seek to rethink the parameters of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict by examining its entanglements with seemingly apolitical, banal cultural practices.Arts, Faculty of
Geography, Department of
Graduate
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Berglund, Svensson Hampus. "Palestina & Israel genom ögonen av svensk nyhetspress : En studie av fyra svenska tidningars rapportering av Israel-Palestina-konflikten." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Institutionen för kultur- och medievetenskaper, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-160378.
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This study, Palestine & Israel through the eyes of the Swedish newsmedia, has examined how four Swedish newspapers framed the Israel-Palestine conflict between the years 2008-2018, as well as how the newspaper's coverage changed over time. The study used a quantitative and a qualitative method by analyzing frequently used words in the analyzed articles as well as in-depth readings of a few individual articles chosen via random selection. The study used framing theory as a way of analyzing the texts as well as Johan Galtung's normative theory of war- and peace journalism (Galtung 2003, 177-180). The study found that the Swedish newspapers most often used an international political frame to contextualize the war between Israel and Palestine. Focusing on the actions of international organizations and countries outside of the region historically known as Palestine. This way of framing the war also increased in tandem with big events in the international community such as Palestine's application to become a member of the UN. Furthermore, the results also showed that the Swedish newspapers’ portrayal of peace differed somewhat from Johan Galtung's description of “peace journalism”. The main difference was that peace journalism focused a lot more on the actions of elites rather than the actions of civilians. The elite persons that appeared in this frame were usually political actors such as the president of The United States and the foreign minister of Sweden.
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Cho, Dong-Ho. "The mode of production in premonarchic Israel." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1991. http://www.tren.com.
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Heller, Avi. "The roots of the Jewish revolt against the British in Palestine." Thesis, Boston University, 1997. https://hdl.handle.net/2144/27672.
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Boston University. University Professors Program Senior theses.PLEASE NOTE: Boston University Libraries did not receive an Authorization To Manage form for this thesis. It is therefore not openly accessible, though it may be available by request. If you are the author or principal advisor of this work and would like to request open access for it, please contact us at open-help@bu.edu. Thank you.
2031-01-02
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Kukali, Elias [Verfasser], Wolfgang [Akademischer Betreuer] Donsbach, Lutz [Akademischer Betreuer] Hagen, and Paul [Gutachter] Whiteley. "Perceptions of the Israel – Palestine conflict: : frames among the public, political stakeholders and media in Palestine and Israel / Elias Kukali ; Gutachter: Paul Whiteley ; Wolfgang Donsbach, Lutz Hagen." Dresden : Saechsische Landesbibliothek- Staats- und Universitaetsbibliothek Dresden, 2017. http://d-nb.info/1125850876/34.
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Reinkowski, Maurus. "Filastin, Filistin und Eretz Israel : die späte osmanische Herrschaft über Palästina in der arabischen, türkischen und israelischen Historiographie /." Berlin : K. Schwarz, 1995. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb357473745.
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Havkin, Shira. "Une terre d’asile sans réfugiés : une socio-histoire du dispositif d’asile israélien." Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017IEPP0031.
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La création de l’État d’Israël est imbriquée dans l’histoire de deux des plus grandes populations de réfugiés de l’époque : des juifs venus s’installer en Israël et des Palestiniens contraints de fuir le territoire. Pourtant, la centralité de ces deux figures a empêché la création de la catégorie de réfugié en Israël. Depuis les années 1970 et surtout depuis la seconde moitié des années 2000, des groupes et individus cherchant asile en Israël se confrontent à un dispositif qui évite de reconnaître des réfugiés. Ce dispositif a été institutionnalisé dans la dernière décennie sans pour autant résoudre le paradoxe d’une terre d’asile sans réfugiés. A partir d’un travail de recherche empirique fondé sur des entretiens avec des acteurs impliqués dans l’établissement du dispositif d’asile et sur une lecture critique de documents officiels, je retrace la socio-histoire de ce dispositif en analysant les modalités de catégorisation, le gouvernement des circulations et les redéploiements de la sphère institutionnelle. Le gouvernement des migrants en quête d’asile s’inscrit certes dans des processus globaux de restriction de l’asile et de diffusion de politiques antimigratoires. Mais il fait aussi partie d’une histoire nationale qui permet l’établissement d’un dispositif répressif ciblant majoritairement les Érythréens et les Soudanais, les qualifiant d’« infiltrés », à l’instar des Arabes qui s’introduisaient sur le territoire devenu israélien dans les années qui ont suivi l’établissement de l’État. Ce dispositif dit l’histoire non linéaire et la construction toujours en cours de l’État et des assemblages contemporains de souveraineté, nationalisme et néolibéralismeThe establishment of the state of Israel is entangled in the stories of two of the largest populations of refugees of its time: Jews who immigrated to Israel and Palestinians forced to leave the same territory during the war. Yet, these two stories prevented the creation of a social and juridical category of refugee in that country. Since the late 1970 and more explicitly, since the mid-2000s, groups and individuals seeking refuge and claiming asylum in Israel encounter a system that avoids recognizing refugees. This system has been formalized and institutionalized during the last decade, keeping its profoundly paradoxical nature, characteristic of a refuge-state without refugees. Drawing on interviews with actors of the Israeli asylum system and on a critical reading of official documents, I outline the social history of the Israeli asylum system. My main argument is that in Israel, the question of governing migrants seeking refuge draws both on global processes of asylum restriction and anti-immigration policies and technologies, and on a long national history, a history of inclusionary and exclusionary dynamics that accompany the creation of the Israeli state. This history resurfaces with the establishment of a repressive system targeting migrants seeking refuge, mostly Eritrean and Sudanese, as “infiltrators”, a term created in order to exclude Arabs who entered the territory of the newly founded state in its first years and to prevent the return of Palestinian refugees. In that sense, studying the Israeli asylum system reveals the non-linear and continuous statecraft, and the contemporary assemblages of sovereignty, nationalism and neo-liberalism
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Biletzki, Michal. "Ambiguous citizenship: the civic status of the Palestinian citizens of Israel." Thesis, Boston University, 2011. https://hdl.handle.net/2144/34457.
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Boston UniversityThis dissertation examines the ambiguous status of the Palestinian citizens of Israel. It focuses on three events: the 1956 Kafar Qasem massacre, the 1976 Land Day events, and the October 2000 shootings. It argues that neither a civic-republican nor a liberal-democratic understanding of the concept of "citizenship" provide an adequate account of the status of this minority. The interplay between these conceptions of citizenship exemplifies the constant tension between Israel's two defining characteristics -- as the Jewish homeland and a liberal-democratic state. The dissertation argues that the political theories of Hannah Arendt and Carl Schmitt offer a more promising articulation of this status. While the state-official responses to these cases vary, they do share one common aspect -- the shooting and killing of Palestinian citizens by state security forces. These point to a clear course taken by the state of setting the lives of its Palestinian inhabitants in constant political and civil unpredictability. The tension between the civic-republican and the liberal-democratic conceptions of citizenship is sufficient to explain some of the inequality endured by the Palestinian minority. Nevertheless, the dissertation will argue that these watershed events in Israeli history point not simply to the inequality of the Palestinian citizens, but raise the troubling question of whether, in effect, Palestinians are treated as citizens at all. The second part of the dissertation draws on the work of Hannah Arendt and Carl Schmitt to explore two alternative ways of analyzing the status of the Palestinian minority. Arendt's understanding of power and violence clarifies the varied outcomes of the cases, and her account of the condition of "statelessness" suggests that the Palestinians' status is better understood as that of stateless-citizens. Carl Schmitt's notion of the "state of exception" provides a troubling articulation of the state's use of a constant sense of emergency. His distinction between "friend" and "enemy" suggests the treatment of the Palestinian citizens is best understood as that of internal enemies. Taken together, these approaches shed light on the reality in which the Palestinians live as citizens, a reality of uncertainty, unpredictability and animosity.
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LONDON, GLORIA ANNE. "DECODING DESIGNS: THE LATE THIRD MILLENNIUM B.C. POTTERY FROM JEBEL QAᶜAQIR (ETHNOARCHAEOLOGY, ISRAEL, BRONZE AGE, CERAMIC TECHNOLOGY)." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/188033.
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The late third millennium B.C. in Israel until recently was known by funerary deposits only. At Jebel Qaᶜaqir, the domestic and funerary remains provide an unprecedented assemblage and permit a reassessment of Early Bronze IV society and events culminating in the collapse of the Early Bronze III urban centers. Historically, pottery studies have focused on chronological issues. After reviewing the history of ceramic analysis in Israel for the past one hundred years, the Jebel Qaᶜaqir collection is presented. Variation in the manufacturing technique and incised patterns are described in detail for the purpose of identifying the work of individual potters. Ethnoarchaeological research of pottery production, especially the Filipino potters of Paradijon, provide the model for this analysis. The nature of the late third millennium B.C. pastoral nomadic society is examined in terms of subsistence strategies and settlement distribution. Inferences regarding social organization drawn from mortuary practices, settlement types and organization of labor challenge the idea that an egalitarian society persisted. Finally, these results provide a new perspective on the events following the collapse of the third millennium B.C. urban centers and the succeeding era of a non-sedentary lifestyle in Israel. The nomadic pastoralists are considered in their regional setting as an integral, indigenous part of Early Bronze Age society. Rather than viewing the pastoralists as a new phenomenon, they are considered as an ever-present characteristic of the urban hinterland.
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Baser, Zeynep. "Contending Approaches To Security In Israel: 1948-2000." Master's thesis, METU, 2008. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/3/12609996/index.pdf.
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This thesis provides an analysis of Israel’
s security conceptions, discourses and practices, in the context of the Arab&
#8211
Israeli conflict in general and the Israeli&
#8211
Palestinian conflict in particular, between 1948 and 2000. The purpose of the study is, to explore those processes through which particular definitions and practices of security have been produced and changed, against the background of the domestic debates and competing worldviews among key political actors
and to highlight the overall impact of these points in different periods on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, and, thus, on Israel&
#8217
s overall security. In this context, it is observed that the debates among the political actors, regarding the future borders and the identity of the state, have played a key role in the construction and reconstruction of Israeli security policy particularly vis-à
-vis the Palestinian problem. Nevertheless, it is also observed that the extent of these differences has been limited to the objectives of the security policy, and that a zero-sum conception of security, and the primacy of military means to confront the perceived threats have prevailed as common characteristics of Israeli security understanding, informing Israel&
#8217
s related practices. Along these lines the thesis considers the Oslo peace process as an anomaly, and tries to assess it within the framework of the continuities and changes it has introduced to thinking and acting about security in Israel.
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Bach, Caroline. "Constructive Nonviolent Action in Israel." Thesis, Malmö högskola, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-22998.
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This study is dedicated to exploring the different types of, and motives for constructive nonviolent action that in direct connection to the ongoing conflict in Israel and Palestine are being implemented by young Israelis. The initiative is based on the belief that hope, recognition and support is highly important for the effectiveness of constructive nonviolent action, by an interest to explore the existing and functioning methods of constructive nonviolent action in an ongoing conflict area and by the will to show the specific conflict in Israel and Palestine from a perspective of positive initiatives taken by active youth. Through in-depth qualitative semi-structured interviews, the perceptions, thoughts and motives that these individuals hold concerning their actions, the reasons to why they are active and the influence that they believe their work might have on the wider society has been explored. Discoursive analysis has been implemented in order to gain a deeper understanding of these narratives and the results found provided an interesting insight into the scene of constructive nonviolent action in Israel as well as a multifaceted diversity within the sample of participants. These results can be used to present an illustration of the complexity of the current political situation in Israel, as well as an example of the many different methods and types of constructive nonviolent action that these young active Israelis choose to engage in.
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Tormová, Barbara. "Varianty riešenia blízkovýchodného konfliktu." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2009. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-15741.
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Main point of my thesis is to analyse the possible variants and plans of solutions the conflict between Israel and Palestine and also the main reasons why both sides are not able to achieve agreement and why niether of plans were not implemented. I do not try to decide which side is right but to provide objective view of conflict and its solutions.
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Goodman, Susan. "An investigation into improving scientific literacy in Israeli university students within an academic English reading programme." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2016. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/65084/.
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The commitment to improving scientific literacy is voiced by governments throughout the world. One of the main objectives is the development of an informed and active citizenry able to participate in decision-making processes concerning socio-scientific issues (SSIs). There is a growing literature which suggests that engaging with the complexity of SSIs demands a high level of critical-thinking skills. These skills include: open-mindedness, independence, and scepticism. This three-year long study attempted to develop an intervention which will, in particular, provide subjects with an ability to be more open-minded, evaluate counter opinions, and respect those holding such opinions. The importance of developing an ability to value the ‘other' emerged from years of teaching academic English within an Israeli university, where initiating fruitful classroom discussion was problematic. The lack of dialogue resulted from individuals voicing strongly held opinions and seeming to be unable to acknowledge, and evaluate opposing views. This project was designed as an action research study. Both quantitative and qualitative data was collected, and analysed within an interpretive framework. As both the researcher and researched, many of my teaching methods were modified during the course of this study, including the introduction of pair-work in class. The study was conducted in three cycles over three consecutive years, primarily with two classes (one humanities and one science) in the pre-academic, mechina, program of an Israeli university. The mechina is a year-long programme and the students I taught had a single semester of English. This meant that three different cohorts of students were studied, (there were always 25-30 students in each class, so about 50 students were studied each year). The classes I taught were proficient in English, and were required to do a research project as part of the course. This project became my intervention. I developed a project based on devil's advocate which required them to choose an SSI that interested them, write a statement of their opinion, and then, much to their astonishment, find evidence to support the counter opinion. I gave a lesson on how to evaluate sources available on the internet. Although the project was set up as a standard research exercise, which is what they expected, the majority of students identified that this project made them more aware of the value of counter opinions – more ‘open-minded'. The primary method for collecting feedback on the project, and on other aspects of my course, utilized a projective technique – students wrote their views anonymously on a piece of paper; these are then analysed by coding the responses. This study also employed questionnaires, which were given to all students. These showed that the majority had little or no science education in high school, and yet registered high levels of interest in science and technology on a three-level Likert item. These findings add support to research that shows the more science studied in high school the lower the interest in the subject. Furthermore, by including a standard VOSTS (Views On Science-Technology-Society) I was able to show that my students believed the general public should participate in governmental decisions relating to SSIs. Responses to open-ended questions showed that most students, including those in the humanities, believed everyone should take science courses at university, and should have science classes in school (though not the current curriculum). In conclusion, this research indicated that interest in science was not related to studying the current school science curriculum. And feedback from the intervention demonstrated that students could be aware of a change in their cognitive skills, and independently acknowledge the importance of being open-minded – an important step towards promoting an active, informed, scientifically literate society.
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Bush, Catherine. "Jerusalem: Boundaries, Spaces, and Heterotopias of Conflict." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/22290.
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This paper aims to tell many different stories about life in Jerusalem. It is, in part, about the human suffering that exists under Israeli occupation. It is about the legitimacy of powerful narratives, despite inaccuracies and contradictions. It is about the resilience and tenacity of various communities on either side of a complex conflict. But primarily, this is a paper about borders: both physical and intangible boundaries that divide and define various communities in Jerusalem.
Boundaries reveal a society through their construction, destruction, and definition of space. Because borders are demonstrated through anecdote, I examine boundaries largely through ethnography, exploring four specific types of boundaries and spaces: physical-political boundaries, boundaries based on cultural identity, gendered spaces, and heterotopias. Political and social shifts occur on boundaries where contact, conflict, and compromise exist. By examining sites that are particularly vulnerable to transition, we can better understand societal change and affect genuine resolution.
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Galai, Yoav. "Transnational constellations of the past." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/12200.
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This dissertation interrogates the political use of the past in global politics, with a focus on Israel/Palestine. Collective memory is mostly theorised in IR as determinant of national identities. Similarly, in the field of Memory Studies, collective memory is mostly confined to “Methodological Nationalism.” My main argument is that while national narratives purport to be stand-alone stories of the past, or monological narratives, they are in fact in constant negotiation with other stories of that past, they are dialogical. Furthermore, their dynamic transcends the boundaries of the nation state and of transnational institutional politics. To encapsulate these cross-narrative intertextual relationships into a framework that would enable productive analysis, I suggest the re-articulation of the dialogical relationships as transnational constellations, which focus first and foremost on the narratives themselves.
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Enav, Yarden B. "Searching for Israeliness in 'No Man's Land' : an ethnographic research of Israeli citizenship in a zionist academic institute in the 'West-Bank' of Israel/Palestine." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/4083.
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This thesis is the result of ethnographic research carried out in an Israeli academic institution, located in the West-Bank of Israel/Palestine. Focusing on the social science department, the research examines the content and context of the study of social anthropology in this institute namely, The Academic College of Judea & Samaria ('The ACJS'), and analyses the ways in which Israeli identity is being understood and imagined by its students. Part One of the thesis examines the broad academic and geo-political context of the study of social anthropology in The Academic College of Judea & Samaria (The ACJS). This part includes three chapters: The first chapter presents an historical analysis of 'Israeli Social Anthropology' as a (Zionist) national tradition of ethnographic research. The second chapter is an introduction to the research of citizenship in Israel/Palestine and to the related concept of Israeliness as a 'culture of citizenship'. It includes an analysis of the West-Bank of Israel/Palestine as a disputed geo-political entity and a (political) no man's land within the international system of nation-states. The third chapter is an outline of the Jewish-Israeli settlement project in the West-Bank of Israel/Palestine, and also introduces the reader to the WB settlers. Part Two of the thesis is ethnographic and includes three chapters. The first chapter is ethnography of the West-Bank settlement-town where the ACJS is located, Ariel 'Settlementown'. This chapter incorporates a new descriptive method in political anthropology or, in the 'anthropology of the political', that of ‘sensing the political’ (Navaro-Yashin, 2003). The second and third chapters of the ethnographic part describe and analyze 'everyday life' in the ACJS itself, focusing on its social sciences department. It examines the way in which social anthropology is taught in the ACJS, and the ways in which Israeli identity is imagined and understood by its students. The summary of the thesis includes a triple hierarchical model of Israeli citizenship, based on this research, as well as suggestions for further research in the field of political anthropology and the anthropology of citizenship. The analytical focus of this research is Israeli citizenship and the concept of Israeliness as a 'culture of citizenship'. The research set itself as a search for the ways in which Israeliness was expressed and practiced in the 'everyday life' of people in the ACJS, and especially among its social science students and faculty. Studying Israeliness as a culture of citizenship implies adopting a new and different way of conceptualizing and understanding Israeli identity. Instead of adopting the Zionist political image of a (Jewish) national community, a view which, as has been the situation also in Israeli Social Anthropology, excludes non-Jewish citizens of Israel, the concept of Israeliness as a 'culture of citizenship' offers a new image of an Israeli political identity/community, one that includes all citizens of the State of Israel, regardless of their ethnic/religious identity and belonging. Thus, it is intended that the main contribution of this thesis will be to 'Israeli Social Anthropology' in filling these methodological and theoretical Lacunae, and in showing a way out of what appears to be a conceptual dead-end which it had reached concerning the interpretation and representation of Israeli identity. This intention seems even more advisable in the particular case of Israel/Palestine, where an adoption of the more inclusive discourse of 'citizenship' might contribute towards ‘Peace Education’, so much needed today as part of the long-term efforts to resolve the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.
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Ross, Sasha A. Ellis Marc H. "The dilemma of justice how religion influences the political environment of post-1948 Israel and Palestine /." Waco, Tex. : Baylor University, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/2104/3006.
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Abu, Zahra Nadia. "Legal geographies in Palestine: identity documentation, dispossession, repression and resistance." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.491590.
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