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Journal articles on the topic 'Israel and Palestine'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 18 February 2022

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1

Ruebner, Josh. "Obama's Legacy on Israel/Palestine." Journal of Palestine Studies 46, no. 1 (2016): 50–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2016.46.1.50.

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This retrospective assessment argues that despite the arrival in office in 2009 of a president who articulated the case for Palestinian rights more strongly and eloquently than any of his predecessors, U.S. official policy in the Obama years skewed heavily in favor of Israel. While a negotiated two-state resolution of the conflict between Israel and the Palestinians continued to be the formal goal of the United States, Israel's defiant refusal to stop settlement expansion, the administration's determined actions to perpetuate Israeli impunity in international fora, as well as the U.S. taxpayer's hefty subsidy of the Israeli military machine all ensured that no progress could be made on that score. The author predicts that with all hopes of a negotiated two-state solution now shattered, Obama's successor will have to contend with an entirely new paradigm, thanks in no small part to the gathering momentum of the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) movement.

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2

Kahan, Emmanuel Nicolás. "Progressive Jews in Argentina and the Arab-Israeli Conflict: Stances on the Six-Day War (1967)." Latin American Perspectives 46, no. 3 (February 7, 2019): 42–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x19828736.

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Since the 1947 United Nations resolution on the partition of Palestine and, subsequently, the Israeli Declaration of Independence in 1948, the Israeli-Palestinian issue has played a powerful role in Argentine public space that has not found a concomitant response in academia. The stance with regard to the 1967 Six-Day War taken by an institution that promotes itself as representative of progressive Argentine Jews, the Idisher Cultur Farband (Argentine Federation of Jewish Cultural Institutions—ICUF), undermined certain meanings, ties of solidarity, and modes of representation held by a diversity of actors regarding the existence and legitimacy of the State of Israel. Desde la resolución de 1947 de las Naciones Unidas sobre la partición de Palestina y, posteriormente, la Declaración de Independencia de Israel en 1948, el problema israelí-palestino ha desempeñado un papel importante en el espacio público argentino que no ha encontrado una respuesta concomitante en el mundo académico. La postura con respecto a la Guerra de los Seis Días de 1967 tomada por una institución que se promueve a sí misma como representante de los judíos progresistas argentinos, el Idisher Cultur Farband (Federación Argentina de Instituciones Culturales Judías—ICUF), socavó ciertos significados, vínculos de solidaridad y modos de representación de una diversidad de actores con respecto a la existencia y legitimidad del Estado de Israel.

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3

de Oliveira, Luciana Garcia. "An Old Diaspora: Histories of Militancy by Palestinians with a Northeastern Accent." Latin American Perspectives 46, no. 3 (February 7, 2019): 71–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x19828381.

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Most of the Palestinians who arrived in the cities of Northeastern Brazil came during the time of the Ottoman Empire in the nineteenth century, especially after the travels of Emperor Dom Pedro II. The arrival of Palestinians before the founding of the State of Israel in 1948 made many Palestinians and their descendants indifferent to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The situation changed in the 1980s as a result of the worsening situation of Palestinians in Lebanon, when the Palestine-Brazil Cultural Center was established in the city of Olinda, Pernambuco, and the deputy Raymundo Asfora made many speeches in defense of the Palestinian cause. These militant actions served as an inspiration for new generations of Palestinians born in Brazil. A maioria dos palestinos que chegaram à algumas cidades do nordeste brasileiro vieram durante a vigência do Império Turco Otomano, em pleno século XIX, sobretudo após as viagens do imperador do Brasil, Dom Pedro II ao Oriente Médio. A chegada dos palestinos antes da fundação do Estado de Israel (1948) foi determinante para que muitos palestinos e descentes fossem indiferentes ao conflito Israel-Palestina. A situação mudou, mais tarde, na década de 1980, durante o agravamento da situação dos palestinos no Líbano. Foi inaugurado o Centro Cultural Palestina-Brasil na cidade de Olinda, PE, e o deputado Raymundo Asfora realizava muitos discursos públicos em defesa da causa palestina. Essas ações militantes serviram de inspiração para as novas gerações de palestinos nascidos no Brasil.

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4

Palamarenko, Evgenii V. "TRENDS IN THE DEVELOPMENT OF ECONOMIC RELATIONS OF ISRAEL IN THE MIDDLE EAST." Today and Tomorrow of Russian Economy, no. 98 (2019): 13–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.26653/1993-4947-2019-98-02.

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The lack of Russian-language research on the features of the economic development of Israel as an OECD member state underlines the urgent need to identify new trends in the Israeli economy. Not taking into account the existing variety of humanitarian studies, and especially the concentration of studies on the political history of Israel and its modern component, we can recognize a clear lack of work that would cover Israeli economy. Current trends in Israeli trade relations, which have begun to make the mselves clear, require both consideration of effective trade and economic interaction between Israel and Palestine, and identification of the peculiarities of hidden regional trade and economic ties. Israel and Palestine are in close cooperation on the exchange of labor and goods, despite the lack of a political settlement. For Palestine, Israel is a major trading partner, and Palestine plays a key security role for Israel. The second important aspect in covering new trends in the Israeli economy may be the need to study the nascent format of cooperation between Israel and the Middle East. The article explores the specifics of economic relations between Israel and the countries of the Middle East, reveals the growing role of economic relations between Israel and the countries of the region.

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5

Ivekovic, Ivan. "Israel and the bantustanization of Palestine." Medjunarodni problemi 54, no. 4 (2002): 408–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp0204408i.

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Contrary to repeated statements that Israel is a 'democratic state,' the author argues that it is an ethnocratic state. From its inception it has established a system of legal, political, residential and economic segregation of its Palestinian citizens. Since Israel has occupied the West Bank, Jerusalem and the Gaza Strip in 1967, these were subjected to a systematic Jewish colonization and Judaization, which were met with Palestinian resistance. Both created a spiral of political violence. Israel's 'industrial' state terror is now confronted with 'artisan's'' terror of frustrated Palestinian groups. The author is of the opinion that a highly defective 'peace' deal offered by the Israeli government of Ariel Sharon would have transformed the Palestinian state entity in a Bantustan-like cluster of would-be 'autonomous areas'.

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6

Dias, Stéphane. "A paz pede arte: Os diálogos de paz e seus agentes." Malala 6, no. 9 (July 28, 2018): 91–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/issn.2446-5240.malala.2018.148427.

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Este artigo explora uma agenda de pesquisa teórico-aplicada no âmbito das ciências da linguagem. Como parte da pesquisa, apresentaremos nossa análise de um diálogo, disponibilizado pelo projeto The Palestine Papers, entre negociadores do Estado de Israel e da Organização para a Libertação da Palestina. Abordaremos, assim, um objeto teórico (agência dialógica) e um objeto empírico (diálogos de paz israelo-palestinos). E, a partir do arsenal teórico proposto, dos problemas levantados na análise e de uma proposta de pacificação tomada como base, defenderemos um cenário alternativo de mediação, cujo núcleo é o uso de novos agentes e novas linguagens.

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7

Ghanem, As'ad. "The Binational Idea in Palestine and Israel: Historical Roots and Contemporary Debate." Holy Land Studies 1, no. 1 (September 2002): 61–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hls.2002.0004.

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This article deals with the question of binationality in the Israeli Jewish–Palestinian framework in Israel/Palestine. The first part presents the relevant theoretical background, and the second sets forth the guidelines which lead one to think that the binational concept in Israel/Palestine is the only possible solution. The third part discusses the historical roots for the progress of the idea in Jewish and Palestinian thought. The fourth enumerates the forces preventing a separation between Israel and the West Bank and Gaza Strip, leading to the need to consider a solution based on establishing a common political framework. The fifth part evaluates the support for and the opposition to this idea and its prospects of being accepted among the Israeli and Palestinian publics. The final part presents general guidelines for a binational settlement between Israeli Jews and Palestinian Arabs in the joint state of Israel–Palestine.

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8

Brown, Rachel H. "Reproducing the national family: kinship claims, development discourse and migrant caregivers in Palestine/Israel." Feminist Theory 20, no. 3 (March 13, 2019): 247–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1464700119833039.

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This article probes the politics of the migrant caregiver/citizen-employer relationship in Palestine/Israel as it unfolds within the Jewish-Israeli home. Based on interviews with migrants from the Philippines, Nepal, India and Sri Lanka and their Jewish-Israeli employers, I examine how Israel’s ethno-racially hierarchical citizenship regime and the transnational gendering and racialisation of carework manifest in this relationship. I begin by situating migrant women working as caregivers within the legal and political context of Palestine/Israel, delineating how gendered constructions of the Jewish-Israeli woman uphold the borders of the nation and paint non-Jewish migrant women as reproductively threatening. I then analyse two common tropes among citizen-employers in describing migrant caregivers. The first, what I term the ‘kinship trope’, characterizes them as ‘one of the family’, obscuring the ethno-racial basis of the state. I show how this trope contrasts sharply with Zionist settler colonial rhetoric portraying Jewish-Israelis as ‘one big family’. The second trope represents migrant women as individual agents of economic development and Israel as a market-driven, neoliberal society that is equally a state for all its citizens. By depicting Israel as a ‘modern’, ‘progressive’ state that is an exemplar of gender equality, this trope again masks the ethno-racial basis of citizenship, as well as gender disparities. Finally, I argue for a feminist approach to migrant carework that accounts for the ways neoliberal labour formations are mediated by gendered racisms specific to a particular state’s racial nation-building project.

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9

Beckerleg, Susan. "African Bedouin in Palestine." African and Asian Studies 6, no. 3 (2007): 289–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920907x212240.

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AbstractThe changing ethnic identity and origins of people of Bedouin and African origin living in southern Israel and the Gaza Strip are explored in this paper. For thousands of years, and into the twentieth century, slaves were captured in Africa and transported to Arabia. Negev Bedouin in Palestine owned slaves, many of whom were of African origin. When Israel was created in 1948 some of these people of African origin became refugees in Gaza, while others remained in the Negev and became Israeli citizens. With ethnic identity a key factor in claims and counter claims to land in Palestine/Israel, African slave origins are not stressed. The terminology of ethnicity and identity used by people of African origin and other Palestinians is explored, and reveals a consciousness of difference and rejection of the label abed or slave/black person.

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10

Chammah, Maurice. "Israel and Palestine." Cornell Internation Affairs Review 2, no. 1 (November 1, 2008): 29–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.37513/ciar.v2i1.339.

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At a time when large scale political visions regarding the Israeli-Palestinian impasse have become subsumed by day to day concerns and a peace process losing in credibility, many Israelis and Palestinians nevertheless discuss a range of possible final statuses for their respective populations and nations. This article shows how the idea of two states living side by side has been increasingly challenged in the recent past, both by ideologies on the left and right and by “facts on the ground,” leading many to consider a range of possibilities involving a single state.

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11

DE WAART, Paul J. I. M. "Israel vs. Palestine." Studies in Interreligious Dialogue 11, no. 2 (July 1, 2001): 148–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/sid.11.2.519022.

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12

Tawil-Souri, Helga. "Mapping Israel–Palestine." Political Geography 31, no. 1 (January 2012): 57–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.polgeo.2011.10.003.

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13

Jacobson, David M. "Palestine and Israel." Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 313 (February 1999): 65–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1357617.

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14

Richardson, John E., and Leon Barkho. "REPORTING ISRAEL/PALESTINE." Journalism Studies 10, no. 5 (October 2009): 594–622. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14616700802653057.

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15

Holdstock, Douglas. "Israel and Palestine." Medicine, Conflict and Survival 19, no. 1 (January 2003): 49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13623690308409665.

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16

Delvoie, Louis A. "Review: Palestine/Israel." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 57, no. 2 (June 2002): 318–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070200205700212.

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17

Bisharat, George E. "Mobilizing Palestinians in support of one state." Contemporary Arab Affairs 2, no. 4 (October 1, 2009): 552–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550910903236725.

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This article examines the challenges to mobilizing Palestinians in support of a single democratic state in Palestine/Israel. The current fragmentation and diversity of outlooks among Palestinians demands a segmented approach, particularly toward Palestinian citizens of Israel, refugees living outside of historic Palestine, and those suffering under Israeli military occupation. Appeals to the Palestinian political class, nationalists, and Islamists, are also considered.

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18

Kuruvilla, Samuel J. "Palestinian Christian Politics in Comparative Perspective: The Case of Jerusalem's Churches and the Indigenous Arab Christians." Holy Land Studies 10, no. 2 (November 2011): 199–228. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hls.2011.0015.

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The rapid development of the Palestinian national struggle from a rebel guerrilla movement in the 1960s and 1970s to an organisation with many of the attributes of an organised state in the 1980s and 1990s contributed to the politicisation of the Palestinian Christian church in Palestine-Israel. During this period, certain Israeli policies that included land confiscations, church and property destruction, building restrictions and a consequent mass emigration of the faithful, all contributed to a new restrictive climate of political intolerance being faced by the churches. The 1990s and 2000s saw the start and doom of the Oslo ‘peace process’ between Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organisation as well as the fruition of many Israeli territorial and settlement policies regarding the Old City and mainly Arab-inhabited East Jerusalem as well as the West Bank of historic Palestine. Church-State relations plummeted to their lowest point in decades during this period. The results of the suspicion and distrust created by these experiences continue to dog the mutual relations of Israelis, Palestinian Christians and Muslims in the Holy Land.

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19

Scholz, Norbert. "Bibliography of Recent Works." Journal of Palestine Studies 49, no. 2 (2020): 119–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2020.49.2.119.

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This section lists literature and reviews of books relevant to Palestine and the Arab-Israeli conflict. Entries are classified under the following headings: Palestine in Global and Comparative Perspectives; Palestine and the Palestinians; Literature and the Arts; Middle East and the Arab World; Israel and Zionism; and Recent Theses and Dissertations.

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20

Michaeli, Inna. "Immigrating into the Occupation: Russian-Speaking Women in Palestinian Societies." Feminist Review 120, no. 1 (November 2018): 20–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/s41305-018-0136-5.

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Social researchers have extensively addressed the immigration of one million Russian speakers to Israel/Palestine over the past twenty-five years. However, the immigrants’ incorporation into the Israeli occupation regime and the ongoing colonisation of Palestine have rarely been questioned as such. In the interviews informing this article, Russian-speaking immigrant women living in Arab-Palestinian communities discuss their complex relations with Palestinian, Jewish-Israeli and Russian-Israeli communities. Sharing a background with Russian-speaking Jewish Israelis on the one hand, and marital kinship ties to Palestinians on the other, these women encounter multiple boundaries of territory and identity in their everyday lives. Drawing on feminist border thinking, I explore these encounters as a navigation through geopolitical and epistemic borderlands in a dense colonial reality. I am particularly interested in the potential of such an exploration to question essentialism and destabilise binary ethno-national categories of identity, such as Arab/Jew and Israeli/Palestinian, that dominate not only hegemonic but also emancipatory discourses. These binary divisions are not a straightforward outcome of political regimes but rather the result of ongoing border-making processes, which are vulnerable to disorder and disruption. This perspective aims to enrich understandings of the roles that gendered ethno-national identities play in sustaining the colonial relations of power in Israel/Palestine.

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21

Browne, Brendan Ciarán. "Disrupting Settler-Colonialism or Enforcing the Liberal ‘Peace’? Transitional (In)justice in Palestine-Israel." Journal of Holy Land and Palestine Studies 20, no. 1 (May 2021): 1–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hlps.2021.0255.

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The growing interest in ‘During Conflict Justice’ (DCJ) in areas experiencing ongoing, sustained violent ‘conflict’ has further demonstrated the confluence between transitional justice and liberal peacebuilding approaches. Nowhere so is this more evident than in the case of Palestine-Israel where an ongoing process of Israeli settler-colonialism in historic Palestine continues, with the further spotlighting of ‘justice’ issues that are longstanding and unresolved. This article critiques the application of TJ/DCJ in Palestine-Israel and calls for a radicalisation of its application so as to ensure a platforming of conversation around decolonisation. It does so by critiquing the impact of discourse, specifically the framing of the ‘conflict’ and focuses on the nefarious role of a liberal peace building agenda in Palestine-Israel, a process that has embedded a deeply unjust and inequitable status quo. An insight into several ‘top-down’ and ‘bottom-up’ strategies of TJ/DCJ in Palestine-Israel is provided, with the conclusion reached that; any TJ/DCJ praxis that does not platform meaningful conversation around decolonisation in the region will ultimately amount to the individualisation of ‘justice’ whilst failing to address root causes.

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22

Badarin, Emile. "Palestine." Conflict and Society 3, no. 1 (June 1, 2017): 227–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/arcs.2017.030116.

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This article explores the theoretical bases of the Israel-Palestine peace process to see how that impacts peacebuilding and everyday life in Palestine. It begins by examining the lens through which classical and contemporary realist and liberal thought approaches peace, nonpeace, war, and peacebuilding. Second, it examines how knowledge production on peacebuilding has been applied in the Israel-Palestine peace process based on selected confidential documents from the negotiations’ record that was made available in the so-called Palestine Papers published by the Al Jazeera Transparency Unit in 2011. My analysis of this source reveals how an embedded security and market metaphor regulated the Israel-Palestine peace negotiations. I argue that in an ambiguous context of decades-long negotiations, the results are in effect a “buyout” in which security is understood in exclusionary terms by the powerful side.

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23

Shutek, Jennifer. "Romanticizing the Land: Agriculturally Imagined Communities in Palestine-Israel." Illumine: Journal of the Centre for Studies in Religion and Society Graduate Students Association 12, no. 1 (November 14, 2014): 14–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.18357/illumine121201313323.

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This paper argues that images, and specifically agricultural images, play a significant role in the imaginings of the Israeli and Palestinian communities. Agriculture has symbolic and material value among Palestinians and Israelis, and contributes to identities and land claims made by Zionist and Palestinian organizations. Anderson’s discussion of nation building emphasizes the primacy of print in the imagination of a community; this paper highlights non-textual elements of nation building via case studies of the creation and dissemination of propaganda posters by the Jewish National Fund and the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine. A survey of propagandistic agricultural images reveals the shared symbols used by Palestinians and Israelis in forging identities and exclusive claims to land. Despite being common symbols from a shared past, agricultural images are crucial in creating and perpetuating a divide between Israelis and Palestinians, and in arguing for organic links between each group and the land of Palestine-Israel.

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Scholz, Norbert. "Bibliography of Periodical Literature." Journal of Palestine Studies 48, no. 1 (2018): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2018.48.1.s2.

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This bibliography lists articles and reviews of books relevant to Palestine and the Arab-Israeli conflict from the quarter 16 May–15 August 2018. Entries are classified under the following headings: Palestine in Global and Comparative Perspectives; Palestine and the Palestinians; Literature and the Arts; Middle East and the Arab World; Israel and Zionism; and Recent Theses and Dissertations.

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Scholz, Norbert. "Bibliography of Periodical Literature." Journal of Palestine Studies 48, no. 2 (2019): 114–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2019.48.2.114.

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This bibliography lists articles and reviews of books relevant to Palestine and the Arab-Israeli conflict from the quarter 16 August–15 November 2018. Entries are classified under the following headings: Palestine in Global and Comparative Perspectives; Palestine and the Palestinians; Literature and the Arts; Middle East and the Arab World; Israel and Zionism; and Recent Dissertations.

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Scholz, Norbert. "Bibliography of Periodical Literature." Journal of Palestine Studies 48, no. 3 (2019): 123–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2019.48.3.123.

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This bibliography lists articles and reviews of books relevant to Palestine and the Arab-Israeli conflict from the quarter 16 November 2018–15 February 2019. Entries are classified under the following headings: Palestine in Global and Comparative Perspectives; Palestine and the Palestinians; Literature and the Arts; Middle East and the Arab World; Israel and Zionism; and Recent Dissertations.

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Scholz, Norbert. "Recent Works." Journal of Palestine Studies 48, no. 4 (2019): 153–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2019.48.4.153.

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This bibliography lists articles and reviews of books relevant to Palestine and the Arab-Israeli conflict from the quarter 16 February–15 May 2019. Entries are classified under the following headings: Palestine in Global and Comparative Perspectives; Palestine and the Palestinians; Literature and the Arts; Middle East and the Arab World; Israel and Zionism; and Recent Theses and Dissertations.

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Scholz, Norbert. "Bibliography of Recent Works." Journal of Palestine Studies 49, no. 1 (2019): 141–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2019.49.1.141.

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This bibliography lists articles and reviews of books relevant to Palestine and the Arab-Israeli conflict from the quarter 16 May–15 August 2019. Entries are classified under the following headings: Palestine in Global and Comparative Perspectives; Palestine and the Palestinians; Literature and the Arts; Middle East and the Arab World; Israel and Zionism; and Recent Theses and Dissertations.

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Scholz, Norbert. "Bibliography of Recent Works." Journal of Palestine Studies 49, no. 3 (2020): 105–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2020.49.3.105.

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This bibliography lists articles and reviews of books relevant to Palestine and the Arab-Israeli conflict from the quarter 16 November–16 February 2020. Entries are classified under the following headings: Palestine in Global and Comparative Perspectives; Palestine and the Palestinians; Literature and the Arts; Middle East and the Arab World; Israel and Zionism; and Recent Theses and Dissertations.

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Scholz, Norbert. "Bibliography of Recent Works." Journal of Palestine Studies 49, no. 4 (2020): 168–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2020.49.4.168.

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This bibliography lists articles and reviews of books relevant to Palestine and the Arab-Israeli conflict from the quarter 16 February–15 May 2020. Entries are classified under the following headings: Palestine in Global and Comparative Perspectives; Palestine and the Palestinians; Literature and the Arts; Middle East and the Arab World; Israel and Zionism; and Recent Theses and Dissertations.

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Aruri, Naseer H. "The Israel–Palestine Peace Process: Proposals towards Justice." Holy Land Studies 2, no. 2 (March 2004): 146–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hls.2004.0004.

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Since 1948, numerous UN resolutions uphold the fundamental rights of the Palestinians. At every point, however, redress has been pre-empted by Israeli diplomatic maneuvering. This was bolstered by the ‘peace process’, which bypassed the original and subsequent injustices. The Oslo Process did not address issues of justice, but could have led to the realization of Zionism's strategic goals. Rather than acknowledging its own responsibilities for the Nakba, Israel blamed the victims, who have received neither admission of Israel's responsibility nor apology. In this Orwellian world order it is the victims who must atone. It is argued here that, rather than looking to the big powers for redress, the Palestinians should build an international grassroots movement working with others to bring about justice.

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Reich, Bernard. "JOSEPH HELLER, The Birth of Israel, 1945–1949: Ben-Gurion and His Critics (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2000). Pp. 379. $49.95." International Journal of Middle East Studies 34, no. 1 (February 2002): 152–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743802321068.

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Joseph Heller, associate professor of international relations at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem who has previously written about the transition from the Palestine Mandate to Israel (including a study of the Stern Gang and of Zionist politics in the pre-state period), examines a period of great interest to students of contemporary Middle Eastern history and politics, as well as to those who focus on Zionism, Israel, and the Arab–Israeli conflict. He analyzes the internal decision-making of the Zionist Yishuv (Jewish community in Palestine) leadership in Jerusalem from the end of World War II until the armistice agreements at the termination of the first Arab–Israeli War (the Israeli War of Independence; al-Nakba for the Arabs)—in other words, the events leading to and immediately following the creation of the State of Israel.

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Medien, Kathryn. "Palestine in Deleuze." Theory, Culture & Society 36, no. 5 (January 12, 2019): 49–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263276418816369.

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In the late 1970s and early 1980s French philosopher Gilles Deleuze authored a series of articles in which he reflected on the formation of the state of Israel and its subsequent dispossession and colonisation of Palestine and the Palestinian people. Naming the state of Israel as a colonial state, Deleuze’s under-discussed texts connect Israel’s programme of colonisation to that of the United States and the persisting dispossession of indigenous peoples. In so doing, this article argues, Deleuze offers an analysis of the development of capitalism that takes seriously its relation to colonial violence. Having called attention to Deleuze’s writings on Palestine, the conclusion of this article asks why these texts have been marginalised by Deleuze scholars. It asks how we might think of this marginalisation as contributing to the subjugation of Palestinian life, and as indicative of how relations of colonialism structure western social theory.

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Yang, Connie. "Staging Israel/Palestine: The geopolitical imaginaries of international tourism." Environment and Planning C: Politics and Space 38, no. 6 (March 29, 2020): 1075–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2399654420915573.

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This article argues that the curation of particular geopolitical imaginaries of Israel/Palestine for international tourists can legitimize and naturalize the violence of the Israeli state project. Juxtaposing the cases of Tel Aviv-Jaffa and the West Bank, I analyze the discourses and embodied practices that produce imaginative geographies through processes of spatial distancing and temporal fixing. The dominant imaginary in Tel Aviv-Jaffa incorporates Israel into a westernized geography of Europe, while the dominant imaginary of the West Bank emphasizes its location in an Orientalized Middle East. The cultivation of these tourist landscapes as entirely disparate places works to obscure how both are constitutive of a single Israeli regime, contributing to the public secret that separates the occupation of the West Bank from Israel as a democratic state. By examining how seemingly apolitical tourist practices are entangled with geopolitical violence, this article reveals the complicity of international tourism in sustaining Israeli settler colonial dispossession and military occupation.

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35

Troen. "Israeli Views of the Land of Israel/Palestine." Israel Studies 18, no. 2 (2013): 100. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/israelstudies.18.2.100.

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SHURRAB, AMER. "Israeli Elections Won’t End Oppression in Palestine/Israel:." Tikkun 30, no. 4 (2015): 39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/08879982-3328853.

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Bhat, Mohd Shafi. "Israel-Palestine Contentious Issues." Research Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 8, no. 4 (2017): 433. http://dx.doi.org/10.5958/2321-5828.2017.00063.8.

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Crowley, Peter. "Consociation for Israel-Palestine." Peace Review 32, no. 1 (January 2, 2020): 71–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10402659.2020.1823569.

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Garfield, Richard. "Palestine, Israel, and Araz." Lancet 361, no. 9372 (May 2003): 1908. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0140-6736(03)13515-5.

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Long, Joanna. "Geographies of Palestine-Israel." Geography Compass 5, no. 5 (May 2011): 262–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1749-8198.2011.00419.x.

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Abdel-Qader, Selma, and Tanya Lee Roberts-Davis. "Toxic Occupation: Leveraging the Basel Convention in Palestine." Journal of Palestine Studies 47, no. 2 (2018): 28–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2018.47.2.28.

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Reports by UN-affiliated institutions, human rights organizations, academic researchers, and individual community members, as well as Palestine's Environment Quality Authority (EQA), point to the continuing transfer to the West Bank of hazardous wastes from inside Israel, and by illegal Israeli settlement industries operating in the occupied Palestinian territory (oPt). Such transfers occur in contravention of the Geneva Conventions and of binding multilateral environmental agreements such as the Basel Convention on the Control of Transboundary Movements of Hazardous Wastes and Their Disposal, to which both Israel and Palestine are party. This article argues that despite inherent limitations, there are opportunities for leveraging the Basel Convention to hold accountable perpetrators, given the severe environmental, health, and human rights consequences of the uncontrolled movement and disposal of waste on the Palestinian population in the oPt. To date, such opportunities have remained largely unexplored both in academia and by broader sectors of civil society.

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Handel, Ariel, and Hilla Dayan. "Multilayered surveillance in Israel/Palestine: Dialectics of inclusive exclusion." Surveillance & Society 15, no. 3/4 (August 9, 2017): 471–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.24908/ss.v15i3/4.6643.

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The paper examines the surveillance apparatuses in Israel/Palestine as mechanisms aiming to secure support for the Israeli regime, and to preserve its domination over the entire territory in dispute. We analyze three layers of surveillance: "exclusionary surveillance" towards Palestinians; "normalizing surveillance" towards Jewish-Israeli citizens; and finally, “globalizing surveillance” using Zionist constituencies as agents for building a “domain of defense” for Israel in their own countries. Taking into consideration these power and surveillance dispositives we draw insights on the global authoritarian turn and suggest a post-Foucauldian transnational approach to the study of the relations between surveillance, socialization, and subjectification processes.

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Nestel, Sheryl. "Israel and Palestine out of the Ashes." American Journal of Islam and Society 21, no. 2 (April 1, 2004): 98–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v21i2.1793.

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During the more than 37-year brutal Israeli occupation of the West Bankand Gaza, the numbers of North American Jews voicing their oppositionin public have been dispiritingly small. Since the outbreak of the secondIntifada in September 2000, however, Jewish anti-occupation activistshave become a visible political presence in Jewish politics in the UnitedStates and Canada. Such groups as Brit Zedek V’Shalom, the TikkunCommunity, and Junity (Jewish Unity for a Just Peace) have spawneddozens of regional chapters across North America. Local groups such asNot In My Name (Chicago), Jewish Voices against the Occupation(Seattle), and Jews for Global Justice (Portland, Oregon) have sprung upspontaneously in almost every major North American city. Numerous adhoc responses have emerged as well. For example, an “Open Letter fromAmerican Jews,” proclaiming opposition to Israeli government policies inthe Occupied Territories and bearing 4,000 signatures, has appeared as afull-page advertisement in The New York Times as well as in a dozen moreAmerican and British newspapers.While very few of these groups would identify themselves as religiouslyobservant, almost all have invoked a Jewish ethical tradition ofsocial justice, derived from Jewish texts and rabbinical tradition, to maketheir political point. In his most recent book, Israel and Palestine out of theAshes, Jewish theologian Marc Ellis posits a more deeply consequentialconnection between Jewish history, Jewish ethics, and the occupation.According to Ellis, Director of the Center for American and Jewish Studiesat Baylor University (Waco, Texas), Israel’s displacement and dispossessionof the Palestinian people constitutes such a fundamental transgressionof Jewish ethics and morality that it threatens to render Judaism, a religious ...

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Burrell, David B. "Competing Narratives: Philosophical Reflections on the Palestinian-Israeli Conflict." Holy Land Studies 2, no. 1 (September 2003): 73–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hls.2003.0011.

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Assessing competing narratives is central to our understanding of the current crisis in the Holy Land. The histories of the region give us invaluable perspectives, which, in turn, take the form of stories. The stories attending nation-building, such as ‘socialist pioneers’ ‘making the desert bloom’, effectively have shaped the world's perception of the fledgling State of Israel, obscuring even the faces of the indigenous people of Palestine (not to mention their 1948 Nakba catastrophe). The same mindset, tragically, continues to prevail among American media: lines of questioning by the ‘anchor persons’ on the evening news simply presume that Israel is ‘us’ and Palestine ‘them’, no matter how ‘fair’ the presenters try to be. This article is a philosophical attempt to reflect on the evolution of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, giving both the historical background and the political context within which the current tragedy in Palestine-Israel is unfolding.

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Al-Bazz, Ahmad, and Shachaf Polakow. "When colonised and ‘Colonisers’ cooperate to decolonise: Activestills Collective of Palestine/Israel." Critical and Radical Social Work 9, no. 2 (August 1, 2021): 307–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/204986021x16215162369547.

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Activestills is a political photography collective founded in 2005 in Palestine/Israel that consists of a small group of Palestinian, Israeli and international documentary photographers. The collective dedicates photography as a means to confront what it calls the Israeli settler-colonial project in the region of Palestine. Ahmad Al-Bazz, born in 1993, a Palestinian member of the collective, and Shachaf Polakow, born in Beer Sheva, his Israeli colleague, write a joint piece to reflect on their cooperation at Activestills (see: <uri xlink:href="https://www.Activestills.org">https://www.Activestills.org</uri>).

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Zhen, Wang, Alfred Tovias, Peter Bergamin, Menachem Klein, Tally Kritzman-Amir, and Pnina Peri. "Book Reviews." Israel Studies Review 35, no. 1 (March 1, 2020): 109–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/isr.2020.350108.

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Aron Shai, China and Israel: Chinese, Jews; Beijing, Jerusalem (1890–2018) (Boston: Academic Studies Press, 2019), 270 pp. Hardback, $90.00. Paperback, $29.95.Raffaella A. Del Sarto, Israel under Siege: The Politics of Insecurity and the Rise of the Israeli Neo-Revisionist Right (Washington, DC: Georgetown University Press, 2017), 298 pp. Paperback, $26.94.Dan Tamir, Hebrew Fascism in Palestine, 1922–1942 (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2018), 210 pp. Hardback, $99.99.Alan Dowty, Arabs and Jews in Ottoman Palestine: Two Worlds Collide (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2019), 312 pp. Hardback, $65.00.Guy Ben-Porat and Fany Yuval, Policing Citizens: Minority Policy in Israel (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2019), 250 pp. Hardback, $89.99.Deborah Golden, Lauren Erdreich, and Sveta Roberman, Mothering, Education and Culture: Russian, Palestinian and Jewish Middle-Class Mothers in Israeli Society (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2017), 225 pp. Hardback, $114.25.

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Mohd Yunus, Anas, Najihah Abd Wahid, and Wan Saifuldin Wan Hassan. "Hukum Boikot Barangan Israel Berdasarkan kepada Fiqh Al-Jihad." Journal of Fatwa Management and Research 4, no. 1 (October 9, 2018): 135–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.33102/jfatwa.vol4no1.98.

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This study is to determine the law to the boycott of Israeli goods based on the discipline of jihad fi sabilillah. The boycott of Israeli goods is a campaign to avoid purchasing particular goods from the producers that support the Zionist Regime through their financial, investment and moral. It is driven by the Muslims to support the Palestinian people and protest the Zionist Regime who killed Palestinians and confiscated their lands, especially in series of intifada by Palestinian and the attacks on Gaza. This study evaluates the boycott’s law from the perspective of Fiqh al-Jihad and looking into the changes between fard ain and fard kifayah influenced by certain factors and conditions. This is due to the confusion among people about the jihad in Palestine, especially when involving the boycott. Thus, an enlightenment on the issue is very important to be evaluated scientifically. The study employed qualitative research using documentary reference method as the primary method. The data were analyzed using content analysis method by applying Usul Fiqh as the basis of the discussion while referring to the debates of the existing fiqh (jurisprudence). The results showed that in general, the law to the boycott of Israeli products and those who support them become fard ain on every Muslim. Keywords : Boycott, Palestine, jihad, fard ain, fard kifayah Abstrak Kajian ini adalah untuk menentukan hukum boikot barangan Israel berdasarkan kepada disiplin jihad fi sabilillah. Boikot barangan Israel merupakan satu kempen pemulauan pembelian barangan khususnya ke atas barangan pengeluar-pengeluar yang menyokong rejim Zionis Israel melalui sokongan dana, pelaburan dan moral. Ia digerakkan oleh umat Islam untuk memberikan sokongan kepada rakyat Palestin dan membantah perbuatan rejim Zionis yang membunuh rakyat Palestin dan merampas tanah-tanah mereka terutamanya dalam siri-siri intifadah dan serangan ke atas Gaza. Kajian ini menilai hukum boikot daripada perspektif fiqh al-jihad dan melihat perubahan-perubahan hukum fardu ain dan fardu kifayah berikutan faktor-faktor keadaan dan tempat. Ini berikutan berlaku kekeliruan terhadap kedudukan jihad di Palestin khususnya yang melibatkan boikot. Justeru, satu pencerahan berkaitan isu ini amat penting untuk dinilai secara ilmiah. Kajian berbentuk kualitatif dengan menggunakan kaedah rujukan dokumen sebagai kaedah utama. Data dianalisis menggunakan kaedah analisis kandungan dengan mengaplikasikan kaedah usul fiqh sebagai teras utama di samping merujuk kepada perbahasan-perbahasan fiqh yang sedia ada. Hasil kajian menunjukkan secara umumnya, hukum boikot barangan Israel dan pendukung-pendukungnya menjadi fardu ain ke atas setiap umat Islam. Kata kunci : Boikot, Palestin, jihad, fardu ain, fardu kifayah

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Haddad, Mahmoud O. "Colonizing Palestine." Contemporary Arab Affairs 13, no. 2 (June 2020): 100–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/caa.2020.13.2.100.

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This study compiles historical information to highlight the role played by both East and West European countries in the creation of Israel since before World War I. East European countries, especially Russia, Poland, and Romania, were as effective in this regard as the West Europeans. While racial policies were paramount in East Europe, including Germany, religious and strategic policies were as effective in the West, especially in Britain. Two points can be redrawn in this regard: That the question of Palestine was a Western question on both sides of the continent; it had nothing to do with the Eastern question that engulfed the Ottoman Empire before and during World War I. Additionally while World War II did not start the process of creating Israel, it accelerated it since the United States became an active supporter of the Zionist project. The second conclusion explains why all major powers give so much latitude to Israel, regardless of its constant neglect of international law to this very day.

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Masri, Mazen. "The Two-State Model and Israeli Constitutionalism." Journal of Palestine Studies 44, no. 4 (2015): 7–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2015.44.4.7.

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Partitioning historic Palestine into two states is often presented as the most plausible solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. This article examines the potential impact of such a development on the Palestinian citizens of Israel (PCI), primarily from the vantage point of Israel's constitutional regime. The article explores three fundamental aspects of the Israeli constitutional system—its instability, the “Jewish and democratic” definition of the state, and the exclusion of the PCI from “the people” as the unit that holds sovereignty—and argues that the envisaged two-state solution will only reinforce the definition of Israel as a Jewish state and consequently provide further justification for the infringement on the rights of its Palestinian citizens.

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Karolyi, Paul. "Congressional Monitor." Journal of Palestine Studies 48, no. 4 (2019): 1–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2019.48.4.s7.

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This report summarizes the bills and resolutions pertinent to Palestine, Israel, or the broader Arab-Israeli conflict that were introduced, during the second session of the 115th Congress, which coincided with the second year of Donald Trump's presidency. Major legislative themes related to the Palestine issue are identified here, as well as initiators of specific legislation, their priorities, the range of their concerns, and their attitudes toward regional actors. Security and intelligence support for Israel, attempts to cut funding to Palestinian refugees, and sanctions against Iran are included. This report is part of a wider database project of the Institute for Palestine Studies, congressionalmonitor.org, which contains all relevant legislation from 2001 to the present (the 107th through the 115th Congresses) and is updated on an ongoing basis.

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