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Academic literature on the topic 'Israel Policy Forum'
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Journal articles on the topic "Israel Policy Forum"
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Maman, Daniel. "The Power Lies in the Structure: Economic Policy Forum Networks in Israel." British Journal of Sociology 48, no. 2 (June 1997): 267. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/591752.
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Maune, Alexander. "Economic miracles: Valuable economic lessons for developing nations." Risk Governance and Control: Financial Markets and Institutions 5, no. 4 (2015): 187–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.22495/rgcv5i4c1art8.
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This article, a literature review of Israel`s economic miracles, examines the secrets behind the transformation of Israel, a Start-up Nation slightly smaller than New Jersey or Wales born in 1948 with a population of around seven million, to become an Innovation Nation with more companies listed on the National Association of Securities Dealers Automated Quotations (NASDAQ) outside the United States of America. The article further examines the unique conditions existing in Israel which are luring technology companies and global investors. On the whole, it was established that Israel has managed to achieve economic development through its innovativeness that has come as a result of many factors some of which are discussed in this article. The author broadens the context of his conclusions by taking into consideration some of the concluding remarks by Israel `s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu`s 2014, Davos World Economic Forum address. This article will go a long way in influencing government policy implementation. This article has therefore business and academic value.
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Katsman, Hayim. "Post-Religious-Zionism: Alternative Ideas of Jewish Statism in the Writings of Moshe Koppel." Shofar: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Jewish Studies 41, no. 2 (2023): 58–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sho.2023.a911219.
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Abstract: This article discusses the rise of the Israeli conservative movement, and examines the dominance of religious-Zionists within the movement. The article focuses on the ideology of Moshe Koppel, the chair of the Kohelet Policy Forum and a dominant figure in the conservative movement. Through an analysis of Koppel's political writings, this article presents Koppel's unique worldview, and demonstrates how it is a critique of the secular-Zionist hegemony, and also of the "classical" religious-Zionist worldview. The article argues that Koppel's ideology appeals to religious-Zionists, who have undergone a political crisis as a result of their failure to convince the general Israeli public to oppose the evacuation of Gaza settlements in 2005. Koppel's worldview addresses the need for religious-Zionists to justify their commitment to Jewish settlement in the Occupied Palestinian territories in a way that will appeal tonon-Orthodox Jews as well. This is a key factor in the Israeli right's conscious attempt to achieve political hegemony in Israel.
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Abu Obaid, Huda, and Elianne Kremer. "Pandemic demolitions: The unrecognized Bedouin villages in southern Israel and the ongoing housing crisis." Radical Housing Journal 3, no. 2 (December 17, 2021): 199–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.54825/enmt7022.
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This Update reports on the continued eviction policy that the State of Israel has been leading towards the Bedouin of the Negev-Naqab, a situation existing since the establishment of the State in 1948 and deepened during the Covid-19 pandemic. The housing crisis for Bedouin indigenous citizens and communities has long been urgent and dire, as the State of Israel continues to deny the existence of thirty-five Bedouin villages that are unrecognized and thus lack basic infrastructure like electricity, sewage services, water connections and garbage disposal. With little access to health services, these communities continue to be transparent on the map and in national statistics. Members of the Negev Coexistence Forum for Civil Equality, an Arab-Jewish organization established in 1997 by Arab and Jewish residents of the Naqab to provide a platform for a joint fight for civil rights equality, detail these historic and ongoing housing injustices, supported by powerful photos from the exhibition Recognized: Life and Resilience captured by Bedouin women.
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Väänänen, Pentti. "Fostering peace through dialogue The international social democratic movement and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict." Regions and Cohesion 2, no. 3 (December 1, 2012): 166–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/reco.2012.020310.
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The Socialist International (SI), the worldwide forum of the socialist, social democratic, and labor parties, actively looked for a solution to the Jewish-Palestinian conflict in the 1980s. At that time, the Israeli Labour Party still was the leading political force in Israel, as it had been historically since the foundation of the country. The Labour Party was also an active member of the SI. The Party’s leader, Shimon Peres, was one of its vice-presidents. At the same time, the social democratic parties were the leading political force in Western Europe. Several important European leaders, many of them presidents and prime ministers, were involved in the SI’s work. They included personalities such as Willy Brandt of Germany; former president of the SI, Francois Mitterrand of France; James Callaghan of Great Britain; Bruno Kreisky of Austria; Bettini Craxi of Italy; Felipe Gonzalez of Spain; Mario Soares of Portugal; Joop de Uyl of the Netherlands; Olof Palme of Sweden; Kalevi Sorsa of Finland; Anker Jörgensen of Denmark; and Gro Harlem Brudtland of Norway—all of whom are former vice-presidents of the SI. As a result, in the 1980s, the SI in many ways represented Europe in global affairs, despite the existence of the European Community (which did not yet have well-defined common foreign policy objectives).
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Bokhari, Kamran A. "The 36th Annual Meeting of the Middle East Studies Association of North America." American Journal of Islam and Society 20, no. 1 (January 1, 2003): 163–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v20i1.1889.
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The 36th annual meeting of the Middle East Studies Association of NorthAmerica (MESA), was held at the Wardman Park Hotel, Washington, DC,November 23-26, 2002. This conference, possibly the largest gathering ofscholars and students of the Middle East, took place in an atmosphere saturatedby 9/11 and Washington’s plans for an all-out war against Iraq, aswell as considerable right-wing and pro-Zionist pressure applied by suchmembers of the epistemic community of scholars, journalists, and policyanalysts as Daniel Pipes (the Middle East Forum) and Martin Kramer, aone-time director and currently a senior research fellow at Tel AvivUniversity’s Moshe Dayan Center for Middle Eastern and African Studies.Both are behind Campus Watch (http://www.campus-watch.org), whichmonitors academic discourse that opposes American foreign policy towardthe Muslim world and its one-sided support for Israel, and which maintainson its website a list of “un-American” academicians and apologists for“militant Islam” and rogue regimes.November 23, the first day, was reserved for the business meetings ofall groups having an institutional affiliation with MESA. The panels, presentedas parallel sessions, began on Sunday at 8:30 a.m. Also featured wasa presidential address by the outgoing president, a plenary session, a bookexhibition, an art gallery, and a film fest. MESA organizers reported that1,900 people attended the 156-panel event, along with 80 exhibitions.The first session featured panels on popular culture and identity in theMaghreb, women and development, issues in contemporary Iran, intellectualsand ideas in the making of the Turkish Republic, history of the Ottomanborderlands, legitimation of authority in early period of Islam, comparativeperceptions of the “other” in Israeli and Palestinian textbooks, comparativeanalysis of political Islam, religious conversion and identity, and the Arabicqasidah. There was also a roundtable discussion on water issues and a thematicconversation on 9/11 and the Muslim public sphere. In the following ...
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Karasova, Tatiana A., Andrey V. Fedorchenko, and Dmitry A. Maryasis. "ISRAELI STUDIES AT THE INSTITUTE OF ORIENTAL STUDIES OF THE RUSSIAN ACADEMY OF SCIENCES: PAGES OF HISTORY (THE BEGINNING OF THE 21ST CENTURY)." Journal of the Institute of Oriental Studies RAS, no. 4 (14) (2020): 219–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2618-7302-2020-4-219-232.
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The article presents a historical overview of Israeli studies at the Institute of Oriental Studies RAS in the first two decades of the 21st century. The paper demonstrates the main research fields and publications of the Department for the Study of Israel and Jewish Communities, as well as the list of its heads and research fellows. The article shows how, having successfully overcome the difficulties of the 1990s that were rather hard on Russian Academy as a whole, the staff of the Israeli Studies Department in their numerous publications, speeches at Russian and international academic forums tried to respond to the new challenges in a scholarly way. In the 2000s the number of works published on the history of relations between the USSR / Russia and Israel increased, and this trend continued in subsequent years. Access to the archives for the first time made it possible to analyze the formation and development of Soviet-Israeli relations before the break (in 1953). The department expanded the directions of its academic activity. Its topics included such directions as the study of the collective memory of Jews in modern Russia, cultural identity, cultural memory, religious and secular identity of Russian Jews, attitude towards disability and people with disabilities, study of youth communities in Israel, Russia and Europe, the impact of the US-Israeli relations on the US Jewish community. Development of basic methodology for researching the state of Jewish charity in Moscow was one of the new tasks for the fellows of the Department to solve. The novelty of the tasks also included new methodology of researching the economic and socio-political development of Israel using social networks data. The Department continued to study all aspects of the life of the State of Israel — economic, socio-political and cultural processes developing in the Israeli state, including new features in regional policy and the concept of Israeli security. At present, members of the department’s, in addition to their current activities, are implementing a number of promising projects aimed at strengthening the department’s position as the leading center of Israeli studies in the post-Soviet space.
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Almog-Bar, Michal. "Policy Initiatives towards the Nonprofit Sector: Insights from the Israeli Case." Nonprofit Policy Forum 7, no. 2 (June 1, 2016): 237–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/npf-2016-0005.
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AbstractThe article aims to describe and analyze the main processes of policy initiatives towards the nonprofit sector in Israel since 2000, and their implications for the nonprofit sector and civil society. The process started with a review of policies regarding the sector, its roles and relationship with the government conducted by an ad hoc Review Committee established in February 2000. This then developed into few policy initiatives: in the Ministry of Social Welfare; by a governmental committee to review allocations to the nonprofit sector, and another project by the Prime Minister’s Office that attempted to change the relations between nonprofit organizations and the government. These initiatives are analyzed, focusing on the actors and the politics of the process, as well as subsequent changes and their impact on the government and civil society in Israel. The analysis reveals that, while the policy initiatives have created new forms and forums for dialogue and joint work between main-stream nonprofit organizations and the government, it has neither developed nor strengthened such organizations and civil society as an alternative public sphere. The insights obtained from the Israeli case of policy development towards the nonprofit sector points to a need for a more nuanced consideration of partnership policies between the government and the nonprofit sector, and their implications for nonprofit organizations and civil society.
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Dey, Debabrata, Abhijeet Ghoshal, and Atanu Lahiri. "Support Forums and Software Vendor’s Pricing Strategy." Information Systems Research 32, no. 2 (June 2021): 653–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1287/isre.2020.0988.
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Paz-Fuchs, Amir, and Alon Cohen-Lifshitz. "Policy Forum: The changing character of Israel's occupation: planning and civilian control." Town Planning Review 81, no. 6 (January 2010): 585–612. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/tpr.2010.28.
Full textBooks on the topic "Israel Policy Forum"
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Nevo, Baruch. Tsahal ṿe-khalkalat Yiśraʾel: Maʾamar sikum shel ha-mifgash ha-sheviʻi shel Forum Tsava-Ḥevrah, 8 be-Elul 5,763, 5 be-Sepṭember 2003. [Israel]: Tseva Haganah le-Yiśraʾel, 2004.
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Yael, Shur-Shmueli, Weill Asher, Makhon ha-Yiśreʾeli le-demoḳraṭyah, Israel Tseva haganah le-Yiśraʾel, and Forum Tsava Ḥevrah (7th : 2003 : Israel), eds. Israel Defense Forces and the national economy of Israel: An article summarizing the seventh session of the Army and Society Forum, 5 September 2003. Jerusalem: Israel Defense Forces, 2005.
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Silberstein, Sandra. Maintaining “Good Guys” and “Bad Guys”. Edited by James W. Tollefson and Miguel Pérez-Milans. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190458898.013.18.
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The ideological work of national media renders (inter)national crises intelligible, often without challenging systemic or institutional practices or the policy agenda of political elites. What becomes speakable and legible represents a form of language policy. This chapter explores the policies implicit in the virtually simultaneous media coverage of two international crises: the July 2014 downing of Malaysian Airlines Flight 17 over Ukraine and Israel’s “Operation Protective Edge” into Gaza. The analysis focuses on the intertexualities produced by US-based media and the ideological tensions and labor these occasioned, particularly the construction of “good guys” and “bad guys,” victims and villains, for a national and international audience.
Book chapters on the topic "Israel Policy Forum"
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Maman, Daniel. "The Power Lies in the Structure: Economic Policy Forum Networks in Israel*." In Work & Organizations in Israel, 259–78. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315135953-13.
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Krajewski, Stanisław. "Fr. Tadeusz Sroka. Dziennik izraelski czyli religijny wymiar ludzkiego losu (An Israeli diary, or the religious dimension of man's fate). Warsaw: Spokania. 1985." In Polin: Studies in Polish Jewry Volume 1, 411–15. Liverpool University Press, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781904113171.003.0055.
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This chapter looks at Fr. Tadeusz Sroka's An Israeli Diary, or the Religious Dimension of Man's Fate (1985). An Israeli Diary takes the form of excerpts from a diary written in the years 1970–71. Each entry opens with press news about political events in the Middle East, followed by pondering over the Bible or the fate of the Jewish people. There are hardly any data concerning contemporary Israel, except a few facts showing Arab intransigence and the hopeless situation of Israel ‘in human terms’. The author says very little about Jewish history and nothing about Judaism; the Talmud is not mentioned, even in places where it could have been useful, for example in reflecting on capital punishment. The author's perspective is metaphysical; he assumes that the election of Israel is eternal. This, incidentally, is the official standpoint of the Catholic Church today, confirmed more than once by John Paul II. As a result, Israel is seen as the centre of the world. Next, the fate of the Jews reveals the ultimate perspectives of the human condition: on one pole the Holocaust, on the other the re-creation of the state by visionaries, in defiance of reason. Israel is a sign for the world, and today's secular Israel is an appropriate sign for the contemporary materialistic world.
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Chernichovsky, Dov. "Israel — The Human Capital Perspective." In Sustainable Well-Being in Israel, edited by Yarden Niv. The Israel Academy of Sciences and Humanities, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.52873/policy.2021.wellbeing.04-en.
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Human capital (HC) is about people — as individuals and as communities — and their welfare-enhancing qualities. For the individual, their human capital is not only an element of well-being, like good health and self-esteem, but also a means to facilitate their welfare, at least in the long term, through longevity as well as market and non-market productivity. For the community — group, organization, or nation — the benefits of HC to individuals can further be enhanced through social interdependencies, positive externalities, and optimal allocation of HC in the group, thus making HC a public good. Investment of a share of the benefits of HC in its formation makes for social and economic long-term sustainability of the community. The term “human capital” semantically combines the words “human” and “capital.” From an economic point of view, “capital” refers to the physical factors of production, including land, used along with labor-enhanced HC to create goods or services. These factors are not themselves significantly consumed or depreciated in the short-term production process (Boldizzoni, 2008). That is, skilled humans oversee production (and consumption) processes that yield social and economic value for them. From this perspective, human capital essentially refers to people’s ability — as individuals and as a collective — to identify and use the (physical) resources available to them for their current and future, even intergenerational, well-being. Both the formation and the use of HC are strongly associated with the demography of the community, mainly with regard to population growth and age distribution, because these determine the community’s potential and ability to form and optimally use its HC, subject to the constraint of market failures and imperfections. The objective of this paper is to indicate (1) challenges relating to the formation and deployment of HC in Israel, and (2) potential ways to meet these challenges. The first, theoretical part introduces concepts, models, approaches, and metrics. It starts with pertinent aspects of demography that relate to a nation’s optimal use of its individuals’ human capital and continues with a discussion of critical dimensions of human capital — knowledge and skill, location of economic activity, and health.
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Abramson, Glenda. "Levin, Hanoch (1943–1999)." In Routledge Encyclopedia of Modernism. London: Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781135000356-rem1980-1.
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Levin, Hanoch is an Israeli playwright and short story writer. Born in the southern quarters of Tel Aviv to lower middle-class Polish immigrants Levin’s background has provided the inspiration for many of his plays and stories. Until the advent of Levin’s unique voice Israeli drama had been devoted almost entirely to the reality of life in the country. Levin’s work scorned all the accepted social dogma and resisted all ideology, while still referring to the Jewish diaspora past and life in present-day Israel. His plays can be divided loosely into three categories: satire, usually in the form of cabarets, grotesque domestic comedies, and elaborate dramas presenting universal messages based on myth, biblical stories and world literature.
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Godbold Jr., E. Stanly. "Endangered Values and Apartheid in Palestine." In Jimmy and Rosalynn Carter, 624—C43.P48. Oxford University PressNew York, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197581568.003.0044.
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Abstract This chapter shows how Carter’s anger with President George W. Bush’s pro-war foreign policy and Israel’s stance against Palestinian freedom exploded in 2005 and 2006 in two of his most popular books. Our Endangered Values: America’s Moral Crisis protested Bush’s pre-emptive war against Iraq, lie about the existence of weapons of mass destruction, and use of torture techniques against the enemy. It particularly condemned the alliance of Republican politicians with conservative religious leaders. Carter questioned what had happened to the separation of church and state and reminded his readers that Thomas Jefferson had argued that in a free country there must be a wall of separation between church and state. Palestine Peace Not Apartheid stirred a hornet’s nest of criticism by condemning the concrete wall constructed between Israeli and Palestinians areas, the creation of Jewish settlements to drive out Palestinians, and Israel’s general refusal to discuss peace and separate statehood with the Palestinians. By using the word “apartheid,” he suggested that Israel practiced a cruel form of segregation similar to that in South Africa. Carter defended himself but did not back down from use of the word, and critics who did not understand him again labeled him anti-Semitic. Carter continued his work for peace, joined a group of former Nobel Peace Prize laureates called The Elders, and wrote another book, Beyond the White House, in which the influence of his father on his own life again loomed large.
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Rozin, Orit. "From Fear to Solidarity and Elation." In Emotions of Conflict, Israel 1949-1967, 94–134. Oxford University PressOxford, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198890348.003.0004.
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Abstract Israelis learned, when PM Moshe Sharett addressed the Knesset on October 18, 1955, that Czechoslovakia and Egypt had concluded a massive arms deal that would tip the balance of power against Israel, creating what policy makers believed would become an imminent military threat. In response, Israelis rushed to the Ministry of Defense with monetary and in-kind donations. A gift, Mauss argued, contains something of the giver’s identity and, as such, a present invariably creates a social obligation to offer something in return. Such a gift, which may also be a donation of time and effort in the form of volunteer work, thus creates a social bond between the people who take part in the exchange. Donating and volunteering had sweeping, infectious, and even competitive public effects. Citizens who contributed money fortified their sense of belonging and felt good about themselves as selfless and generous members of the collective.
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Mandelbaum, Michael. "The New World Order, 1990–2001." In The Four Ages of American Foreign Policy, 383–421. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197621790.003.0011.
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The United States emerged from the Cold War with no serious rivals, an unprecedented circumstance. It used its unchallenged power to form and lead a coalition that evicted Iraq from neighboring Kuwait, which Iraq had invaded. The American government sent military forces to Somalia, Haiti, Bosnia, and Kosovo in an effort to rescue distressed people and promote American values, a policy that became known as humanitarian intervention. During these years the United States relied on the ongoing process of international economic integration, known as globalization, to foster peace and prosperity around the world. By expanding its European alliance system, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), while excluding Russia from it, the Clinton administration alienated the Russians. It also tried but failed to promote a political settlement between Israel and the Palestinians.
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Finer, S. E. "The Jewish Kingdoms, 1025-587 BC." In The History Of Government From The Earliest Times, 238–78. Oxford University PressOxford, 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198206644.003.0006.
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Abstract mall, poor, ill-managed, divided, and short-lived: the Kingdoms of Israel and Judah were two of the petty monarchies extinguished by the Assyrians and their Babylonian successors. But these states, and Judah in particular, represent, however, a revolutionary breakthrough in the tradi tion of government traced so far. After a span of 2,000 years-since 3200 BC-there appeared, briefly, a form of government with a wholly original and totally different characteristic. After AD 132 the political community itself was uprooted, driven out, and dispersed. Yet the memory of its peculiar polity was preserved as part of the sacred writings of the late Roman world. As such, it served as an exemplar for the new, barbarian peoples of Western Europe. In this way it entered into the Western state tradition and, through that, into the governmental norms of our entire contemporary world.
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Mintz, Alan. "A Baedeker to Buczacz." In Ancestral Tales, 33–70. Stanford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.11126/stanford/9781503601161.003.0002.
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The opening story of A City in Its Fullness is a myth of origins that presents the founding of Buczacz as an arrested attempt on the part of fervent Jews from the Rhineland Valley to journey to the Land of Israel. This story is compared with the historical record, which describes an economic emigration of Jews from central Poland in the sixteenth century into lands in the southeast newly colonized by Polish nobles. The Jewish community of Buczacz rebuilt itself after the Khmelnytskyi massacres of 1648 and the Tatar and Turkish incursions that followed. The community experienced relative prosperity and stability as a town owned by the Potocki family. The first book of A City in Its Fullness is devoted to the town’s principle places and institutions in the form of a grand tour conducted for the reader, with attention given to both Jewish and gentile space.
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Pugh, Martin. "Islamophobia." In Britain and Islam, 244–71. Yale University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.12987/yale/9780300234947.003.0011.
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This chapter discusses how, misled by Islamophobic propaganda, Britain and America were unable to come to terms with what they called ‘Islamism’. The origins of what is variously known as Islamism, Islamic fundamentalism, and radical Islamism lie in the 1960s, in the ideas of a handful of Muslims in Pakistan, Egypt, and Iran who believed that Muslims had been led astray from their religion by nationalist movements. Although some Muslims were critical of Western morality and politics, Islamism was not primarily anti-Western: it was essentially a reaction against what were widely seen as the corrupt, authoritarian, and secular regimes that controlled much of the Muslim world. The aim was to evict them, return to a purer form of Islam and re-create an Islamic state. In view of the exaggerated reputation it enjoys in the West, it is worth remembering that this movement has largely been a failure. Yet while fundamentalism appeals to only a small minority, it is also the case that large numbers of Muslims have become aggrieved by the policies of the Western powers. The explanation for this can be found in long-term frustration with the consistently pro-Israeli policy of Britain and the United States over Palestine, in addition to the proximate causes in the shape of two Afghan wars, the genocide in Bosnia, the Rushdie affair, and the first Gulf War in 1990, which made many Muslims see themselves as the victims of Western aggression and interventionism.