Academic literature on the topic 'Israeli Humanitarian assistance'
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Journal articles on the topic "Israeli Humanitarian assistance"
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Teixeira Francisco e Gontijo, Luisa, Amanda Mendes Clemente Vilella, Rafaela Tonholli Pinho, Angíe Ramirez Reyes, Nasrallah Almassri, and Raquel Bandeira da Silva. "PALESTINE AND ISRAEL: IMPACT OF 73 YEARS OF COLONIALISM, APARTHEID AND GENOCIDE." Brazilian Journal of Global Health 2, no. 5 (November 27, 2021): 30–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.56242/globalhealth;2021;2;5;30-32.
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OBJECTIVE: Occupation of Palestine was structured through a colonialist and orientalist discourse. Since 1948, Israeli policies have generated a wide range of abuses against Palestinians. This work aimed to analyze the impacts on the health and quality of life of Palestinians resulting from the Israeli occupation METHODS: Narrative Review of literature about impacts caused by the Israel occupation on Palestinians’ health and quality of life. RESULTS: Palestine has 2.45 million people that requires some form of humanitarian assistance. The current situation is due to constant invasion of Palestinian territories by Jewish settlements and the rigid control of conquered territories, which prevents the population from accessing basic rights such as health and food. CONCLUSION: International humanitarian aid will not be enough to minimize the inequality experienced in the region, which is caused by the political context of coloniality and apartheid in the region.
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Ridha, Muhammad Abdi, Ibdalsyah, and Qurroh Ayuniyyah. "Analisis Nilai Kontribusi Bantuan Kemanusiaan Palestina Badan Amil Zakat Nasional (BAZNAS) Tahun 2018-2021." AL-MUZARA'AH 10, no. 2 (December 26, 2022): 169–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.29244/jam.10.2.169-184.
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Since the Jews declared the establishment of the state of Israel in the Palestinian territories in 1948, Indonesia has been part of the party opposing the Israeli occupation and supporting the Palestinian people's efforts to gain their right to independence. In terms of humanitarian assistance, zakat, infaq and alms management institutions are increasingly promoting various humanitarian aids, one of which is the Indonesia’s National Zakat Agency (BAZNAS). This study aims to analyze the value of the contribution of zakat, infaq and alms funds by BAZNAS for humanitarian aid in Palestine. The sampling method used in this research is purposive sampling. Data is described using descriptive analysis. The results of this study indicate that the value of the contribution to the distribution of ZIS funds for Palestinian humanitarian assistance carried out by BAZNAS in 2018-2021 is volatile. The largest distribution of zakat funds for Palestinian humanitarian aid occurred in 2018 which was 2,531,430,175.00. While the largest infaq and alms funds occurred in 2021, which amounted to 597,268,865.00. The factor that causes this fluctuation in the level of distribution is because the value of distributing Palestinian humanitarian aid depends on the pattern of cooperation built by BAZNAS with other humanitarian institutions.
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Merin, MD, Ofer, Nehemia Blumberg, MD, David Raveh, MD, Ariel Bar, MD, Masafumi Nishizawa, MD, and Ophir Cohen-Marom, MD. "Global responsibility in mass casualty events: The Israeli experience in Japan." American Journal of Disaster Medicine 7, no. 1 (January 1, 2012): 61–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.5055/ajdm.2012.0081.
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Objective: To describe humanitarian aid following the 2011 earthquake and tsunami in Japan.Setting: A field hospital deployed in a small Japanese coastal village devastated by a major tsunami.Patients: Thousands of Japanese refugees with minimal access to medical care.Results: After well-coordinated diplomatic efforts, our medical delegation was the first foreign team to deploy in Japan. Our facility served as a regional referral center for specialized medical treatment.Conclusions: Following major disasters, even highly modernized countries will face an urgent surge in the need of medical resources.These situations emphasize the need for global responsibility to provide assistance.
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Rohulia, Karyna. "Israel’s Diplomacy During Russia’s War against Ukraine." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XXIII (2022): 315–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2022-19.
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Russia’s full-scale war against Ukraine, launched on 24 February 2022, shook the world order and destabilised the security architecture, as well as radically reset bilateral relations of our country with all partners. During thirty years of diplomatic relations between Ukraine and Israel, a solid foundation of bilateral cooperation was laid, because both states were interested in mutually beneficial partnership. For Ukraine, Israel is the starting point in opening the potential of the Middle Eastern region, on the other hand, Israel has always considered Ukraine as a potential ally, and the main attention has always been paid to the large Jewish community in Ukraine. Ukrainian-Israeli relations, which over the past seven years have reached a qualitatively new level, despite the difficult pages of the common history in the context of historical memory, had a fairly good tendency to deepen cooperation in a number of spheres – from agricultural to innovation. However, this relationship were also subject to reset, like all others. This article is an attempt to analyse Israel’s diplomacy towards Ukraine since the beginning of russia’s full-scale war against our state, particularly in the political and practical spheres. The main emphasis is on political support, which consists in the condemnation of aggression and war crimes of the russian federation, and the analysis of Israel’s mediation mission. Considerable attention is paid to the assessment of the humanitarian and defence assistance provided by Israel during almost six months of full-scale war. In addition, the geopolitical priorities of the State of Israel are analysed, in particular in the context of regional cooperation with the russian federation, and the main reasons for Israel’s neutral position in relation to the war in Ukraine are determined. Keywords: Israeli-Ukrainian relations, russia’s war against Ukraine, Middle Eastern neutrality, geopolitical interests, balance of power.
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Nazri, Atika Shafinaz. "Penglibatan dan Sumbangan NGO Malaysia dalam Isu Kemanusiaan Palestin: Aman Palestin Berhad." Sains Insani 7, no. 1 (May 31, 2022): 7–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.33102/sainsinsani.vol7no1.337.
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Penjajahan dan kezaliman yang berlaku ke atas rakyat Palestin sementelahan pula kebisuan negara-negara berkuasa besar dan peranan Palestinian National Authority yang terbatas atau mempunyai kapasiti agak memuaskan, maka hadirnya pelbagai jenis NGO menjalankan aktiviti bantuan kemanusiaan terhadap golongan rentan ini. Matlamat utama kajian ini adalah untuk mengenal pasti bentuk-bentuk penglibatan dan sumbangan NGO kemanusiaan Malaysia dalam isu kemanusiaan Palestin. Berasaskan pendekatan kualitatif, kajian telah menjalankan temu bual mendalam bersama tiga pegawai NGO Aman Palestin. Pemilihan NGO ini adalah berdasarkan bantuannya yang mengkhususkan kepada Palestin dan penglibatan secara aktif sejak penubuhan organisasi tersebut. Penemuan kajian telah menunjukkan terdapat pelbagai bentuk sumbangan bantuan kemanusiaan Aman Palestin menerusi projek yang melibatkan sektor ekonomi, pendidikan, sosial, kesihatan, pertanian dan insfratruktur telah menyumbang kelestarian hidup rakyat di sana. Penglibatan aktif melalui aktiviti-aktiviti yang dijalankan di Malaysia telah mempertingkatkan kesedaran mengenai isu Palestin dalam kalangan masyarakat Malaysia. Walau bagaimanapun, projek dan aktiviti Aman Palestin dilihat lebih bersifat islamisasi yang mensasarkan golongan beragama Islam sahaja. Isu Palestin perlu diangkat sebagai isu kemanusiaan bukan agama semata-mata supaya semua lapisan masyarakat tanpa mengira latar belakang agama dapat berganding bahu dalam membantah penjajahan Israel. The presence of various NGOs carrying out humanitarian aid activities for Palestinian due to occupation and oppression concurrently the silence between superpowers and the limited role of the Palestinian National Authority. The purpose of this study is to identify the forms of involvement and contribution of Malaysian humanitarian NGOs in Palestinian humanitarian issues. Based on a qualitative approach, the study conducted in-depth interviews with three Aman Palestin officials. The selection of this NGO was based on specialized assistance to Palestine and its active involvement since the organization’s establishment. The findings have shown there are various humanitarian aid projects conducted by Aman Palestin involving the economic, educational, social, health, agricultural, and infrastructure sectors. Indubitably, the projects have contributed to the sustainability of the Palestinians’ lives. Active involvement through activities conducted in Malaysia has increased awareness of the Palestinian issue among the Malaysian community. However, Aman Palestin projects and activities are seen to be more religious in nature targeting Muslims solely. The Palestinian issue ought to be raised as a non-religious humanitarian issue in order for all societies regardless of religious background cooperatively in protesting Israeli occupation.
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Tabar, Linda. "Disrupting Development, Reclaiming Solidarity: The Anti-Politics of Humanitarianism." Journal of Palestine Studies 45, no. 4 (2016): 16–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2016.45.4.16.
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Originally developed for the Center for Development Studies at Birzeit University in 2011, this paper examines the humanitarian assistance that flooded the occupied Palestinian territories after the beginning of the second intifada (2000–2005). It provides a critical analysis of the international development aid that was directed at Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, where the Oslo process was territorialized, to the exclusion of the vast majority of the Palestinian people. Today, Palestinians are challenging the dominant development discourse and neoliberal economic model set in place by the Oslo Accords, wherein development recast Israeli settler colonialism as an externality, which the putative Palestinian state-building project would transcend. Returning to Yusif Sayigh's view that development cannot occur under settler colonialism, Palestinians are articulating alternatives to the Oslo post-conflict paradigm that emphasize self-reliance and resistance. The discussion that follows situates itself as a contribution to this process by interrogating the anti-political bias of humanitarianism and charting how indigenous Palestinians are building alternatives to food aid.
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SAATY, T. L., and H. J. ZOFFER. "NEGOTIATING THE ISRAELI–PALESTINIAN CONTROVERSY FROM A NEW PERSPECTIVE." International Journal of Information Technology & Decision Making 10, no. 01 (January 2011): 5–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s021962201100421x.
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In most long-lasting conflicts, each party's grievances increase while the concessions they are willing to make decline in number, quality, and perceived value. Both parties lose sight of what they are willing to settle for, generally exaggerate their own needs, and minimize the needs of the other side over time. But, it is precisely the matter of trading that needs to be made more concrete and of higher priority for both sides, if a meaningful resolution is to be found. Without a formal way of trading off the concessions and packages of concessions, both sides are likely to suspect that they are getting the short end of the bargain. After the parties have agreed to a trade, very specific binding language about the terms of the agreement, clear implementation policies, and outside guarantors are needed. The worth of the concessions traded, as perceived by both the giver and receiver, need to be accurately determined and recorded. All of this requires going beyond verbal descriptions of the concessions to more broadly include their economic, social, geographic, humanitarian, and historical worth. It is critical that all of these need to be translated into priorities derived in terms of the different values and beliefs of the parties. Priorities are universal and include the diversity of measures in terms of which economic, social, and other values are measured. The Analytic Hierarchy Process (AHP) provides a way to perform such an assessment with the participation of negotiators for the parties. It is a positive approach that makes it possible to reason and express feelings and judgments with numerical intensities to derive priorities. It has been used productively in the past to deal with the conflicts in South Africa and Northern Ireland and with other controversies throughout the world. With the assistance of panels of Israeli participants and Palestinian participants brought together in 2009 and 2010, AHP was applied for the first time to the Palestinian–Israeli conflict. The process makes it clear that moderation in different degrees by both sides is essential to arrive at acceptable agreements on concessions proposed and agreed upon by both sides. AHP makes it possible to evaluate moderate and extreme viewpoints and determine their effect on the trading of concessions. The results obtained encourage us to advocate its use in the negotiation process.
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McKenzie, Kevin. "The humanitarian imperative under fire." Journal of Language and Politics 8, no. 3 (December 15, 2009): 333–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.8.3.01mck.
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This paper explores how speakers manage the dilemmatic tension between competing demands for accountability in mundane explanations of humanitarian assistance in settings of armed conflict. Taking as analytic data talk recorded in interviews with the personnel of aid agencies and various non-governmental organizations (NGOs) who work in Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territories (OPT), we examine how demands for both non-partisan impartiality, on the one hand, and sympathetic alignment with the victims (or losing parties) of armed conflict, on the other, feature in the explanations that humanitarian aid workers formulate to account for their professional activities. While non-partisanship features as a source of legitimacy given that humanitarian assistance is regarded as a response to universal human suffering, the source of that suffering in armed conflict necessitates recognition of the antagonist-protagonist and victim relationship in order for aid recipients to be identified. Everyday accounts of aid work function to mitigate the otherwise mutually exclusive relationship between competing assumptions that inform the logic of humanitarian assistance.
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Qarmout, Tamer, and Daniel Béland. "The Politics of International Aid to the Gaza Strip." Journal of Palestine Studies 41, no. 4 (2012): 32–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2012.xli.4.32.
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International aid to the Palestinian Authority is conditioned in part on democratization and good governance. However, since Hamas's victory in the 2006 Palestinian Legislative Council elections and its takeover of the Gaza Strip, aid agencies have supported the international boycott of the Hamas government. This article argues that aid agencies, by operating in Gaza while boycotting its government, subvert their mandates and serve the political interests of donors and the PA rather than the humanitarian and development needs of Gazans. As a consequence, assistance has, inadvertently and unintentionally, increased Gazans' dependence on humanitarian aid, impeded economic development, and enabled Israel to maintain its occupation and the blockade of Gaza.
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Whittall, Jonathan. "‘It's like talking to a brick wall’." Progress in Development Studies 9, no. 1 (January 2009): 37–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/146499340800900104.
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For the purpose of this article, humanitarian diplomacy is defined as: the use of International Law and the humanitarian imperative as complimentary levers to facilitate the delivery of assistance or to promote the protection of civilians in a complex political emergency. Based on field research in the occupied Palestinian territory in 2007, this article demonstrates that the external reality of a US global superpower overly reliant on hard power, combined with its strategic alliance with Israel in the Middle East, creates an operating environment that severely constrains the use of humanitarian diplomacy. Whilst United Nations (UN) agencies implement technically sound interventions, the political realities prevent the effective use of International Law. The UN field staff are evoking Palestinian's humanitarian needs as a lever to promote protection, but this is fundamentally missing the point. The situation in the West Bank is a human rights issue – borne from a political crisis. The protection of Palestinians is undermined by an aversion to the use of International Law because of the political realities of an unchallenged occupation.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Israeli Humanitarian assistance"
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Monterde, Mateo Òscar. "El impacto humanitario en los territorios ocupados de Gaza y Cisjordania. Los programas de socorro y servicios sociales de la UNRWA." Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/398716.
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La tesis doctoral estudia el impacto humanitario en los territorios ocupados de Gaza y Cisjordania a través de los programas de socorro y servicios sociales del Organismo de las Naciones Unidas de Obras Publicas y Socorro para los refugiados de Palestina en el Cercano Oriente (UNRWA en sus siglas en inglés) desde los antecedentes de la Agencia y su creación en 1950 hasta el año 2000. Explica como la UNRWA fue creada como un instrumento de la comunidad internacional para proporcionar ayuda humanitaria y desarrollo a los refugiados de Palestina y con el fin de promover condiciones favorables para la paz y la seguridad en Oriente Próximo. Los programas de socorro y servicios sociales nos muestran las estrategias de ayuda humanitaria y desarrollo con las que la UNRWA ha respondido al impacto humanitario sobre la población refugiada de Palestina en Gaza y Cisjordania.The PhD dissertation studies the humanitarian impact on the occupied territories of Gaza and the West Bank through relief and social services programs of the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for the Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA), from the antecedents of the Agency and it establishment in 1950 until 2000. Explains how UNRWA was created as an instrument of the international community to provide humanitarian and development for Palestine refugees in order to promote favourable conditions for peace and security conditions in the Middle East. Relief and social services programs demonstrate strategies of humanitarian aid and development which UNRWA has responded to the humanitarian impact on Palestinian refugees in Gaza and the West Bank.
Books on the topic "Israeli Humanitarian assistance"
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Drawing a line in the sea: The 2010 Gaza flotilla incident and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2011.
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Awrāq thaqāfīyah: Murājaʻāt fī al-thaqāfah wa-al-siyāsah wa-al-fikr. al-Minūfīyah, Miṣr: Ṣawt al-Qalam al-ʻArabī, 2011.
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Uluslararası deniz hukukunda açık denizlerin serbestliği ilkesi, Mavi Marmara Olayı: (BM ve olaya taraf devletlerin milli komitelerince hazırlanan raporların tercümeleri ile birlikte genişletilmiş ve gözden geçirilmiş baskı). Tandoğan, Ankara: USAK Yayınları, 2013.
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60 daqīqah hazzat al-ʻālam: Qiṣṣat al-majzarah allatī taʻarraḍa la-hā Usṭūl al-ḥurrīyah. Bayrūt: Dār al-ʻArabīyah lil-ʻUlūm - Nashirūn, 2011.
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Dökme kurşundan Mavi Marmara'ya Gazze'ye yolculuk: Bir gazetecinin günlüğü. Cağaloğlu, İstanbul: Pınar Yayınları, 2011.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Israeli Humanitarian assistance"
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Bitar, Maher Anawati. "Internal Displacement in the Occupied Palestinian Territories: Politics and the Loss of Livelihood." In Dispossession and Displacement. British Academy, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197264591.003.0004.
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Between December 2008 to January 2009, the Israel militaries assaulted the Gaza Strip displacing over 50,000 people. This assault accentuated the already long history of Palestinian forced migration. It created ‘internally stuck persons’ (ISPs) who were no longer able to flee conflict areas to safer grounds. For the ISPs, the Gaza Strip has become a prison which is controlled by outside force. Within the context of open-air prison, the ISPs have become ‘internally displaced persons’ because they are compelled to remain within this circumscribed boundary. IDPs receive less assistance and protection than refugees. This chapter discusses the scope, extent and repercussions of the involuntary migratory movements within the occupied Palestinian territories (oPt) of the West Bank and East Jerusalem. It focuses on the physical barrier created by the Government of Israel (GoI) within the oPt. Although the displacement in Gaza, the East Jerusalem, and the West Bank is often triggered by similar and indirect factors, the latter two areas face a distinct set of triggers. A review of the preliminary displacement patterns have shown that forced displacement is both a result of and a means by which the GoI has expanded its hold of East Jerusalem and the prime areas of the West Bank. This review thus asserts that displacement cannot be simply viewed as a humanitarian crisis or a consequence of conflict or Israel’s security needs.
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"Humanitarian Assistance in Non-International Armed Conflict: The Fourth Wave of Rights, Duties and Remedies." In Israel Yearbook on Human Rights, Volume 31 (2001), 183–217. Brill | Nijhoff, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004423152_009.
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