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Journal articles on the topic 'Israeli Humanitarian assistance'
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1
Teixeira Francisco e Gontijo, Luisa, Amanda Mendes Clemente Vilella, Rafaela Tonholli Pinho, Angíe Ramirez Reyes, Nasrallah Almassri, and Raquel Bandeira da Silva. "PALESTINE AND ISRAEL: IMPACT OF 73 YEARS OF COLONIALISM, APARTHEID AND GENOCIDE." Brazilian Journal of Global Health 2, no. 5 (November 27, 2021): 30–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.56242/globalhealth;2021;2;5;30-32.
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OBJECTIVE: Occupation of Palestine was structured through a colonialist and orientalist discourse. Since 1948, Israeli policies have generated a wide range of abuses against Palestinians. This work aimed to analyze the impacts on the health and quality of life of Palestinians resulting from the Israeli occupation METHODS: Narrative Review of literature about impacts caused by the Israel occupation on Palestinians’ health and quality of life. RESULTS: Palestine has 2.45 million people that requires some form of humanitarian assistance. The current situation is due to constant invasion of Palestinian territories by Jewish settlements and the rigid control of conquered territories, which prevents the population from accessing basic rights such as health and food. CONCLUSION: International humanitarian aid will not be enough to minimize the inequality experienced in the region, which is caused by the political context of coloniality and apartheid in the region.
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Ridha, Muhammad Abdi, Ibdalsyah, and Qurroh Ayuniyyah. "Analisis Nilai Kontribusi Bantuan Kemanusiaan Palestina Badan Amil Zakat Nasional (BAZNAS) Tahun 2018-2021." AL-MUZARA'AH 10, no. 2 (December 26, 2022): 169–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.29244/jam.10.2.169-184.
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Since the Jews declared the establishment of the state of Israel in the Palestinian territories in 1948, Indonesia has been part of the party opposing the Israeli occupation and supporting the Palestinian people's efforts to gain their right to independence. In terms of humanitarian assistance, zakat, infaq and alms management institutions are increasingly promoting various humanitarian aids, one of which is the Indonesia’s National Zakat Agency (BAZNAS). This study aims to analyze the value of the contribution of zakat, infaq and alms funds by BAZNAS for humanitarian aid in Palestine. The sampling method used in this research is purposive sampling. Data is described using descriptive analysis. The results of this study indicate that the value of the contribution to the distribution of ZIS funds for Palestinian humanitarian assistance carried out by BAZNAS in 2018-2021 is volatile. The largest distribution of zakat funds for Palestinian humanitarian aid occurred in 2018 which was 2,531,430,175.00. While the largest infaq and alms funds occurred in 2021, which amounted to 597,268,865.00. The factor that causes this fluctuation in the level of distribution is because the value of distributing Palestinian humanitarian aid depends on the pattern of cooperation built by BAZNAS with other humanitarian institutions.
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Merin, MD, Ofer, Nehemia Blumberg, MD, David Raveh, MD, Ariel Bar, MD, Masafumi Nishizawa, MD, and Ophir Cohen-Marom, MD. "Global responsibility in mass casualty events: The Israeli experience in Japan." American Journal of Disaster Medicine 7, no. 1 (January 1, 2012): 61–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.5055/ajdm.2012.0081.
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Objective: To describe humanitarian aid following the 2011 earthquake and tsunami in Japan.Setting: A field hospital deployed in a small Japanese coastal village devastated by a major tsunami.Patients: Thousands of Japanese refugees with minimal access to medical care.Results: After well-coordinated diplomatic efforts, our medical delegation was the first foreign team to deploy in Japan. Our facility served as a regional referral center for specialized medical treatment.Conclusions: Following major disasters, even highly modernized countries will face an urgent surge in the need of medical resources.These situations emphasize the need for global responsibility to provide assistance.
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Rohulia, Karyna. "Israel’s Diplomacy During Russia’s War against Ukraine." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XXIII (2022): 315–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2022-19.
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Russia’s full-scale war against Ukraine, launched on 24 February 2022, shook the world order and destabilised the security architecture, as well as radically reset bilateral relations of our country with all partners. During thirty years of diplomatic relations between Ukraine and Israel, a solid foundation of bilateral cooperation was laid, because both states were interested in mutually beneficial partnership. For Ukraine, Israel is the starting point in opening the potential of the Middle Eastern region, on the other hand, Israel has always considered Ukraine as a potential ally, and the main attention has always been paid to the large Jewish community in Ukraine. Ukrainian-Israeli relations, which over the past seven years have reached a qualitatively new level, despite the difficult pages of the common history in the context of historical memory, had a fairly good tendency to deepen cooperation in a number of spheres – from agricultural to innovation. However, this relationship were also subject to reset, like all others. This article is an attempt to analyse Israel’s diplomacy towards Ukraine since the beginning of russia’s full-scale war against our state, particularly in the political and practical spheres. The main emphasis is on political support, which consists in the condemnation of aggression and war crimes of the russian federation, and the analysis of Israel’s mediation mission. Considerable attention is paid to the assessment of the humanitarian and defence assistance provided by Israel during almost six months of full-scale war. In addition, the geopolitical priorities of the State of Israel are analysed, in particular in the context of regional cooperation with the russian federation, and the main reasons for Israel’s neutral position in relation to the war in Ukraine are determined. Keywords: Israeli-Ukrainian relations, russia’s war against Ukraine, Middle Eastern neutrality, geopolitical interests, balance of power.
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Nazri, Atika Shafinaz. "Penglibatan dan Sumbangan NGO Malaysia dalam Isu Kemanusiaan Palestin: Aman Palestin Berhad." Sains Insani 7, no. 1 (May 31, 2022): 7–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.33102/sainsinsani.vol7no1.337.
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Penjajahan dan kezaliman yang berlaku ke atas rakyat Palestin sementelahan pula kebisuan negara-negara berkuasa besar dan peranan Palestinian National Authority yang terbatas atau mempunyai kapasiti agak memuaskan, maka hadirnya pelbagai jenis NGO menjalankan aktiviti bantuan kemanusiaan terhadap golongan rentan ini. Matlamat utama kajian ini adalah untuk mengenal pasti bentuk-bentuk penglibatan dan sumbangan NGO kemanusiaan Malaysia dalam isu kemanusiaan Palestin. Berasaskan pendekatan kualitatif, kajian telah menjalankan temu bual mendalam bersama tiga pegawai NGO Aman Palestin. Pemilihan NGO ini adalah berdasarkan bantuannya yang mengkhususkan kepada Palestin dan penglibatan secara aktif sejak penubuhan organisasi tersebut. Penemuan kajian telah menunjukkan terdapat pelbagai bentuk sumbangan bantuan kemanusiaan Aman Palestin menerusi projek yang melibatkan sektor ekonomi, pendidikan, sosial, kesihatan, pertanian dan insfratruktur telah menyumbang kelestarian hidup rakyat di sana. Penglibatan aktif melalui aktiviti-aktiviti yang dijalankan di Malaysia telah mempertingkatkan kesedaran mengenai isu Palestin dalam kalangan masyarakat Malaysia. Walau bagaimanapun, projek dan aktiviti Aman Palestin dilihat lebih bersifat islamisasi yang mensasarkan golongan beragama Islam sahaja. Isu Palestin perlu diangkat sebagai isu kemanusiaan bukan agama semata-mata supaya semua lapisan masyarakat tanpa mengira latar belakang agama dapat berganding bahu dalam membantah penjajahan Israel. The presence of various NGOs carrying out humanitarian aid activities for Palestinian due to occupation and oppression concurrently the silence between superpowers and the limited role of the Palestinian National Authority. The purpose of this study is to identify the forms of involvement and contribution of Malaysian humanitarian NGOs in Palestinian humanitarian issues. Based on a qualitative approach, the study conducted in-depth interviews with three Aman Palestin officials. The selection of this NGO was based on specialized assistance to Palestine and its active involvement since the organization’s establishment. The findings have shown there are various humanitarian aid projects conducted by Aman Palestin involving the economic, educational, social, health, agricultural, and infrastructure sectors. Indubitably, the projects have contributed to the sustainability of the Palestinians’ lives. Active involvement through activities conducted in Malaysia has increased awareness of the Palestinian issue among the Malaysian community. However, Aman Palestin projects and activities are seen to be more religious in nature targeting Muslims solely. The Palestinian issue ought to be raised as a non-religious humanitarian issue in order for all societies regardless of religious background cooperatively in protesting Israeli occupation.
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Tabar, Linda. "Disrupting Development, Reclaiming Solidarity: The Anti-Politics of Humanitarianism." Journal of Palestine Studies 45, no. 4 (2016): 16–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2016.45.4.16.
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Originally developed for the Center for Development Studies at Birzeit University in 2011, this paper examines the humanitarian assistance that flooded the occupied Palestinian territories after the beginning of the second intifada (2000–2005). It provides a critical analysis of the international development aid that was directed at Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, where the Oslo process was territorialized, to the exclusion of the vast majority of the Palestinian people. Today, Palestinians are challenging the dominant development discourse and neoliberal economic model set in place by the Oslo Accords, wherein development recast Israeli settler colonialism as an externality, which the putative Palestinian state-building project would transcend. Returning to Yusif Sayigh's view that development cannot occur under settler colonialism, Palestinians are articulating alternatives to the Oslo post-conflict paradigm that emphasize self-reliance and resistance. The discussion that follows situates itself as a contribution to this process by interrogating the anti-political bias of humanitarianism and charting how indigenous Palestinians are building alternatives to food aid.
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SAATY, T. L., and H. J. ZOFFER. "NEGOTIATING THE ISRAELI–PALESTINIAN CONTROVERSY FROM A NEW PERSPECTIVE." International Journal of Information Technology & Decision Making 10, no. 01 (January 2011): 5–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s021962201100421x.
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In most long-lasting conflicts, each party's grievances increase while the concessions they are willing to make decline in number, quality, and perceived value. Both parties lose sight of what they are willing to settle for, generally exaggerate their own needs, and minimize the needs of the other side over time. But, it is precisely the matter of trading that needs to be made more concrete and of higher priority for both sides, if a meaningful resolution is to be found. Without a formal way of trading off the concessions and packages of concessions, both sides are likely to suspect that they are getting the short end of the bargain. After the parties have agreed to a trade, very specific binding language about the terms of the agreement, clear implementation policies, and outside guarantors are needed. The worth of the concessions traded, as perceived by both the giver and receiver, need to be accurately determined and recorded. All of this requires going beyond verbal descriptions of the concessions to more broadly include their economic, social, geographic, humanitarian, and historical worth. It is critical that all of these need to be translated into priorities derived in terms of the different values and beliefs of the parties. Priorities are universal and include the diversity of measures in terms of which economic, social, and other values are measured. The Analytic Hierarchy Process (AHP) provides a way to perform such an assessment with the participation of negotiators for the parties. It is a positive approach that makes it possible to reason and express feelings and judgments with numerical intensities to derive priorities. It has been used productively in the past to deal with the conflicts in South Africa and Northern Ireland and with other controversies throughout the world. With the assistance of panels of Israeli participants and Palestinian participants brought together in 2009 and 2010, AHP was applied for the first time to the Palestinian–Israeli conflict. The process makes it clear that moderation in different degrees by both sides is essential to arrive at acceptable agreements on concessions proposed and agreed upon by both sides. AHP makes it possible to evaluate moderate and extreme viewpoints and determine their effect on the trading of concessions. The results obtained encourage us to advocate its use in the negotiation process.
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McKenzie, Kevin. "The humanitarian imperative under fire." Journal of Language and Politics 8, no. 3 (December 15, 2009): 333–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.8.3.01mck.
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This paper explores how speakers manage the dilemmatic tension between competing demands for accountability in mundane explanations of humanitarian assistance in settings of armed conflict. Taking as analytic data talk recorded in interviews with the personnel of aid agencies and various non-governmental organizations (NGOs) who work in Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territories (OPT), we examine how demands for both non-partisan impartiality, on the one hand, and sympathetic alignment with the victims (or losing parties) of armed conflict, on the other, feature in the explanations that humanitarian aid workers formulate to account for their professional activities. While non-partisanship features as a source of legitimacy given that humanitarian assistance is regarded as a response to universal human suffering, the source of that suffering in armed conflict necessitates recognition of the antagonist-protagonist and victim relationship in order for aid recipients to be identified. Everyday accounts of aid work function to mitigate the otherwise mutually exclusive relationship between competing assumptions that inform the logic of humanitarian assistance.
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Qarmout, Tamer, and Daniel Béland. "The Politics of International Aid to the Gaza Strip." Journal of Palestine Studies 41, no. 4 (2012): 32–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2012.xli.4.32.
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International aid to the Palestinian Authority is conditioned in part on democratization and good governance. However, since Hamas's victory in the 2006 Palestinian Legislative Council elections and its takeover of the Gaza Strip, aid agencies have supported the international boycott of the Hamas government. This article argues that aid agencies, by operating in Gaza while boycotting its government, subvert their mandates and serve the political interests of donors and the PA rather than the humanitarian and development needs of Gazans. As a consequence, assistance has, inadvertently and unintentionally, increased Gazans' dependence on humanitarian aid, impeded economic development, and enabled Israel to maintain its occupation and the blockade of Gaza.
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Whittall, Jonathan. "‘It's like talking to a brick wall’." Progress in Development Studies 9, no. 1 (January 2009): 37–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/146499340800900104.
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For the purpose of this article, humanitarian diplomacy is defined as: the use of International Law and the humanitarian imperative as complimentary levers to facilitate the delivery of assistance or to promote the protection of civilians in a complex political emergency. Based on field research in the occupied Palestinian territory in 2007, this article demonstrates that the external reality of a US global superpower overly reliant on hard power, combined with its strategic alliance with Israel in the Middle East, creates an operating environment that severely constrains the use of humanitarian diplomacy. Whilst United Nations (UN) agencies implement technically sound interventions, the political realities prevent the effective use of International Law. The UN field staff are evoking Palestinian's humanitarian needs as a lever to promote protection, but this is fundamentally missing the point. The situation in the West Bank is a human rights issue – borne from a political crisis. The protection of Palestinians is undermined by an aversion to the use of International Law because of the political realities of an unchallenged occupation.
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Carpi, Estella. "The Political and the Humanitarian in Lebanon. Social Responsiveness to Emergency Crisis from the 2006 War to the Syrian Refugee Influx." Oriente Moderno 94, no. 2 (November 18, 2014): 402–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22138617-12340058.
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This paper primarily aims at enlarging qualitative knowledge on how social settings and personal relations change while turning into spaces of humanitarian aid provision. The two major emergencies that Lebanon has faced so far will be taken into analysis: the Israel-Lebanon July War in 2006 and today’s unprecedented influx of Syrian refugees. In this framework, while dealing with the sudden presence of non-state actors replacing the void historically left by the central state, this paper will illustrate how the 2006 displaced and now the Syrian refugees have locally developed moral resilience, gratitude or mistrust towards the humanitarian programmes, and cultivated expectations of mutual assistance. In the wake of what has been first applauded—and then discarded—as the “Arab Spring”, a phenomenological analysis of the social changes, engendered by the temporary presence of humanitarian actors in chronically neglected settings, can offer an inner perspective of how people socially respond to emergency crises.
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Widagdo, Setyo, and Rika Kurniaty. "PRINSIP RESPONSIBILITY TO PROTECT (R2P) DALAM KONFLIK ISRAEL- PALESTINA: BAGAIMANA SIKAP INDONESIA?" Arena Hukum 14, no. 2 (August 31, 2021): 314–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.21776/ub.arenahukum.2021.01402.6.
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This article aims to discuss the Principles of Responsibility to Protect (R2P) that may be applied to the conflict in the Gaza Strip between Israel and Palestine. This normative legal research using a conceptual approach and a case approach indicates that the humanitarian crisis resulting from the conflict needs to be the focus of the international community, and the R2P principle may be applied as an alternative solution. Although the R2P principle is not a legal formulation, R2P plays an important role. It is recognized as an emerging norm or an obligation with a legal significance. R2P has been agreed upon and accepted by most countries globally that are members of the United Nations through UN General Assembly Resolutions. R2P assigns responsibility to the international community to help parties protect populations from the crime of genocide. Ultimately, R2P is expected to encourage states to fulfill their legal responsibilities and obligations, help build capacity to protect populations, and provide assistance to states in emergencies.
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Ryan, Stephen. "Carrots, Sticks, and Ethnic Conflict: Rethinking Development Assistance. Edited by Milton J. Esman and Ronald J. Herring. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2001. 272p. $49.50." American Political Science Review 96, no. 3 (September 2002): 682–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055402950367.
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This excellent collection of essays takes the reader into a complex area: the relationship between economic development and ethnic conflict. It is such a tricky topic because there is consensus about neither what ethnicity is nor the contributions that economic factors make to the origins, dynamics, and resolution of ethnic strife. In fact the essays presented here steer clear of origins and resolution and focus instead on the less controversial area of how development policy impacts on the dynamics of ethnic conflicts. There is a great need for contributions in this area, because, as the introductory chapter by Herring and Esman notes, the international community is becoming more involved in humanitarian assistance and postviolence reconstruction initiatives in a number of protracted intercommunal conflicts. These include Bosnia, Kosovo, Israel and Palestine, Northern Ireland, and Lebanon. At the same time the increased awareness of ethnic conflict in the past decade has resulted in reassessments of what development means in a multicultural setting.
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Krylov, A., and A. Fedorchenko. "Middle East in the Face of Old Problems and New Challenges." World Economy and International Relations 66, no. 3 (2022): 33–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2022-66-3-33-43.
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The region of the Middle East and North Africa with its numerous political, socio-economic problems and multilevel conflicts together with the rest of the world faces a new crisis – the COVID 19 pandemic. In the war-affected countries and areas of the region, there are in fact no adequate health care systems, professional medical personnel capable of providing effective assistance to the population in the situation when the pandemic continues to spread. The Arab Spring uprisings and new civil wars have only worsened the situation in the region. Apart from that, nowadays we are witnessing other negative phenomena – global warming which leads to the shrinking of agricultural lands, the deterioration of the quality of food, shortage of water resources, uncontrolled fertility and massive radicalization of the marginalized groups of the Muslim population which has strengthened the ranks of supporters of violent extremism, namely, takfirism and jihadism. The article attempts to answer the following questions: what are the political and economic consequences of the pandemic for the region? How realistic is it now to transform the political systems of Arab countries and ensure their socio-economic revival? Is there now a real possibility of reincarnation of the terrorist Islamist potential in MENA? The world community should not remain indifferent to the regional problems. Compassion must be shown to the millions in need, and the financial and humanitarian assistance they require provided. We should understand that COVID 19 is ignoring borders and, if we do not combat this evil everywhere, it can easily be transferred to all continents of the world by millions of migrants, pushed out of their home failed states by hopelessness and frustration. Israel as a Middle East enclave of the developed world is analyzed separately.
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Chemtob, Daniel, Rivka Rich, Neta Harel, Nechama Averick, Eyal Schwartzberg, Israel Yust, Shlomo Maayan, Itamar Grotto, and Ronni Gamzu. "Ensuring HIV care to undocumented migrants in Israel: a public-private partnership case study." Israel Journal of Health Policy Research 8, no. 1 (November 13, 2019). http://dx.doi.org/10.1186/s13584-019-0350-4.
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Abstract Background Undocumented migrants in Israel, mostly originating from HIV endemic countries, are not covered by Israel’s universal healthcare coverage. We initiated a Public-Private Partnership (PPP) to handle this public health and humanitarian challenge. The PPP venture included the Ministry of Health (MoH), pharmaceutical companies, pharmacies, and specialized HIV clinics, the Israeli HIV Medical Society (from the Israel Medical Association), and non-governmental organizations. This study describes the national policy process in conceptualizing and implementing access to HIV services for undocumented migrants through a PPP, and analyzes the preliminary results. Methods This case study describes the process of creating a temporary Public-Private Partnership to provide HIV care for undocumented migrants based on institutional records of the Department of Tuberculosis and AIDS (DTA) and memories and reflections from partners. This case was analyzed according to the OECD-DAC criteria for development assistance (relevance, effectiveness, efficiency, sustainability and impact). Demographic and serological data of patients referred between 2014 to 2018 were collected to monitor progress. and analyze preliminary medical and biological outcomes. Ethical approval was obtained from the Ministry of Health. Results Creating a policy to extend HIV care to undocumented migrants was a 15 year process that confronted several challenges within Israeli and international discourse, particularly concerning governmental response to the migration crisis. The use of a PPP model involving numerous stakeholders provided a solid, local feasibility demonstration that extending HIV care as a matter of policy would have positive implications for public health in Israel. During the first 2 years of the program (2014–2015), the MoH funded medical follow-up and the pharmaceutical companies provided antiretroviral treatment (ART) free of charge for only 100 patients at any given time, in addition to ART provided by the MoH for pregnant women. Since 2016, the MoH has fully covered this service and integrated it within the Israeli health system; this constitutes the major success of the PPP program. As of December 2018, the national program has monitored 350 patients and treated 316 (90.3%). The most prevalent disease present upon referral was Tuberculosis. Conclusions To our knowledge, this study documents the first example of a successful PPP with government partnership in a high-income country to address undocumented migrants’ lack of access to health services in general and HIV care in particular. In light of the intensification of North-South migration, this Israeli case study could be useful for other countries facing similar challenges. It also has lessons within Israel, as the country grapples with other health problems among uninsured communities.
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"Complaint Regarding the Israeli Actions Against the Maritime Flotilla for the Gaza Strip." International Law Reports 181 (2019): 488–567. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/9781108562522.009.
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War and armed conflict — International armed conflict — Non-international armed conflict — Status of armed conflict — Law of armed conflict — Armed conflict at sea — Whether armed conflict between non-State organization and Israel — Terrorism — Use of terrorist methods — Relevance — Prerequisites for determining existence of armed conflict — Whether necessary to determine whether armed conflict international or non-international in character — Distinction between war crime and ordinary crime — War crimes — Nexus requirement — Attack in law governing conduct of hostilities — Military objective — Law governing armed conflict at sea — Right to a naval blockade — Status of merchant vessel breaching naval blockade — Status of goods on merchant vessel breaching naval blockade — Contraband — Enforcement of naval blockade on high seas — Naval blockade in law of international armed conflict — Non-international armed conflict — Whether power to impose a naval blockade applicable — Distinction between members of non-State organized armed groups and civilians — Journalists and war correspondents — Civilian taking a direct part in hostilities — Proportionality — International criminal law — Humanitarian assistance and peacekeeping missions — Wilfully causing great suffering and serious injury to body or health — Deportation and forcible transfer — Humiliating and degrading treatment — Unjustifiably delaying return home of a person detained after enforcement of naval blockade — Pillaging and unlawfully destroying, appropriating or seizing property — Crimes against humanity — Contextual element of widespread or systematic attack against any civilian population — Person hors de combat in law of armed conflict and international criminal law — Whether criminal investigation to be instigated — Whether sufficient reason to believe crime committed to detriment of German and non-German nationalsInternational criminal law — War crimes — Crimes against humanity — Law of armed conflict — Armed conflict at sea — Humanitarian assistance and peacekeeping missions — Wilfully causing great suffering and serious injury to body or health — Deportation and forcible transfer — Humiliating and degrading treatment — Unjustifiably delaying return home of a person detained after enforcement of naval blockade — Pillaging and unlawfully destroying, appropriating or seizing property — Crimes against humanity — Contextual element of widespread or systematic attack against any civilian population — Person hors de 489combat — Whether criminal investigation to be instigated — Whether sufficient reason to believe crime committed to detriment of German and non-German nationalsSea — Armed conflict at sea — Treaties — Customary international law — Right to a naval blockade — Legal prerequisites — Status of merchant vessel breaching naval blockade — Status of goods on merchant vessel breaching naval blockade — Contraband — Enforcement of naval blockade on high seas — Naval blockade in law of armed conflict — Whether power to impose a naval blockade applicable — Whether criminal investigation to be instigated — Whether sufficient reason to believe crime committed to detriment of German and non-German nationalsJurisdiction — Universal jurisdiction — Extraterritorial jurisdiction in case of attack on marine traffic — Passive personality principle — Law of Germany including discretion not to exercise universal jurisdiction — Immunity from foreign criminal jurisdiction — The law of Germany