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1

Fugazzotto, Giulio. "The Italian Communist Party in Somalia between colonial legacies and party pedagogy." ITALIA CONTEMPORANEA, no. 303 (April 2024): 3–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/icyearbook2022-2023-oa001.

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This article addresses a number of historiographical questions about the relationship between Italian communism and colonialism. It does so by analysing the presence of a section of the Italian Communist Party in Mogadishu in 1942. After describing its origins and relations with the military administration and the Italian community in British-occupied Somalia, the article examines the activities of the communists in Mogadishu and their relationship with the party, from which the local section seems to have been quite autonomous. While this confirms that the ideas and practices of the communist
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2

Santoro, Stefano. "Il Partito comunista italiano e i regimi comunisti dell’Europa orientale attraverso la rivista “Rinascita”." Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Historia 66, no. 2 (2022): 179–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/subbhist.2021.2.09.

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"The Italian Communist Party and the communist regimes of Eastern Europe through the magazine “Rinascita”. The cultural magazine of the Italian Communist Party “Rinascita” was published from 1944 to 1991, thus following the evolution of that party from the post-WWII to its self-dissolution. Through an analysis of the articles published in the magazine, this contribution studies the evolution of the image of the communist regimes of Eastern Europe among the Italian communists, retracing the strategic and ideological changes that characterized the Pci, along a difficult path that from the cult o
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Živković, Bogdan. "Inspiring Dissent: Yugoslavia and the Italian Communist Party during 1956." Tokovi istorije 29, no. 3 (2021): 171–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.31212/tokovi.2021.3.ziv.171-198.

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This paper analyzes the relations between the communist parties of Yugoslavia and Italy during 1956, one of the most important years of the history of communism. The dissenting nature of those relations, which were based on the mutual wish to limit the Soviet hegemony within the global communist movement, is in the focus of this analysis. Finally, this paper aims to demonstrate how the roots of the close friendship between the two parties during the sixties and seventies can be traced back to 1956, and how the Yugoslav communists influenced or tried to influence their Italian counterparts.
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4

Sassoon, Donald. "The Italian Communist Party, Wars and Revolutions." Notebooks: The Journal for Studies on Power 1, no. 2 (2022): 368–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/26667185-01020009.

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Abstract Following the path dependence principle, the article describes the emergence of communism and the role played by wars and revolutions as unrepeatable and extraordinary catalyst factors. According to this view, communist parties can be considered institutions that outlasted the situations that created them and that, to survive, have been constantly forced to adapt to new circumstances such as fascism, the cold war or the clash of ussr. In this framework, the article describes the peculiar path of the Italian Communist Party (pci).
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Podemski, Piotr. "Antyamerykańska trauma i nostalgia za komunizmem we włoskiej wojnie o pamięć na przykładzie twórczości Giorgia Gabera." Politeja 18, no. 1(70) (2021): 85–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.18.2021.70.07.

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Anti-American Trauma and Nostalgia for Communism in the Italian Memory War as Presented in Giorgio Gaber’s Work
 Although the contemporary Italian memory war originally stems from a debate around the trauma of the 1943-1945 civil war between Italian Fascists and the Resistance, it’s almost equally crucial aspect remains that of the two conflicting narratives of the early Cold War period (1945-1948). One of those is the dominant memory pattern, imposed by the ruling Christian Democratic Party (pro-American and anti-Communist), opposed by the alternative and marginalized view promoted by th
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6

IANDOLO, ALESSANDRO. "Unforgettable 1956? The PCI and the Crisis of Communism in Italy." Contemporary European History 23, no. 2 (2014): 259–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777314000046.

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AbstractThe Italian left has always perceived 1956 as an extraordinary year, because of the succession of international events that supposedly shocked many Italian militants and convinced them to abandon communism and the Italian Communist Party. On the contrary, this article claims that the real reasons for the crisis of communism in Italy had little to do with international events and must be found instead in the momentous economic and social changes that Italy was experiencing at the time. Unforgettable 1956 was therefore only a moment in a longer-term process that was destined to change co
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7

Goretti, Leo. "Sport popolare italiano e Arbeitersport tedesco-occidentale (1945-1950)." PASSATO E PRESENTE, no. 78 (October 2009): 65–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/pass2009-078004.

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- Focuses on the sport policies of the Italian Communist Party and the West German Social Democratic Party in the post-war period. Whereas the Pci leadership decided to build up a flanking sports association (the Unione Italiana Sport Popolare, established in 1948), the Spd abandoned the pre-Nazi tradition of the Arbeitersport (workers' sport). Based on a research undertaken in the archives of the two parties, the article analyses their sport policies in a comparative perspective. Particular attention is paid to the legacy of the Nazi and Fascist regimes and the different political contexts in
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8

De Martino, Claudia. "Israel and the Italian Communist Party (1948–2015): From fondness to enmity." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 48, no. 4 (2015): 281–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2015.07.004.

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Based on a wide array of archival sources of the Communist Party of Italy (PCI), the article explores the historical relationship between the Party, Israel and the Jew and focuses on the real motivations behind the current divide between Israel and the European (Communist or former Communist) Left. The articles argues that Communism for Israel has not been lost for the presumed discriminatory attitude of the Jews in the Communist world, nor for historical growing Communist support of Palestinian guerrilla groups, but because of the increasing militarism and nationalism of the Zionist Left and
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9

Malinina, O.V. "EUROCOMMUNISM IN PCI-CPSU RELATIONS IN THE 1970s-1980s." Annali d'Italia 38 (December 23, 2022): 61–67. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.7477174.

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The article analyzes the relations between the Italian Communist Party and the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in the 1970-1980s, when the PCI was the leading force in the newly formed movement - Eurocommunism. The ideological foundations of Eurocommunism, the doctrine of the Italian path to socialism and the historical compromise are considered in comparison with Marxism-Leninism, which at that time was the official ideology in the USSR. The author chronologically lists the stages of the crisis in relations between the two parties and analyzes the impact of the international situation on
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10

Mišić, Saša. "„Ne može se više ponoviti 1948. godina!“ Jugoslavija i italijanski komunisti i socijalisti 1957–1962." Tokovi istorije 30, no. 2 (2022): 153–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.31212/tokovi.2022.2.mis.153-185.

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The paper presents an analysis of relations between Yugoslavia and the two most important parties of the Italian left: the Italian Communist Party (PCI) and the Italian Socialist Party (PSI) at a time when relations between Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union deteriorated again. It is an effort to explain the way in which the dispute between Belgrade and Moscow affected the relations of the Yugoslav communists with those Italian parties.
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11

Timmermann, Heinz. "Moscow and the Italian communist party." Journal of Communist Studies 3, no. 1 (1987): 104–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13523278708414854.

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12

C., J. C., and Joan Barth Urban. "Moscow and the Italian Communist Party." Foreign Affairs 65, no. 1 (1986): 193. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20042923.

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13

Pons, Silvio. "Stalin, Togliatti, and the Origins of the Cold War in Europe." Journal of Cold War Studies 3, no. 2 (2001): 3–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/152039701300373862.

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Soviet policy toward the Italian Communist Party (PCI) from 1943 to 1948 exemplified Josif Stalin's complicated relationship with the West European Communist parties and Western Europe in general. For a considerable while, Stalin insisted that the PCI follow a policy of moderation. Palmiro Togliatti, the leader of the PCI, heeded Stalin's orders and tried to ensure that the Italian Communists pursued a policy of national unity and avoided conflicts that might lead to civil war in Italy. But this moderate approach collapsed after the Soviet Union rejected the Marshall Plan in 1947 and thereby f
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14

Castellina, Luciana. "The pci: The Communist Giraffe." Notebooks: The Journal for Studies on Power 1, no. 2 (2022): 356–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/26667185-01020008.

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Abstract This commentary offers an insight into ‘the Gramsci genome’, the concept typically used to underline Gramsci’s influence on the historical experience of the Italian Communist Party (Partito Comunista Italiano; pci). Drawing on a personal and specific experience of political militancy within the party, this contribution explores how the pci, by assuming the role of a collective subject in Gramscian terms, pursued the Gramscian line of revolution as a protracted process of democratic expansion and conquest of essential forms of power in civil society. The article underlines the pivotal
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15

Haig, Fiona. "The Poznań Uprising of 1956 as Viewed by French and Italian Communists." Journal of Cold War Studies 18, no. 2 (2016): 160–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00641.

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The Poznań uprising of June 1956, coming just a few months after Nikita Khrushchev's landmark “secret speech” at the Twentieth Soviet Party Congress, constituted the first real test of de-Stalinization. The uprising was a turning point in postwar Polish history and the precursor to subsequent bouts of unrest in Poland. Yet, the episode itself and its repercussions that year were overshadowed by more pressing and dramatic developments, especially the revolution in Hungary four months later. The responses of the leaders of the two largest non-ruling Communist parties to the Poznań rebellion have
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16

Njølstad, Olav. "The Carter Administration and Italy: Keeping the Communists Out of Power Without Interfering." Journal of Cold War Studies 4, no. 3 (2002): 56–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/152039702320201076.

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From the late 1940s on, the United States did its best to prevent the Italian Communist Party (PCI)from gaining a role in the Italian government. When Jimmy Carter took office in Washington in 1977, the PCI once again was maneuvering for a share of power in Rome. Some observers in Italy speculated that the new U.S. administration would be less averse than its predecessors had been to the prospect of Communist participation in the Italian government. The Carter administration's initial statements and actions created further ambiguity and may have emboldened some senior PCI officials to step up
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17

Drake, Richard. "The Soviet Dimension of Italian Communism." Journal of Cold War Studies 6, no. 3 (2004): 115–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/1520397041447355.

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This essay reviews two books that provide diverging views of the relationship between the Italian Communist Party (PCI) and the Soviet Union. The first book, a lengthy collection of declassified documents from the former Soviet archives, provides abundant evidence of the PCI's crucial dependence on Soviet funding. No Communist party outside the Soviet bloc depended more on Soviet funding over the years than the PCI did. Vast amounts of money flowed from Moscow into the PCI's coffers. The Italian Communists maintained their heavy reliance on Soviet funding until the early 1980s. The other book
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18

Daniels, Philip A. "Seventeenth congress of the Italian communist party." Journal of Communist Studies 2, no. 3 (1986): 298–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13523278608414825.

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19

Forlenza, Rosario. "The Italian Communist Party, local government and the Cold War." Modern Italy 15, no. 2 (2010): 177–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940903513544.

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The Italian national elections of 18 April 1948 handed power to the Christian Democratic Party. The Italian Communist Party had, however, gained significant municipal control in the local elections of 1946. For the Communists, the local level became the testing ground where administrative practices, political initiatives, social alliances and economic projects were developed. The leaders and the intellectuals worked to outline the cultural framework of a political project which could challenge national politics from town councils. Meanwhile, with a view to making gains in the local elections o
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20

Costantini, Emanuela. "Relations between the PCI and the league of communists from the second post-war period to the mid-1960s." Balcanica, no. 53 (2022): 243–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc2253243c.

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The relations between Tito and Togliatti and their respective parties were conditioned by the omnipresent influence that Communist party of Soviet Union had on both partners. During the period of Stalin?s rule, the Italian communist were staunch Stalinists, thus Tito?s split with Stalin and the issue of Trieste were the main obstacles in bilateral relations. Khrushchev?s destalinization process opened new possibilities for inter party relations across the Adriatic, which however continued to be conditioned by the strategy of their Soviet comrades. Khrushchev?s lessening of the control over ?si
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21

Graf, von Hardenberg Wilko, and Paolo Pelizzari. "The environmental question, employment, and development in Italy's left, 1945 – 1990." Left History 13, no. 1 (2008): 105. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.259346.

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Wilko Graf von Hardenburg and Paolo Pelizzari describe the unease with which Italian Communists — particularly those of the Italian Communist Party—approached the environmental question. They did so in conjunction with the rise of Italian 'ecologismo politico' and with respect to the growing ambiguities and injustices rooted in industrial models of development and growth. Examining the tensions between the traditional Communist concern with the working conditions within the factory environment and the growth of mainstream environmentalism, "The Environmental Question, Employment, and Developme
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22

Cella, Elisa, Maja Gori, and Alessandro Pintucci. "The trowel and the sickle. Italian archaeology and its Marxist legacy." Ex Novo: Journal of Archaeology 1 (December 31, 2016): 71–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.32028/exnovo.v1i0.399.

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During the second post-war period (1945-1960s), the Italian Communist party was a hub of intellec­tuals, and as such influenced the development of Italian archaeology as well. Marxist ideology indeed was perceived as means to enfranchise the discipline from the old academia. Focusing on of the so-called “Roman school” of archaeology, this paper analyzes the influence of communist and Marxist ideologies on the discipline’s development. In particular we will present two prominent and charismatic archaeologists Renato Peroni and Andrea Carandini. It is argued that while the Marxist research traje
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23

Lee, Joanne. "Political utopia or Potemkin village? Italian travellers to the Soviet Union in the early Cold War." Modern Italy 20, no. 4 (2015): 379–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1353294400014836.

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Situated on the border between the capitalist West and Communist East, and with the largest Communist party in Western Europe, Italy found itself at the centre of global ideological struggles in the early Cold War years. A number of Italian writers and intellectuals who had joined the PCI (Partito Comunista Italiano) during the Resistance had hoped that the party would play a central role in the post-war reconstruction of Italy and were attracted to the Soviet Union as an example of Communism in action. This article centres on accounts of journeys to the USSR by Sibilla Aleramo, Renata Viganò
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Drake, Richard, and David I. Kertzer. "Politics and Symbols: The Italian Communist Party and the Fall of Communism." American Historical Review 102, no. 4 (1997): 1188. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2170721.

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Grand, Alexander De, and David I. Kertzer. "Politics and Symbols: The Italian Communist Party and the Fall of Communism." Political Science Quarterly 112, no. 4 (1997): 726. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2657726.

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Hoffmann, Stanley, and David I. Kertzer. "Politics and Symbols: The Italian Communist Party and the Fall of Communism." Foreign Affairs 75, no. 6 (1996): 157. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20047865.

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Minicuci, Maria. "Politics and Symbols: The Italian Communist Party and the Fall of Communism." American Ethnologist 25, no. 3 (1998): 540–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ae.1998.25.3.540.

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Furlong, Paul. "The Last Congress of the Italian Communist Party." Government and Opposition 26, no. 2 (1991): 267–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1991.tb01138.x.

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Filipovic, Luka. "Yugoslav communists and European far-left - from first supporters of Italian Eurocommunists to last allies of French neo-stalinists (1965-1985)." Filozofija i drustvo 34, no. 4 (2023): 591–612. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/fid2304591f.

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Complex structural changes of social realty in SFRY and Western Europe during post-war decades have created the need for the largest Marxist parties of Europe outside Eastern Bloc to accommodate their party policies to new political challenges and social circumstances. Gradually, communist parties of Mediterranean started to contemplate creation of a new Marxist ideology for the welfare state era, which in practice meant seizing attempts to adjust principles of Bolshevik socialist model to their unique local circumstances, and moving away from the influence of Soviet party. League of Communist
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Drake, Richard. "Italian Communism and Soviet Terror." Journal of Cold War Studies 6, no. 2 (2004): 57–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/152039704773254768.

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The declassification of materials from the Russian archives has provided a good deal of new evidence about the relationship between the Italian Communist Party (PCI) and the Soviet Union both before and after World War II. Two newly published collections of documents leave no doubt that, contrary to arguments made by supporters of the PCI, the Italian party was in fact strictly subservient to the dictates of Josif Stalin. The documents reveal the unsavory role of the PCI leader, Palmiro Togliatti, in the destruction of large sections of the Italian Communist movement and in the tragic fate of
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Bledar Kurti and Arburim Iseni. "UNITED STATES FOREIGN INTERVENTIONS IN ITALY AND KOREA." Angloamericanae Journal (AAJ) 9, no. 1 (2023): 9–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.58885/aaj.v9i1.09.bk.

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The Communist victory in the Italian elections of April 1948, prompted fear to the American administration and U.S. foreign policy makers. The first numbered document issued by the National Security Council, NSC 1/1 of November 14th, 1947 warned that “The Italian Government, ideologically inclined toward Western democracy, is weak and is being subjected to continuous attack by a strong Communist Party.” The NSC recommended, in addition to public support for the beleaguered Italian government, a programme to “actively combat Communist propaganda in Italy by an effective U.S. information program
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Dragisic, Petar. "The Yugoslav perspective on Italian Eurocommunism in the second half of the 1970s." Balcanica, no. 53 (2022): 301–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc2253301d.

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The article outlines the key elements of the Yugoslav perceptions of the Italian Communist Party?s (PCI) ideological and political orientation during its Eurocommunist phase. In addition, it investigates the relationship between the League of Communists of Yugoslavia and PCI in the latter half of the 1970s. The article is primarily based on an analysis of Yugoslav archival sources and press materials.
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Sidoti, Franceso. "Italy: A Clean‐up after the Cold War." Government and Opposition 28, no. 1 (1993): 105–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1993.tb01309.x.

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In These Pages We Will Discuss The Thesis That in order to understand the present problems of Italy, one must look back on an era of international politics dominated by the bipolar and conflictual relationship between East and West. This came to an end finally after the failed Moscow coup in mid-1991.From 1946, without interruption, in a Europe divided by the iron curtain, Italy was the frontier country where the cold war was most bitterly fought, because the Italian Communist Party (PCI) was the strongest communist party in the world outside the Soviet empire. From many viewpoints, the Italia
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Groppo, Bruno. "The Italian communist party and the CGIL: A survey." Journal of Communist Studies 6, no. 4 (1990): 52–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13523279008415054.

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Lange, Peter, Cynthia Irvin, and Sidney Tarrow. "Mobilization, Social Movements and Party Recruitment: The Italian Communist Party since the 1960s." British Journal of Political Science 20, no. 1 (1990): 15–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400005688.

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Political life in the advanced industrial democracies since the Second World War has been characterized by periods of mass mobilization and protest followed by years of relative quiescence and institutional dominance. The individual phases have prompted extensive reflection. Far less attention, however, has been devoted to how developments in one phase might influence the subsequent one. Using data from a 1979 survey of activists of the Italian Communist Party, this article examines how the cycle of protest which swept Italy in the late-1960s and early-1970s was reflected in the distribution o
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DE GRAND, ALEXANDER. "‘To Learn Nothing and To Forget Nothing’: Italian Socialism and the Experience of Exile Politics, 1935–1945." Contemporary European History 14, no. 4 (2005): 539–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777305002754.

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As the Italian anti-fascist exiles reorganised after the establishment of a full dictatorship in 1925, they were confronted by a series of difficult issues that no longer could be dealt with in the national context. The overriding need to heal the divisions within the Italian left now would be conditioned by choices made on the international level. The abdication of the Western democracies at Munich meant to many on the left that the Soviet Union was the essential bulwark against fascism. Within the Italian Socialist Party Pietro Nenni defended the alliance with the Communist Party and support
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Baroni, Walter Stefano. "Paradoxes of the self: the autobiographical construction of the subject in the Italian Communist Party and in Italian neo-feminism." Modern Italy 23, no. 1 (2018): 69–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mit.2017.68.

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This article compares the autobiographical practices used by the Partito Comunista Italiano (PCI) in the aftermath of the Second World War with those developed by Italian neo-feminism from the late 1960s onwards. The former involved a repeated injunction for activists to write about and express themselves upon joining the party, in what amounted to self-criticism. The latter, meanwhile, took shape as a result of self-consciousness exercises practised by feminist groups in various cities across Italy. The terms of comparison of this article aim to describe what changed and what remained the sam
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Т.В., Рутковская. "ХАРТИЯ 77 И ЕВРОКОММУНИСТЫ". Человеческий капитал, № 6(174) (19 червня 2023): 38–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.25629/hc.2023.06.04.

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Статья посвящена взаимодействию Хартии 77 и европейских коммунистических партий: Французской коммунистической партии, Итальянской коммунистической партии и Коммунистической партии Испании. В качестве источников были привлечены публикации в периодических изданиях Le Monde и The Times. В статье рассматриваются как письменные обращения хартистов к еврокоммунистам, так и личные контакты подписантов Хартии с представителями партий. В статье делается вывод о том, что поддержка хартистов еврокоммунистами носила избирательный и непостоянный характер. Еврокоммунисты в вопросе общения с восточноевропейс
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Messina, Patrizia. "Opposition in Italy in the 1990s: Local Political Cultures and the Northern League." Government and Opposition 33, no. 4 (1998): 462–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1998.tb00462.x.

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SINCE 1989 THE NATURE OF OPPOSITION IN SEVERAL WESTERN democracies has been subject to change, and Italy is no exception. But the Italian case is distinct because the changes which occurred in Italy after 1989 amount to a revolution compared to the traditional political equilibrium. The Italian political scene was dominated, from the post-war years (1948) to the 199Os, by two political parties: the DC (Christian Democracy) and the PCI (Italian Communist Party), which respectively occupied the positions of ruling party and opposition party for over forty years.
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Nicewicz, Ewa. "Formare l’homo sovieticus. L’influsso dell’ideologia comunista sulle prime traduzioni polacche delle filastrocche di Gianni Rodari." Italica Wratislaviensia 13, no. 2 (2022): 149–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/iw.2022.13.2.07.

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Gianni Rodari’s works first appeared in Poland when he was yet little known, if not rather unpopular, in his homeland. In the 1950s, Italian criticism ignored Rodari’s literary efforts as a ‘militant’ communist, his works only reached a narrow circle of readers, and it would take some years until he garnered popularity in his homeland. Meanwhile, what the Italians failed to appreciate appeared to be gaining an almost instant recognition in the USSR and the Eastern Bloc countries. As a member of the Italian Communist Party, the Editor-in-Chief of the children’s magazine Pioniere, and an eager s
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Barceló, Joan. "Re-examining a modern classic: does Putnam's Making Democracy Work suffer from spuriousness?" Modern Italy 19, no. 4 (2014): 457–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532944.2014.969215.

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What makes democratic institutions work efficiently? Robert Putnam argued in Making Democracy Work that a mixture of political participation and immersion in associative and social networks in the community, conceptualised as ‘civic community’ or ‘social capital’, is the explanation. Ever since its publication, many questions have arisen about the validity of Putnam's theory. Among the most relevant concerns stands the influence of the Italian Communist Party on Putnam's empirical tests. This paper aims to fill the gap left in the literature by testing Putnam's hypothesis against the political
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Prospero, Michele, and Francesco Marchianò. "From the ‘New Party’ to the Party of Nuovismo: The Decline of the Political and Institutional Culture of Italian Communists." Notebooks: The Journal for Studies on Power 1, no. 2 (2022): 270–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/26667185-01020004.

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Abstract This article uses a comparative framework to study the two party models that characterised the early years of the Italian Communist Party and its dissolution: the ‘New Party’ outlined by Palmiro Togliatti and the ‘nuovismo’ introduced in the 1980s by the post-’68 leadership. The analysis focuses on the aspects of political culture, the idea of party organisation, the role of the party within the democratic system, the concept of democracy in the Italian political system, and the role of the party leadership. This analysis brings to light the great foresight of Togliatti, in addition t
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Bespalova, Kseniya A. "Areas of Activity of the Agents of the Comintern in Europe in 1921–1925 (Based on the Materials from French Archives)." Vestnik of Northern (Arctic) Federal University. Series Humanitarian and Social Sciences, no. 1 (March 1, 2022): 16–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.37482/2687-1505-v151.

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This article dwells on the topic little studied in Russian and foreign historiography, namely, the intelligence work of foreigners in European countries in favour of the Communist International. The research involved documents from the Historical Service of the French Ministry of Defence and the French National Archives, in particular, the court cases of three French activists (J. Sadoul, A. Guilbeaux and R. Petit). The materials of the court cases were formed on the basis of the information gathered by the French intelligence about the activities of these people in European countries. The aut
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Knyazeva, Svetlana E. "PER ASPERA AD ASTRA: THE THORNY PATH OF THE ITALIAN COMMUNIST PARTY TO POWER IN THE “BLOCKED DEMOCRACY” OF THE FIRST REPUBLIC." RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. Series Political Sciences. History. International Relations, no. 4 (2023): 112–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-6339-2023-4-112-127.

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Since the Cuban Missile Crisis, analysts have turned to examine its impact on European politics at the turning point of the Cold War. As a large European state, Italy found itself at the epicenter of the Cold War – this conflict of interests reached planetary proportions and left a devastating mark on Italy. Even so, the scientific literature has not sufficiently reflected such global issues as the overcoming by the Italian Communist Party of the “Italian anomaly” and the “imperfect bipartisanship” which turned out to be a direct result of the Cold War. The starting point of this research is t
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DAVIDSON, ALASTAIR. "Tendencies Towards “Reformism” in the Italian Communist Party, 1921-63." Australian Journal of Politics & History 11, no. 3 (2008): 335–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1965.tb00442.x.

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Colombo, Furio, and Joan Barth Urban. "Moscow and the Italian Communist Party: From Togliatti to Berlinguer." Political Science Quarterly 102, no. 1 (1987): 171. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2151529.

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Bull, Martin J. "Perestroikais catching: The Italian communist party elects a new leader." Journal of Communist Studies 5, no. 1 (1989): 79–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13523278908414956.

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Cassata, Francesco. "The Italian Communist Party and the “Lysenko Affair” (1948–1955)." Journal of the History of Biology 45, no. 3 (2011): 469–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10739-011-9286-4.

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MANNHEIMER, RENATO. "Electoral trends and the Italian Communist Party in the 1970s." European Journal of Political Research 15, no. 6 (1987): 635–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-6765.1987.tb00897.x.

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Donofrio, Andrea. "Eurocommunism: The rise and fall of a hopeful project." Soundings 86, no. 86 (2024): 49–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/soun.86.03.2024.

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Eurocommunism at first seemed to offer a strategy for renewal, but by the mid-1980s its momentum had dissipated. Recent renewed interest in Eurocommunism is part of a wider reflection on the crisis of communism in all its variants since the last part of the twentieth century. Its aim ‐ to forge a new strategy of democratic and peaceful conquest of political power, in keeping with the complexities of contemporary Western European societies ‐ at first seemed full of promise, but by the mid-1980s its momentum had dissipated. In spite of its aim of renewal, it was followed by the crisis and declin
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