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Journal articles on the topic 'Italian immigrants to the United States'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 15 February 2022

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1

Pérez, Santiago. "Southern (American) Hospitality: Italians in Argentina and the United States During the Age of Mass Migration." Economic Journal 131, no. 638 (February 25, 2021): 2613–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ej/ueab016.

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Abstract Argentina and the United States were the principal destinations for Italian immigrants during the Age of Mass Migration. I assemble data following Italians from passenger lists to censuses in Argentina and the United States, enabling me to compare the economic outcomes of migrants with similar pre-migration characteristics but who moved to different countries. Italians assimilated faster in Argentina, and this advantage was unlikely to be due to selection. A higher human capital relative to natives and the Italian-Spanish similarity largely explain Italians’ advantage in Argentina. These findings highlight the importance of the fit between migrants’ characteristics and those of the receiving country.

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2

Vecoli, Rudolph J. "Italian Immigrants and Working-Class Movements in the United States: A Personal Reflection on Class and Ethnicity." Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 4, no. 1 (February 9, 2006): 293–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/031067ar.

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Abstract The article argues that the locus of the most interesting and important work in the fields of immigration and labor history lies precisely at the intersection of class and ethnicity. In developing this thesis, particularly with respect to Italian immigrant working-class movements in the United States, the author draws on his experiences as a working-class ethnic and historian as well as his readings of the literature. In the course of his research on Italian immigrants in Chicago, the author stumbled upon the submerged, indeed suppressed, history of the Italian American left. Italian-American working-class history has since been the focus of his work. Since mainstream institutions had neglected the records of this history, the recovery of rich documentation on Italian American radicalism has been a source of particular satisfaction. These movements had also been "forgotten" by the Italian Americans themselves. Despite important work by a handful of American scholars, relatively few Italian American historians have given attention to this dimension of the Italian American experience. Curiously the topic has received more attention from scholars in Italy. Mass emigration as much as revolutionary movements was an expression of the social upheavals of turn-of-the-century Italy. As participants in those events, the immigrants brought more or less inchoate ideas of class and ethnicity to America with them. Here they developed class and ethnic identities as Italian-American workers. The construction of those identities has been a process in which the Italian immigrants have been protagonists, filtering cultural messages through the sieve of their own experiences, memories, and values. Historians of labor and immigration need to plumb the sources of class and ethnic identity more imaginatively and sensitively, recognizing that personal identity is a whole of which class and ethnicity are inseparable aspects. The author calls upon historians to salvage and restore the concepts of class and ethnicity as useful categories of analysis.

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3

Battistella, Graziano. "ITALIAN IMMIGRANTS TO THE UNITED STATES: THE LAST TWENTY YEARS." Center for Migration Studies special issues 7, no. 2 (March 1989): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.2050-411x.1989.tb00590.x.

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4

Gürsel, Bahar. "Citizenship and Military Service in Italian-American Relations, 1901-1918." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 7, no. 3 (July 2008): 353–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s153778140000075x.

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Conflicts over citizenship and military service became a central issue in Italian-American relations in the early twentieth century. The United States and Italy founded their concepts of citizenship on two different bases, jus soli and jus sanguinis. As a consequence of this difference and the swelling number of Italian immigrants naturalized in America, the two governments' policies about naturalization and military service collided until 1918. The Italian government's policy put Italian Americans' loyalty to the United States in jeopardy, especially for men who wished to return to Italy for business or educational purposes. Thus, the study of Italian Americans' experiences in the context of the policies of both countries illustrates a key aspect of the relationship between the United States and Italy, both in terms of social experience and public policy.

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5

Mátyás, Dénes. "From Italy to the USA: Cleveland Italians, Their Heritage and Traditions." Italianistica Debreceniensis 26 (December 1, 2020): 110–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.34102/itde/2020/9384.

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One would be hard-pressed to deny the influence Italians have had on the United States of America and on the very fabric of American cultural life. Not only are metropolises like New York City and Chicago with their populations in the millions home to significant Italian communities and neighborhoods but so are cities with several hundred thousand inhabitants like Boston, Baltimore, Syracuse, St. Louis, or Cleveland. The present paper intends to focus on Italians in Cleveland, Ohio, that undoubtedly constitute an organic and significant part of the city’s population. It aims to offer an insight into the formation of the Italian neighborhoods, from the first waves of Italian immigrants in the 19th century, and the opportunities of second-, third-, or nth-generation Italians to tend to their common Italian roots as well as to preserve their customs and traditions from the old country through a wide array of Italian cultural events, the city’s Italian community hubs and memorial sites, or the local Italian-American media

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6

Model, Suzanne W. "Italian and Jewish Intergenerational Mobility: New York, 1910." Social Science History 12, no. 1 (1988): 31–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s014555320001600x.

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Although most Italian and Jewish immigrants arrived in the United States during the same turn-of-the-century period, the occupational trajectories of their descendants have been very different. Many writers have emphasized that Jews brought with them urban-industrial experience, entrepreneurial skills, a determination to settle in America, and a reverence for education (Joseph, 1969, orig. 1914; Glazer, 1958). Italians were more often peasants or farm laborers, though their familiarity with commerce and the crafts should not be underestimated (Briggs, 1978; Gabaccia, 1984). Some have also argued that familism and disdain for education further delayed Italian participation in the upgrading of the American occupational structure (Covello, 1972; Child, 1970).

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7

Vellon, Peter G. "“For Heart, Patriotism, and National Dignity”: The Italian Language Press in New York City and Constructions of Africa, Race, and Civilization." Ethnic Studies Review 34, no. 1 (January 1, 2011): 89–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/esr.2011.34.1.89.

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“For Heart, Patriotism, and National Dignity”: The Italian Language Press in New York City and Constructions of Africa, Race, and Civilization” examines how mainstream and radical newspapers employed Africa as a trope for savage behavior by analyzing their discussion of wage slavery, imperialism, lynching, and colonialism, in particular Italian imperialist ventures into northern Africa in the 1890s and Libya in 1911-1912. The Italian language press constructed Africa as a sinister, dark, continent, representing the lowest rung of the racial hierarchy. In expressing moral outrage over American violence and discrimination against Italians, the press utilized this image of Africa to emphatically convey its shock and disgust. In particular, Italian prominenti newspapers capitalized on this racial imagery to construct a narrative of Italianness and Italian superiority in order to combat unflattering depictions of Italian immigrants arriving in the United States.

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8

Luconi, Stefano. "Black dagoes? Italian immigrants’ racial status in the United States: an ecological view." Journal of Transatlantic Studies 14, no. 2 (April 2, 2016): 188–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14794012.2016.1169869.

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9

Watkins, Susan Cotts, and Andrew S. London. "Personal Names and Cultural Change: A Study of the Naming Patterns of Italians and Jews in the United States in 1910." Social Science History 18, no. 2 (1994): 169–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200016989.

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Although individual and personal, names take on their significance in social interaction. Since the context of social interaction changes with immigration, names can be expected to change as well. In this paper, we use information from the Public Use Sample of the 1910 U.S. census to compare the patterns of personal (given) names of first- and second-generation Italian and Jewish immigrants and native-born whites of native parentage, and to examine the association of naming patterns of immigrants with several measures indicating interaction with those outside the ethnic group. Because the information from the census is at a single point in time, we also draw on interviews with elderly Italian and Jewish women in order to provide more direct evidence of change and of the contexts in which this change occurred.

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10

Makropoulos, Josée. "Jacqueline Lindenfeld, The French in the United States: An ethnographic study. Westport, Conn.: Bergin & Garvey, 2000. Pp. xiv + 184. Hb $55.00." Language in Society 31, no. 1 (January 2002): 146–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047404502291058.

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The French in the United States offers valuable insight on processes of identity formation among French-born individuals living permanently in the US. The book's title foreshadows the ambiguity of how the French in America are defined in objective terms, as well as their subject positioning as members of an ethnic group. For instance, Lindenfeld cautions against relying on the criterion of ancestry used in census-based rankings to study the French presence in the United States, since census identification includes people of various national origins and does not distinguish the number of intervening generations since departure from France. The limitations of the native use of the French language as a valid indicator of direct French origin neglects the fact that native speakers of French who reside in the US often possess Canadian or Caribbean lineage. Although Lindenfeld does not say so directly, relying on native use of French to identify direct immigrants from France would equally exclude the possibility of identifying French citizens who do not speak French as their first language, as well as those who were raised speaking two or more languages. Another concern raised in the book is the broad significance of the label “French American,” traditionally used to identify Americans of French ancestry, such as Cajuns in Louisiana. The designation currently enjoys a certain popularity among French immigrants because it offers a direct parallel with other immigrant groups, such as Italian Americans.

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11

Choate, Mark I. "A New Language, A New World: Italian Immigrants in the United States, 1890-1945 (review)." Journal of World History 22, no. 1 (2011): 199–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jwh.2011.0008.

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12

Michaud, Marie-Christine. "Nuovomondo, Ellis Island, and Italian Immigrants: A New Appraisal by Emanuele Crialese." Quaderni d'italianistica 38, no. 1 (October 18, 2018): 37–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/q.i..v38i1.31140.

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Ellis Island remains in the American collective consciousness a centre of immigration where thousands of Europeans who expected to enter the United States between 1892 and 1954, went through. As such, Ellis Island was a symbolic bridge between the Old World and the New. It is the vision of this bridge, or rather a no man’s land between the two worlds that Emanuele Crialese wants to give of Ellis Island in his movie Nuovomondo (Golden Door in the international version). It deals with the journey to America of a Sicilian family at the beginning of the 20th century. It is divided into three parts, one in Sicily dealing with the departure; the second one is the journey on the ship; the third one extensively deals with the arrival on Ellis Island. The film is rather realistic in the sense that it is widely based upon archival material, which becomes apparent when comparing photographs taken at the turn of the century and the scenes from the movie taking place in Ellis Island. By being realistic Crialese first associates Ellis Island to an alienating island, a devilish place where immigrants experienced trauma and humiliation, even possible deportation. The study of the staging reveals that the place is often seen as a prison and that it is linked to confusion and misunderstanding between the immigrants, their dreams and the requirements of the American immigration officers. Nevertheless, the movie is optimistic and displays a hopeful image of Ellis Island. The main characters manage to be admitted in America then seen as a Promised Land. But, the United States is never presented in the film, which provides a feeling of unreachability, as if Emanuele Crialese had wanted to challenge the myth of “il Nuovomondo” as a Promised Land.

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13

Brown, Mary Elizabeth. "The Theory and Practice of Language in Scalabrinian Parishes for Italian Immigrants in the United States, 1887–1933." U.S. Catholic Historian 33, no. 3 (2015): 51–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cht.2015.0021.

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14

Parrino, Maria. "21: Italian Immigrant Women in the United States through Their Autobiographical Writings." Center for Migration Studies special issues 11, no. 3 (May 1994): 426–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.2050-411x.1994.tb00776.x.

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15

Waldinger, Roger. "Structural Opportunity or Ethnic Advantage? Immigrant Business Development in New York." International Migration Review 23, no. 1 (March 1989): 48–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019791838902300103.

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Research on ethnic enterprise emerged in the United States as part of an attempt to explain the historical differences in business activity between blacks and other ethnic groups. In Beyond the Melting Pot, Glazer and Moynihan argued that “the small shopkeeper, small manufacturer, or small entrepreneur of any kind played such an important role in the rise of immigrant groups in America that its absence from the Negro community warrants at least some discussion.”1 Glazer and Moynihan offered some brief, possible explanations, but the first extended treatment came with the publication of Ivan Light's now classic comparison of Blacks, not with Jews, Italians, or Irish, but with immigrants—Japanese, Chinese, West Indians—whose racial characteristics made them equally distinctive; the argument developed an imaginative variant of the Weber thesis, showing that it was ethnic solidarism, not individualism, that gave these immigrants an “elective affinity” with the requirements of small business.

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16

Rumbaut, Rubén G., and Douglas S. Massey. "Immigration & Language Diversity in the United States." Daedalus 142, no. 3 (July 2013): 141–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_00224.

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While the United States historically has been a polyglot nation characterized by great linguistic diversity, it has also been a zone of language extinction in which immigrant tongues fade and are replaced by monolingual English within a few generations. In 1910, 10 million people reported a mother tongue other than English, notably German, Italian, Yiddish, and Polish. The subsequent end of mass immigration from Europe led to a waning of language diversity and the most linguistically homogenous era in American history. But the revival of immigration after 1970 propelled the United States back toward its historical norm. By 2010, 60 million people (a fifth of the population) spoke a non-English language, especially Spanish. In this essay, we assess the effect of new waves of immigration on language diversity in the United States, map its evolution demographically and geographically, and consider what linguistic patterns are likely to persist and prevail in the twenty-first century.

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17

D'Agostino, Peter R. "The Scalabrini Fathers, the Italian Emigrant Church, and Ethnic Nationalism in America." Religion and American Culture: A Journal of Interpretation 7, no. 1 (1997): 121–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rac.1997.7.1.03a00050.

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Philip Gleason has observed that the Roman Catholic church in the United States has been an “institutional immigrant” for much of its history. The idea of an “institutional immigrant,” posed in the Singular and distinguished from “the immigrant peoples who comprised the Catholic population,” presupposes a basic if undefined unity to American Catholicism. The nature of that unity has always been a highly contested issue. Gleason's formulation also suggests that the experience of the Catholic church is illuminated by considering its history in light of the processes that have occupied students of immigration—Americanization, generational transition, assimilation, the invention of ethnicity, and the like. The nature of these processes has also given rise to debates as Americans grapple to understand their cultural identity. In short, Gleason's idea lends itself to debate about the normative significance of American Catholicism, American culture, and their relationship to one another. In the interest of enriching this debate, I would suggest that the Roman Catholic church in the United States has also been an institutional emigrant.

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18

Di Gioacchino, Massimo. "Ecclesiastical Participation of the Catholic Laity in the Late Modern Period: The Case of Italian Immigrants in the United States." Catholic Historical Review 106, no. 4 (2020): 625–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cat.2020.0058.

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19

Zhitin, D. V., and A. D. Prokofiev. "Spatial features of changing ethnic self-identification of US residents of European origin." Известия Русского географического общества 151, no. 3 (June 25, 2019): 18–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0869-6071151318-40.

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The article is devoted to the analysis of the location of the main ethnic groups of European origin in the United States. Being immigrants descendants, the US population has a different ethnic origin. To date, the majority of US residents are the descendants of European immigrants. On the example of the five most numerous ethnic groups of Americans of European origin — the British, Germans, Irish, French, Italians — the spatial changes of their distribution on the US territory in the period from 1980 to 2015 are considered. The ethnic assimilation processes of various ethnic groups in the American «melting pot» occur with different intensity. But the ethnic identity changing rate depends not only on a particular ethnic group membership, but also on the characteristics of its spatial localization. Among the five ethnic groups in question, over the past 35 years, the number of Americans of English and French origin has fallen most dramatically. The number of «Italians» over the same period has increased by more than 40 %. The appearance in 1990 in the US Census Bureau statistic data a new ethnic category — «Americans», which has a distinct spatial localization, has become an important indicator of the European ethnic groups assimilation process speed and direction in the United States.

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20

Gilardoni, Guia. "I processi di integrazione delle nuove generazioni letti attraverso il capitale sociale." SOCIOLOGIA E POLITICHE SOCIALI, no. 1 (June 2012): 81–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/sp2012-001005.

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The article presents considerations regarding the usefulness of social capital in studying integration paths, and it examines research data on the integration of the new generations in Italy, analysing a sample of 17,225 preadolescents (aged 11 to 14), of whom 13,301 were Italians, 2,921 foreigners and 1,003 children of mixed parentage. Data has been collected by a questionnaire translated and adapted from the one used by Portes and Rumbaut in the Children of Immigrants Longitudinal Study (CILS) of 1992 in the United States. They are used to present the Italian situation in light of segmented assimilation theory. One first result is the underachievement of Latinos. Given this finding, an effort is made to consider various factors which contribute to shaping the socio-existential circumstances of this specific group. The second main result is that children of mixed couples were those most disposed to form intercultural relations. When distinguishing between those with an Italian father and a foreign mother and those, vice versa, with an Italian mother and a foreign father, forcefully evident is the central role played by the mother in the transmission of cultural elements and in the construction of a sense of belonging and identity. Third, focusing on social capital at family level and within the peer group, it has been revealed a greater cross-cultural propensity among the new generations than among previous ones: Italian preadolescents growing up in a multi-ethnic society are more open to, and willing to accept, the challenge of cultural diversity than are their parents. More in general, the new generations contribute to creating a more inclusive social space in which membership of social circles becomes more transversal with respect to cultural and ethnic origins.

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21

Vecchio, D. C. "Italian Immigrant Radical Culture: The Idealism of the Sovversivi in the United States, 1890-1940." Journal of American History 99, no. 1 (May 22, 2012): 335–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jas099.

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22

Zanoni, Elizabeth. "Italian Immigrant Radical Culture: The Idealism of the Sovversivi in the United States, 1890–1940." Journal of Modern Italian Studies 17, no. 5 (December 2012): 654–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1354571x.2012.718580.

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23

Vellon, Peter G. "Italian Immigrant Radical Culture: The Idealism of the Sovversivi in the United States, 1890–1940." Socialism and Democracy 26, no. 3 (November 2012): 221–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08854300.2012.724901.

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Bencivenni (book author), Marcella, and Nick J. Sciullo (review author). "Italian Immigrant Radical Culture: The Idealism of the Sovversivi in the United States, 1890–1940." Quaderni d'italianistica 35, no. 2 (July 22, 2015): 295–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/q.i..v35i2.23635.

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Gonzales, Michael J. "Chinese Plantation Workers and Social Conflict in Peru in the late Nineteenth Century." Journal of Latin American Studies 21, no. 3 (October 1989): 385–424. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00018496.

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As the world capitalist system developed during the nineteenth century non-slave labour became a commodity that circulated around the globe and contributed to capital accumulation in metropolitan centres. The best examples are the emigration of millions of Asian indentured servants and European labourers to areas of European colonisation. Asians replaced emancipated African slaves on plantations in the Caribbean and South America, supplemented a declining slave population in Cuba, built railways in California, worked in mines in South Africa, laboured on sugarcane plantations in Mauritius and Fiji, and served on plantations in southeast Asia. Italian immigrants also replaced African slaves on coffee estates in Brazil, worked with Spaniards in the seasonal wheat harvest in Argentina, and, along with other Europeans, entered the growing labour market in the United States. From the perspective of capital, these workers were a cheap alternative to local wage labour and, as foreigners without the rights of citizens, they could be subjected to harsher methods of social control.1

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De Fina, Anna. "Book Review: The Imagined Immigrant. Images of Italian Emigration to the United States between 1890 and 1924." Forum Italicum: A Journal of Italian Studies 44, no. 2 (September 2010): 585–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001458581004400231.

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27

De Angelis, Rose. "The American Nightmare: Reading and Teaching Pietro di Donato's Ethnographic Novel Christ in Concrete." Forum Italicum: A Journal of Italian Studies 39, no. 1 (March 2005): 137–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001458580503900108.

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In the interdisciplinary course entitled The Italian-American Experience, Pietro di Donato's Christ in Concrete is examined, explored, and analyzed within historical, socio-political, and literary contexts. The novel becomes a point of focus for the discussion of immigrant life and working-class people in a broader and contextualized understanding of Italian Americans. Students read Christ in Concrete in conjunction with essays documenting the history of workers' struggles in the United States. Read as cultural artifact, Christ in Concrete documents with historical clarity and brutal honesty the way in which the American Dream turned nightmare. Using language, religion, and social politics as focal points, the paper looks at Italian-Americans, their virtues and flaws, their struggles and triumphs, as it underscores the culture's unique contributions to the American mosaic not only in the lived lives of the novel's characters but also in the poetics of its discourse.

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Malagreca, Miguel A. "Writing Queer across the Borders of Geography and Desire." Policy Futures in Education 7, no. 2 (January 1, 2009): 244–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.2304/pfie.2009.7.2.244.

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In this article, the author merges biographical notes, autoethnography and experimental writing to situate his migrant self as a self that performs through writing, i.e. planned, experimental writing that subverts the centrality of the monolingual heterosexual identity. He explores the intersections of time, desire, and power across time and space, crossing national and linguistic borders and changing legal, ‘marital’ and work status in Argentina, the United States and Italy. In particular, in addressing the exclusion of immigrants from the current Italian Civil Union law project (written and presented to parliament by gay, lesbian, bisexual and transgender [GLBT] political representatives), his presentation criticizes any romanticized version of a homogeneous queer community. This is a piece that questions the existence of regular, pre-existing identities that are distributed within the space of the nation. An interpretive perspective like this one criticizes the reification of the nation as an object or essence, inhabited by groups of people whose nationality defines their cultural identities (e.g., the Italians) or groups of people whose sexual choices define who they are (e.g. the homosexuals). Against this view, the author explores personal and political contexts where the self performs a critique of national, sexual and ethnic boundaries. This writing choice is a political one, for it makes audible subjectivities that escape the historic or current distribution of roles and identities imposed by multicultural politics or academic impositions.

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Alley-Young, Gordon. "A New Language, A New World: Italian Immigrants in the United States, 1890-1945, by Nancy C. CarnevaleA New Language, A New World: Italian Immigrants in the United States, 1890-1945, by Nancy C. Carnevale. Statue of Liberty Ellis Island series. Chicago, Illinois, University of Illinois Press, 2009. x, 243 pp. $45.00 US (cloth)." Canadian Journal of History 45, no. 1 (April 2010): 161–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cjh.45.1.161.

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Vecchio, D. "A New Language, A New World Italian Immigrants in the United States, 1890-1945. By Nancy C. Carnevale (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2009. 243 pp.)." Journal of Social History 44, no. 2 (December 1, 2010): 626–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jsh.2010.0056.

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Marks, Gary, and Matthew Burbank. "Immigrant Support for the American Socialist Party, 1912 and 1920." Social Science History 14, no. 2 (1990): 175–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200020721.

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The period of greatest socialist strength in the United States, the second decade of the twentieth century, coincided with the final decade of a great wave of immigration. This phenomenon has attracted the attention both of scholars seeking to understand the basis of support for the American Socialist party and of those seeking to address the more general question of the sources of immigrant radicalism (Bodnar 1985; Lipset 1977). Both perspectives pose a basic empirical question: What role did ethnicity play in support for the Socialist party, or, more specifically, which immigrant groups supported the party and which groups opposed it?The attempt to answer this question has spawned a vast scholarship on the part of historians and social scientists, but a definitive answer remains elusive. Part of the reason for this is that we lack sufficiently detailed and disaggregated data on the political orientations and activities of immigrants themselves. The smallest units of electoral return are at the ward or county level, and information at this aggregate level can never allow us to draw conclusions about individual behavior with any certainty. But it also seems to be the case that the analysis of currently available data has not been taken as far as possible. Previous research has explored the relationship between ethnicity and socialism by examining particular immigrant groups in individual states, cities, or towns (e.g., Critchlow 1986; Gorenstein 1961; Leinenweber 1981; Lorence 1982; Miller 1975; Wolfle and Hodge 1983). Such case studies provide invaluable accounts of the diversity of immigrant politics, but they do not provide a reliable basis for generalization. In this article we take a step back from the wealth of illustrative analysis and try to gain a broader, more systematic, overview of immigrant support for socialism across a wide range of contexts by examining voting among eight immigrant groups—Germans, English, Finns, Irish, Italians, Norwegians, Russians, and Swedes—in the presidential elections of 1912 and 1920, elections in which the American Socialist party received its highest levels of support.

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Pagliai, Valentina. "A New Language, A New World: Italian Immigrants in the United States, 1890-1945 by Nancy C. Carnevale, Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 2009. ix + 243 pp." Journal of Linguistic Anthropology 22, no. 3 (December 2012): 245–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-1395.2012.01163.x.

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Loriato, Sarah. "Language use and intergenerational transmission of heritage Veneto in the rural area of Santa Teresa, Brazil." International Journal of the Sociology of Language 2019, no. 260 (November 26, 2019): 37–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ijsl-2019-2047.

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Abstract This article examines the current sociolinguistic situation of Veneto in Santa Teresa, a small municipality located in the highlands of the state of Espirito Santo, in Southeastern Brazil. Santa Teresa was founded in 1874 by a group of about 300 Italian immigrants from Veneto-speaking towns in Northern Italy. The study is based on a survey conducted in 2016, which compares three distinct age groups of descendants of Veneto heritage residing in the rural area of Santa Teresa by examining self-rated language abilities in both Veneto and Portuguese, language use, and attitudes. The 98 informants that participated in this study belong to the third, fourth, fifth, and sixth generations of Veneto descendants. At the conclusion of this preliminary study, the results of the self-evaluations show that Veneto continues to be spoken and used at home, at work, and with neighbors and friends by respondents of all of these generations, which means that the rural community of Santa Teresa surpassed the typical three-generation shift to the majority language observed in heritage language families in the United States. However, findings also indicate that language shift towards Portuguese is taking place in Santa Teresa, and that the heritage language runs the risk of disappearing in the near future if nothing is done to stop the ongoing language shift.

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Lazzaro-Weis, Carol. "The Italian Emigration of Modern Times: Relations Between Italy and the United States concerning Emigration Policy, Diplomacy and Anti-Immigrant Sentiment, 1870–1927." Italian Culture 35, no. 1 (November 29, 2016): 57–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01614622.2016.1245497.

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Falconer, Thirstan. "“We Can’t Be Too Selective about This”: Immigration Advocacy in the Canadian English-Language Press, 1949–57." International Journal of Canadian Studies 58 (April 1, 2021): 54–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ijcs.58.x.54.

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Immigration policy during the immediate years after the Second World War highly restricted the arrival of newcomers. Before 1947, Canada’s immigration system was a preferential one, with the highest priority given to British subjects coming to Canada from the United Kingdom, or from any of the British dominions, and the United States. Canada’s preferences then extended to Northern Europeans, then to Central and Southern Europeans. Chinese, Greeks, Italians, Portuguese, and Spanish immigrants were excluded. During the years of Prime Minister Louis St-Laurent (1948–57), Canadians read about the economic benefits that a robust immigration policy promised in the English-language press. The St-Laurent government was under significant pressure to increase the flow of migrants into Canada. However, the Liberal government studiously monitored recent arrivals with a conservative approach to economic growth. The Canadian business community perceived this policy as too cautious, and their preference for a more robust policy frequently surfaced in the English-language press. This article shows that newspapers coverage across the country criticized the government’s immigration policy during the 1950s and advocated for an approach that accommodated more newcomers to spur population and economic growth. Through their coverage, the editors and journalists reasoned that boosting immigration accelerated the Canadian economy. English Canadian journalists and newspapers attempted to influence Canadians about the economic benefits of increasing migration to Canada.

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Meyer, G. "A New Language, a New World: Italian Immigrants in the United States, 1890-1945. By Nancy C. Carnevale. (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2009. xii, 243 pp. $45.00, ISBN 978-0-252-03403-9.)." Journal of American History 96, no. 4 (March 1, 2010): 1206–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/96.4.1206.

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Wamsley, Douglas W. "Albert L. Operti: chronicler of Arctic exploration." Polar Record 52, no. 3 (December 16, 2015): 276–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0032247415000753.

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ABSTRACTThe great wave of immigrants to the United States during the late 1800s brought many talented individuals who enriched American culture and society. Notable among them stands the Italian-born artist, Albert L. Operti (1852–1927), a versatile painter, illustrator and sculptor. For much of his professional career, Operti served as a scenic artist for the Metropolitan Opera House and later as an exhibit artist for the American Museum of Natural History. However, he maintained an avid personal interest in polar explorers and the history of polar exploration, ultimately turning his artistic skills to the subject. Operti served as official artist for Robert E. Peary during his Arctic expeditions of 1896 and 1897, producing paintings, drawings and even plaster casts of the Inuit from the expedition. Over the course of his lifetime he painted a number of ‘great’ pictures depicting, in a factually accurate manner, important incidents in Arctic history along with numerous smaller paintings, sketches, illustrations and studies. The quality of his work never rivaled his more talented contemporaries in the field of ‘great’ paintings, such as the prominent artists William Bradford and Frederic Church. Nonetheless, Operti achieved some recognition in his time as a painter of historical Arctic scenes, but the full extent of his contributions are little known and have been largely unexamined. Unlike the explorers themselves whose legacy rests upon geographic or scientific accomplishments and written narratives, Operti's legacy stands upon the body of distinctive artwork that served to convey, in realistic and graphic terms, the hardships and accomplishments of those explorers. This article recounts the life of Operti and his role as an historian in disseminating knowledge of the polar regions and its explorers to the public.

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Pugliese, Stanislao G. "Marcella Bencivenni . Italian Immigrant Radical Culture: The Idealism of the Sovversivi in the United States, 1890–1940 . New York: New York University Press. 2011. Pp. viii, 279. $50.00." American Historical Review 117, no. 2 (April 2012): 537–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.117.2.537.

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Marquez, Benjamin. "LATINO IMMIGRANTS IN THE UNITED STATES." Ethnic and Racial Studies 36, no. 7 (July 2013): 1255–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01419870.2013.786113.

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Ternes, Brock. "Latino Immigrants in the United States." Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 40, no. 12 (June 26, 2014): 2058–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1369183x.2014.932143.

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Ragsdale, Stacy. "Immigrants in the United States of America." Advances in Historical Studies 02, no. 03 (2013): 167–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.4236/ahs.2013.23021.

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Enchautegui, Maria E., and Aaron J. Sparrow. "Poverty among long-term united states immigrants." Journal of Children and Poverty 3, no. 1 (June 1997): 49–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10796129708412205.

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Chiswick, Barry R., and Paul W. Miller. "Where Immigrants Settle in the United States." Journal of Comparative Policy Analysis: Research and Practice 6, no. 2 (August 2004): 185–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1387698042000273479.

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Akresh, Ilana Redstone. "Immigrants' religious participation in the United States." Ethnic and Racial Studies 34, no. 4 (November 18, 2010): 643–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01419870.2010.526719.

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Chiswick, Barry R., and Nicholas Larsen. "Russian Jewish Immigrants in the United States." Contemporary Jewry 35, no. 3 (April 11, 2015): 191–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12397-015-9137-2.

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Tienda, Marta, and Audrey Singer. "Wage Mobility of Undocumented Workers in the United States." International Migration Review 29, no. 1 (March 1995): 112–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019791839502900106.

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This study addresses two fundamental questions about the economic assimilation of undocumented immigrants in the United States: 1) how different recently legalized immigrants are from all foreign-born persons and native-born whites; 2) whether wages of undocumented immigrants improve as they acquire greater amounts of U.S. experience and, if so, how these improvements are comparable to those of immigrants in general. We analyze the Legalized Population Survey and the Current Population Survey to assess the returns to U.S. experience and find positive returns to U.S. experience for both undocumented migrants and all foreign-born men. Returns to U.S. experience depend on region of origin. Undocumented immigrants from Mexico received the lowest wage returns and men from non-Spanish-speaking countries received the highest returns to U.S. experience.

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Vaughn, Michael G., Christopher P. Salas-Wright, Jin Huang, Zhengmin Qian, Lauren D. Terzis, and Jesse J. Helton. "Adverse Childhood Experiences Among Immigrants to the United States." Journal of Interpersonal Violence 32, no. 10 (June 24, 2015): 1543–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0886260515589568.

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A growing number of studies have examined the “immigrant paradox” with respect to health behaviors in the United States. However, little research attention has been afforded to the study of adverse childhood experiences (ACE; neglect, physical and sexual abuse, and witnessing violence) among immigrants in the United States. The present study, using Waves I and II data from the National Epidemiologic Survey of Alcohol and Related Conditions (NESARC), aims to address these gaps by comparing forms of ACE of first- and second-generation immigrants with native-born American adults in the United States. We also examined the latent structure of ACE among immigrants and conducted analyses to assess the psychiatric correlates of identified latent classes. With the exception of neglect, the prevalence of ACE was markedly higher among native-born Americans and second-generation immigrants compared with first-generation immigrants. Four latent classes were identified—limited adverse experience ( n = 3,497), emotional and physical abuse ( n = 1,262), family violence ( n = 358), and global adversity ( n = 246). The latter three classes evinced greater likelihood of being diagnosed with a mood, anxiety, personality, and substance use disorder, and to report violent and non-violent antisocial behavior. Consistent with prior research examining the associations between the immigrant paradox and health outcomes, results suggest that first-generation immigrants to the United States are less likely to have experienced physical and sexual abuse and witness domestic violence. However, likely due to cultural circumstances, first-generation immigrants were more likely to report experiences that are deemed neglectful by Western standards.

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Rodriguez, Rudolph A. "Dialysis for Undocumented Immigrants in the United States." Advances in Chronic Kidney Disease 22, no. 1 (January 2015): 60–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1053/j.ackd.2014.07.003.

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Donaldson, Heather, Jennifer Kratzer, Susannah Okutoro‐Ketter, and Pearl Tung. "Breastfeeding Among Chinese Immigrants in the United States." Journal of Midwifery & Women's Health 55, no. 3 (May 6, 2010): 277–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jmwh.2010.02.010.

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Hersch, Joni. "Colorism Against Legal Immigrants to the United States." American Behavioral Scientist 62, no. 14 (December 2018): 2117–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764218810758.

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Data from the 2003 wave of the New Immigrant Survey established that immigrants to the United States with darker skin color experienced a substantial pay penalty that is not explained by extensive individual and job characteristics. These same immigrants were reinterviewed approximately 4 years later. With additional time to assimilate to the U.S. labor market, the disadvantage of darker skin color may have declined or even disappeared. The current analysis shows that the penalty for darker color instead increased over this period from a 16% lightest-to-darkest penalty to a 25% disparity.

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