Relevant bibliographies by topics / Italian resistance movement

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Academic literature on the topic 'Italian resistance movement'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 22 February 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Italian resistance movement"

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Бычков and Maksim Bychkov. "F. Poletayev and Italian Resistance Movement." Socio-Humanitarian Research and Technology 3, no. 3 (September 10, 2014): 41–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/6229.

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The article considers participation of Soviet soldiers in the Italian Resistance on the example of Fyodor Poletayev. The guerrilla movement which began in Italy is analyzed in the context of the General history of the country in the 1920–1940-s. The fascist regime did not have a wide social base. Despite the apparent inability of the anti-fascist political parties and movements to agree among themselves and to take radical action to overthrow it, Italian people have been able to boldly speak out against it. This is reflected in rapid development of partisan movement, which despite harsh repression by German occupiers and their Italian allies was able to conduct intensive work on the liberation of Italy. Soviet soldiers fought among them. This topic was raised in Soviet historical and political literature, but has unfortunately dropped out of public attention recently and therefore requires a sort of resuscitation. This theme allows identifying the complexity, the diversity of problems faced by the people of the Soviet Union, and at the same time shows the role and importance of a common man on the background of global events.
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Piffer, Tommaso. "Realtŕ e rappresentazione della Resistenza italiana nella documentazione delle formazioni partigiane." MONDO CONTEMPORANEO, no. 1 (May 2009): 119–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/mon2009-001005.

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- The essay shows the importance of the records of the partisan movements in writing the history of the Resistance in Italy in World War II. Using these records, it seems possible to write a partially different history from that written by the most important authors in the past decades. This essay is focused on the relationships between leadership and ranks in the bands, the political consciousness of the partisans, their relationship with political parties and the strategy of the political leaders. In conclusion, the author suggests the opportunity of a new synthesis of this period based on this material. Key words: Resistance movement in Italy, Italian partisan movement, Italian Resistance historical studies, World War II, political parties and partisan bands, partisan records.
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Varriale, Andrea. "The myth of the Italian Resistance Movement (1943-1945)." Kirchliche Zeitgeschichte 27, no. 2 (December 1, 2014): 383–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.13109/kize.2014.27.2.383.

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Varriale, Andrea. "Heroes, spectators, traitors. Representations of the Italian resistance movement in selected filmography." Kirchliche Zeitgeschichte 28, no. 2 (March 1, 2015): 234–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.13109/kize.2015.28.2.234.

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Magliocco, Sabina. "Witchcraft as Political Resistance." Nova Religio 23, no. 4 (April 15, 2020): 43–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/nr.2020.23.4.43.

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The use of political magic is one of the remarkable and unexpected cultural features to emerge from the 2016 presidential election in the United States. Using a combination of digital and face-to-face ethnography, this article explores the emergence of a movement dedicated to resisting the Donald Trump administration through witchcraft and magic. Applying the lens of Italian ethnologist Ernesto de Martino, it argues that the 2016 election created a “crisis of presence” for many left-leaning Americans who experienced it as a failure of agency. Their turn to magic was in response to feelings of anxiety and helplessness. Drawing from the approach of anthropologist James C. Scott, it analyzes magic as an art of resistance, an aesthetic, performative, as well as political response. Finally, it examines the fissures within the magical resistance as clashes in ethics, aesthetics, and beliefs associated with magic came to the fore, effectively splintering the magic resistance movement and rendering it less effective.
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Cooke, Philip. "‘Oggi in Italia’: The Voice of Truth and Peace in Cold War Italy." Modern Italy 12, no. 2 (June 2007): 251–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940701362763.

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Based on archival materials in Italy and the Czech Republic, the article examines the history of the Italian Communist Party (PCI) radio programme ‘Oggi in Italia’, which was broadcast from Prague to Italy throughout the 1950s and 1960s. The programme was produced clandestinely by former partisans who had fled to Czechoslovakia in order to escape prosecution during the ‘trial of the Resistance’ (processo alla Resistenza). ‘Oggi in Italia’ was a central element in the PCI's media strategy, particularly during the Cold War, when access to the official airwaves was circumscribed. The programme was thus a key element of the long-term legacy of the Resistance movement, but also played a highly significant role in the wider process of negotiation between the Communist parties of Italy, Czechoslovakia and the Soviet Union.
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CORDUWENER, PEPIJN. "Challenging Parties and Anti-Fascism in the Name of Democracy: The Fronte dell'Uomo Qualunque and its Impact on Italy's Republic." Contemporary European History 26, no. 1 (April 5, 2016): 69–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777316000163.

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AbstractThis article studies the political ideology of the Italian political movement Fronte dell'Uomo Qualunque in the light of the problems of party democracy in Italy. The movement existed only for a few years in the aftermath of the Second World War, but the impact of its ideology on post-war Italy was large. The article argues that the party's ideology should be studied beyond the anti-fascist–fascist divide and that it provides a window onto the contestation of party politics in republican Italy. It contextualises the movement in the political transition from fascism to republic and highlights key elements of the Front's ideology. The article then proceeds to demonstrate how the movement distinguished itself from the parties of the Italian resistance and advocated a radical break with the way in which the relationship between the Italian state and citizens had been practiced through subsequent regimes. The way in which the movement aimed to highlight the alleged similarities between the fascist and republican political order, and its own claim to democratic legitimacy, constitute a distinct political tradition which resurfaced in the political crisis of the 1990s.
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KRYEZIU, Veli, and Bujar DUGOLLI. "The Armed Resistance Movement in Kosovo 1918-1928 according to the Albanian press." Historia i Świat 11 (September 8, 2022): 237–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.34739/his.2022.11.14.

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Political Albania continuously made efforts to help the Kachak resistance in Kosovo, which in 1918 took over through the Committee for the National Defence of Kosovo, this resistance Albania supported by arming, of the Albanian rebellious groups. However, this Committee, except in Kosovo, its activity extended to Albania, in the consolidation and democratization of the Albanian state. To realize the National Union Hasan Prishtina established contacts with some Italian deputies from whom he received support and secured weapons to organize an armed uprising and thus overthrow the Serbian invader in Kosovo.
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Broder, David. "Red Partisans: Bandiera Rossa in Occupied Rome, 1943–44." Historical Materialism 25, no. 2 (August 3, 2017): 63–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-12341504.

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Faced with the collapse of the Italian Communist Party (pci) and Italy’s both economic and political crisis in the 2000s and 2010s, many left-activists have mounted a rear-guard action trying to reassert the principles of the Resistance. However, rarely do debates concerning the legacy of the anti-fascist struggle acknowledge the variety of Resistance forces’ social and political goals, far from it being a single patriotic movement. This article focuses on the experience of Bandiera Rossa, the largest partisan force in Rome during the German occupation, to argue that the Resistance involved both a struggle over postwar Italy and a battle to define a communist movement re-emerging after twenty years of Fascist repression.
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Dondi, Mirco. "Division and Conflict in the Partisan Resistance." Modern Italy 12, no. 2 (June 2007): 225–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940701362748.

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The article sheds light on the power struggles at the heart of the Italian Resistance movement. From June 1944, as the movement grew rapidly, the leadership positions, both at national and local level, became ever more important and contested. The most significant roles in the Resistance, such as the national and regional leadership, but also the provincial commands, depended on the military strength of the various formations and on the power of the anti-Fascist parties. The re-formed political parties attempted to occupy important positions in the Resistance movement, hoping that these roles would help them out in any future settlement. In fact the rules of the game turned out to be far more complex and the political role played by any particular party did not determine its future success. The Anglo-Americans' influence over the power balance within the Resistance movement was to be decisive. The Allies managed to orchestrate the appointment of Raffaele Cadorna, who was not looked on favourably by the parties of the left and the Action Party, as military commander. In this way the Allies fostered the growth of moderate military formations frequently linked to Christian Democracy. In order to understand the Resistance in all its complexity, it is therefore necessary to return to the concept of internal conflict. The power struggles were better managed at national rather than local level, where they frequently led to violence.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Italian resistance movement"

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Fantozzi, Chiara. "Disordine e disonore nell'occupazione alleata : Livorno (1944-1947)." Doctoral thesis, Scuola Normale Superiore, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/11384/86050.

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Books on the topic "Italian resistance movement"

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Living the revolution: Italian women's resistance and radicalism in New York City, 1880-1945. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2010.

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Guglielmo, Jennifer. Living the revolution: Italian women's resistance and radicalism in New York City, 1880-1945. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2010.

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Living the revolution: Italian women's resistance and radicalism in New York City, 1880-1945. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2010.

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For love and country: The Italian Resistance. Lanham: University Press of America, 2003.

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The Italian resistance: Fascists, guerrillas and the Allies. London: Pluto Press, 2009.

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Women and the Italian resistance, 1943-1945. Denver, Colo: Arden Press, 1997.

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Wilhelm, Maria. The other Italy: Italian resistance in World War II. New York: Norton, 1988.

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Wilhelm, Maria de Blasio. The other Italy: Italian resistance in World War II. New York: Norton, 1988.

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Wilhelm, Maria de Blasio. The other Italy: Italian resistance in World War II. New York: Ishi Press International, 2013.

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Echoes of resistance: British involvement with the Italian partisans. Tunbridge Wells, Kent: Costello, 1985.

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Book chapters on the topic "Italian resistance movement"

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Finizio, Davide. "Dalla storia all’inclusione. Il racconto della comunità cinese di Prato." In Raccontare la Resistenza a scuola, 199–202. Florence: Firenze University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/978-88-5518-650-6.26.

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The contribution describes the connections between attempt in building the history of the chinese community in Prato and the inclusion process activated thanks to the Memory Train in the project of the Tuscany region. As the student Luisa Xu joined the training trip towards the statal Museum in Auschwitz, it has been carried on a project of opening and narration of Chinese people in Italian history. Young generations in the chinese community in Prato have used them as a tool for knowledge and communitarian transformation. From this point of view, processes linked to the Resistance movement have to read in the present as they are addressed to mutual knowledge and to peace.
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"Revisiting resistance in Italian-occupied Ethiopia: The Patriots’ Movement (1936–1941) and the redefinition of post-war Ethiopia." In Rethinking Resistance, 87–113. BRILL, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789047401629_007.

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Hoare, Marko Attila. "Introduction: Understanding the Partisan-Chetnik Conflict." In Genocide and Resistance in Hitler’s Bosnia. British Academy, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197263808.003.0001.

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This introductory chapter sets out the purpose of the book, which is to present a history of the birth and rise of the Partisans in Bosnia-Hercegovina, as a Communist-led movement of resistance to the German and Italian occupiers and their domestic collaborators; of the emergence of a Chetnik movement as a conservative, Serb-nationalist rival to the Partisans; and of the conflict between the two. It analyses the impact that the conflict with the Chetniks had on Partisan policy and organization, and the evolution of the Partisan movement under the influence of this conflict. Finally, it examines the sequence of events that enabled the Partisans to emerge effectively as the victors in the contest with the Chetniks in Bosnia-Hercegovina by the autumn of 1943, and the reasons for the Partisan success. An overview of the subsequent chapters is also presented.
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Pavlowitch, Stevan K. "Insurgents Left to their Own Devices—1942." In Hitler's New Disorder, 91–150. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197537039.003.0003.

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This chapter introduces the eminent historian and constitutional lawyer, Slobodan Jovanović, who took over a reshuffled Yugoslav government in London from General Dušan Simović. Jovanović wanted to improve the position of the government by contributing Dragoljub Mihailović's resistance to the Allied cause, while helping him obtain unity among, and loyalty from, the insurgent forces. The chapter then highlights the idea of a 'Ravna Gora movement,' which would reorganise Yugoslavia into a state with social justice and without political differences, and one where Serbs would never again be trapped under the non-Serb rule. It recounts Mihailović's campaign of total civil disobedience in Serbia and the impacts of his sabotage action on Germany. The chapter also details a power-sharing arrangement between the Italian military, Montenegrin Greens, and two sets of unionist chetniks, described as an 'Italian—Chetnik condominium' and the move of Marshall Tito's Supreme Staff and of his main force from Užice to Foča, in the highlands of south-east Bosnia following the continued risings in the country. Ultimately, the chapter analyses the outcome of the expulsion of the intelligentsia, the mass enrolment of the population in official German organisations and continued reprisals for even minor offences on the resistance in northern Slovenia.
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Earle, Ben. "‘In onore della Resistenza’." In Red Strains. British Academy, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197265390.003.0012.

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The post-1945 neo-realist movement in Italian cinema is one of the twentieth century's most enduring cultural legacies. In his Fourth Symphony, ‘In onore della Resistenza’ (1950), Mario Zafred (1922–87), the Zhdanovite music critic of the Communist Party daily L'Unità between 1949 and 1956, aligned his music with one of the great neo-realist themes, that of the partisan Resistance to the German occupation of Italy in the final two years of the war. Zafred's is the most notable Italian contribution to what is defined here as the mid-twentieth-century neo-realist symphony, a genre not precisely co-extensive with the socialist realist symphony of the Soviet bloc. Widely admired in the Italy of the 1950s, Zafred's music was swept off the stage of musical history by the ‘avant-garde’ revolution of the early 1960s. Half a century later, it is time to look again at the Fourth Symphony.
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Burns, Tom, and John Foot. "Making sense of Basaglia." In Basaglia's International Legacy: From Asylum to Community, 347–60. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/med/9780198841012.003.0021.

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The symposium in Oxford, in September 2018, heard 18 papers from 14 countries exploring the international reception of Basaglia and the Italian reforms. In the ensuing discussions, a number of issues arose which are addressed in this chapter. There were three striking omissions in Basaglian writing—primary care, gender, and the role of specialist services. Several thorny questions kept recurring. Was Basaglia an anti-psychiatrist? Was he a Marxist? Was the movement too ideological? What was the source of resistance from North European psychiatry? What explains the North/South implementation divide in Italy? In addition, differences in understanding two key concepts were explored. What is meant by a therapeutic community? What exactly is a mental hospital? These issues are explored in this final chapter in the hope that they will stimulate further research into a richer understanding of a man and movement whose international impact is undeniable but often misunderstood.
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Porta, Donatella della, Francis O’Connor, Martín Portos, and Anna Subirats Ribas. "Expanding the comparison: the water referendum in Italy." In Social Movements and Referendums from Below. Policy Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781447333418.003.0005.

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This chapter examines the 2011 water referendum in Italy, focusing on the appropriation of opportunities, resource mobilisation, and the framing of the campaign by social movements and civil society organisations. It shows that some of the characteristics of the referendums from below that were observed in Scotland and Catalonia also fit the Italian case. In terms of appropriation of opportunities, the referendum against the privatisation of water supply was far from a single-issue campaign, instead emerging from long-lasting struggles that made use of a multiple and varied repertoire of contention, including institutional and unconventional forms of action. The chapter also discusses how the closing down of opportunities at the national level and the availability of political allies at the local level prompted the use of forms of direct democracy. Finally, it demonstrates how the provision of water became a symbol of resistance to neoliberalism and austerity policies in Italy.
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Greble, Emily. "“Back to Islam!”." In Muslims and the Making of Modern Europe, 213–30. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197538807.003.0009.

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In April 1941, the Axis powers attacked, occupied, and dismembered Yugoslavia. A multi-sided civil conflict broke out within the international war. Balkan Muslims fought on many different sides: as Ustashas, members of the Croatian army (domobrani), two different Waffen SS units, the Wehrmacht, and various Italian divisions; they also fought against the Axis as members of communist resistance armies (Partisans), national resistance armies (Chetniks and Ballists), and different Muslim militias and bandit groups. Muslims were both perpetrators and victims in regional campaigns of mass violence and genocide. This chapter traces Muslim responses to these complex wartime dynamics. It reveals how some Muslims hoped that Hitler’s New European order would undo decades of European policy that had subverted Islamic legal autonomy and Muslims’ confessional rights under the guise of bureaucratic and legal reform. Armed with languages of political Islam and the tools of revivalist mass movements, some Muslims fought to enshrine Islamic law in domestic codes and use wartime conditions to re-Islamicize society. Other Muslims became attracted to promises of brotherhood and liberation espoused by socialist resistance movements, seeing socialism as the best path forward for Muslim equality in Europe. The war created both hardship and opportunity.
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Weinberg, Gerard L. "6. The turning tide: autumn 1942–spring 1944." In World War II: A Very Short Introduction, 81–97. Oxford University Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780199688777.003.0007.

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‘The turning tide: autumn 1942 – spring 1944’ describes the key war strategies and battle results around the world that contributed to the Axis downfall. The Germans were spread too thinly in their battles in the Soviet Union, on the Western front, in the Mediterranean, and in North Africa. The fall of Mussolini in 1943, subsequent surrender of Italy, and rise in resistance movements in territories held by the Germans, Italians, and Japanese, all helped boost the Allied war effort, but the willingness of the Allies to coordinate their efforts was critical. While the Allies at times even shared secret intelligence, the Axis powers did nothing of the sort.
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Mattingly, David J. "From One Colonialism to Another." In Imperialism, Power, and Identity. Princeton University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691160177.003.0002.

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This chapter demonstrates how theories of modern and ancient colonialism have become interwoven and how this has affected the development of Roman archaeology in the independent countries of the Maghreb. Morocco (1956), Algeria (1963), and Tunisia (1957) gained their independence from France. The Italians held Libya (or parts of it) from 1911 until 1942, when the country fell under the British Military Administration until independence was achieved in 1951. There are inevitably “discrepant experiences” of imperialism and colonialism in the modern context, far from positive for the indigenous people (though nationalist movements grew out of resistance), while some of the old colons still peddle the myth about a lost golden age. It is inevitable in these circumstances that the modern experience should have an impact on the debate about the more remote past. The essential point made in this chapter is that all these different viewpoints must be understood in their modern as well as ancient contexts and that however wrongheaded some theories now appear we should not exclude them from debate.
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