Academic literature on the topic 'Italian Socialist Party'
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Journal articles on the topic "Italian Socialist Party"
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Ottanelli, Fraser, and Elisabetta Vezzosi. "Indifferent Socialism: Italian Immigrants and the Socialist Party in the Early Nineteen Hundreds." Journal of American History 79, no. 4 (March 1993): 1645. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2080307.
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Acemoglu, Daron, Giuseppe De Feo, Giacomo De Luca, and Gianluca Russo. "War, Socialism, and the Rise of Fascism: an Empirical Exploration." Quarterly Journal of Economics 137, no. 2 (January 21, 2022): 1233–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/qje/qjac001.
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Abstract The recent ascent of right-wing populist movements in several countries has rekindled interest in understanding the causes of the rise of fascism in the interwar years. In this article, we argue that there was a strong link between the surge of support for the Socialist Party after World War I and the subsequent emergence of fascism in Italy. We first develop a source of variation in socialist support across Italian municipalities in the 1919 election based on war casualties from the area. We show that these casualties are unrelated to a battery of political, economic, and social variables before the war and had a major effect on socialist support (partly because the socialists were the main antiwar political movement). Our main result is that this boost to socialist support (that is “exogenous” to the prior political leaning of the municipality) led to greater local fascist activity as measured by local party branches and fascist political violence, and to significantly larger vote share of the Fascist Party in the 1921 and 1924 elections. We provide evidence that landowner associations and greater presence of local elites played an important role in the rise of fascism. Finally, we find greater likelihood of Jewish deportations in 1943–45 and lower vote share for Christian Democrats after World War II in areas with greater early fascist activity.
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Mišić, Saša. "„Ne može se više ponoviti 1948. godina!“ Jugoslavija i italijanski komunisti i socijalisti 1957–1962." Tokovi istorije 30, no. 2 (August 31, 2022): 153–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.31212/tokovi.2022.2.mis.153-185.
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The paper presents an analysis of relations between Yugoslavia and the two most important parties of the Italian left: the Italian Communist Party (PCI) and the Italian Socialist Party (PSI) at a time when relations between Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union deteriorated again. It is an effort to explain the way in which the dispute between Belgrade and Moscow affected the relations of the Yugoslav communists with those Italian parties.
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DI DONATO, MICHELE. "The Cold War and Socialist Identity: The Socialist International and the Italian ‘Communist Question’ in the 1970s." Contemporary European History 24, no. 2 (April 13, 2015): 193–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777315000053.
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AbstractComing about in a phase of renewal and electoral success for the European socialist parties, the rise of the Italian Communist Party in the 1970s elicited differentiated reactions within the Socialist International. While providing an account of the transnational socialist debate on Italian Eurocommunism, this article suggests to understand it in the context of a wider discussion on the political identity and aims of the European left. Divisions on the new ‘communist question’ amongst the socialist movement mirrored the divergent opinions on how to react to the changes that were taking place in European economics and society, as well as in the international system.
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Favretto, Ilaria. "1956 and the PSI: The end of ‘ten winters’." Modern Italy 5, no. 1 (May 2000): 25–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940050003023.
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SummaryThe focus of this article is the revisionist course which the Italian Socialist Party embarked upon after 1956 and which led up to the first Centre-Left government. The article challenges two quite well established views. One view is that the transformation experienced by the PSI during the 1956-64 period was simply tactically expedient and devoid of any substance and consistency. This article argues, by contrast, that these years represented, in Alessandro Pizzorno's words, a veritable ‘Copernican revolution’. This period of revisionism was as important as the better-known revisionisms elaborated during the same period by other European Socialist parties such as the German SPD or British Labour. The second main argument is that ‘structural reformism’, the new strategy adopted by the PSI after 1956, was not, as it has often been described, an expression of ‘duplicity’ owing to the party's incapacity to behave like a genuinely reformist party - a phenomenon that has allegedly long characterized parties of the Left. Instead, the strategy was reflected in the changes to European socialism during the early 1960s. In particular, this period marked a contrast to the previous years which were characterized by the dominance of ideas of ‘redistributive’ socialism, à la Anthony Crosland. This period marked also a shift among Socialist parties towards the acceptance of greater state controls over the economy by way of public planning and ownership.
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DE GRAND, ALEXANDER. "‘To Learn Nothing and To Forget Nothing’: Italian Socialism and the Experience of Exile Politics, 1935–1945." Contemporary European History 14, no. 4 (November 2005): 539–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777305002754.
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As the Italian anti-fascist exiles reorganised after the establishment of a full dictatorship in 1925, they were confronted by a series of difficult issues that no longer could be dealt with in the national context. The overriding need to heal the divisions within the Italian left now would be conditioned by choices made on the international level. The abdication of the Western democracies at Munich meant to many on the left that the Soviet Union was the essential bulwark against fascism. Within the Italian Socialist Party Pietro Nenni defended the alliance with the Communist Party and support for the Soviet Union. Alternatives offered by Angelo Tasca questioned both the exclusive alliance with the Communists and unquestioning support for the Soviet Union. Tasca also developed a European perspective which tended to marginalise the Soviets both ideologically and diplomatically. These positions put him at odds with Nenni. Tasca's position was complicated by his parallel membership of the French SFIO, his French citizenship and, in 1940, his decision to support Vichy. Tasca's defection and Nenni's triumph made the Italian Socialist Party more hostile after the fall of fascism to new thinking on European unity and alternatives to unity of action with the Communists.
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Campus, Donatella. "Party system change and electoral platforms: A study of the 1996 Italian election." Modern Italy 6, no. 1 (May 2001): 5–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940120045533.
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SummaryComparative research suggests that parties regularly campaign by emphasizing issues on which they are advantaged and by ignoring topics that are traditionally associated with other parties. Focusing on the 1996 Italian elections, this article discusses whether such a generalization holds when the party system is affected by radical changes such as those that occurred in Italy in the mid-1990s. Moreover, the analysis of the party electoral platforms highlights some basic features of the new parties, and identifies either innovations or continuities with the past. I present evidence that in 1996 the Italian parties mostly competed on a similar range of issues. Especially regarding economic policy, there was not a polarized ideological debate: also the centre-left parties converged on a moderate position by playing down typical socialist themes such as state intervention and the expansion of social services. I also analyse the degree of internal programmatic cohesion of the two main coalitions, the Ulivo (Olive Tree) and the Polo delle Libertà (Freedom Pole) and relate it to the stability of the Italian political system.
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König, Malte. "Racism Within the Axis: Sexual Intercourse and Marriage Plans Between Italians and Germans, 1940–3." Journal of Contemporary History 54, no. 3 (July 6, 2018): 508–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009418768852.
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In an investigation of the internal functioning of the German-Italian coalition, an important question is to what degree the Axis Powers were divided by race ideology when it was directed not at a third party, but at the Italians and Germans themselves: How did the Germans communicate to their coalition partner that a ‘mixing of the races’ was not acceptable to them? How did the Italians react? What diplomatic complications arose and how were they resolved? These questions remained hypothetical until 1941, since women and men from the two regimes had little opportunity to meet. The question, however, gains relevance after the Economic Agreement of 26 February 1941 was signed. The agreement stipulated that in exchange for the delivery of raw materials, the Italians would provide 204,000 workers to be deployed in the German armaments industry. The Italian workforce in the German Reich grew rapidly within just a few months, turning what had been a mere hypothetical concern into a real issue: What role did the National Socialist race ideology play when Germans and Italians met and took a liking to one another?
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CURINI, LUIGI. "Negative Campaigning in No-Cabinet Alternation Systems: Ideological Closeness and Blames of Corruption in Italy and Japan Using Party Manifesto Data." Japanese Journal of Political Science 12, no. 3 (November 2, 2011): 399–420. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109911000181.
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AbstractWithin a one-dimensional spatial framework, we deduce that parties’ incentives ‘to go negative’, by blaming alleged insufficiencies of the rival concerning commonly shared values, increase with their ideological proximity. We test our hypothesis by considering the long period of no-cabinet alternation that characterized both Italy and Japan. In particular, we focus on the (spatial) incentives of the Italian Communist Party and of the Japanese Socialist Party to emphasize on a particular topic related to negative campaigning, i.e. political corruption issues. The status of the perennial opposition held by both parties, together with the existence of several political corruption scandals during the period considered, makes the Italian and the Japanese political systems particularly apt to test our hypothesis. The results, based on data derived from electoral programs, support our theoretical insights.
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Vicentini, Giulia. "Le primaires citoyennes del Parti Socialiste (2011) e le primarie di Italia. Bene comune (2012): molte somiglianze, esiti diversi." Quaderni dell Osservatorio elettorale QOE - IJES 71, no. 1 (June 30, 2014): 29–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/qoe-9490.
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This article contributes to the debate concerning primary elections’ efficiency (namely their capacity to select candidates who can be competitive in the general election) by comparing two cases of primaries leading to opposite electoral outcomes. In May 2012, a few months after the success in the so-called primaires citoyennes promoted by the French Socialist Party and its allies, François Hollande attains the Presidency of the Republic calling a halt to seventeen years of centre-right domination in France. Just one year later the winner of the centre-left Italian primaries Pierluigi Bersani failed in obtaining an absolute majority of seats in the February 2013 elections. The aim of the article is to try to understand to what extent the different electoral performance of Hollande and Bersani in the presidential and parliamentary elections can be explained by the different characteristics of the primaries they faced. The two cases have been compared on the basis of four key variables: inclusiveness, divisiveness, electability of the winning candidate and party elite predilection for the candidates in the race. The results suggest a substantial overlap between the French and Italian primaries: both were really inclusive but not particularly divisive, while they did not favour the success of a candidate unwelcome by the party elite. Accordingly I come to the conclusion that the negative result of the Italian elections is to be sought in factors unrelated to the primaries. In fact Hollande and Bersani partially diverged in terms of electability, but we cannot conclude that the French and Italian selectorates adopted different voting criteria for their appointment, as in both cases pragmatism seems to have prevailed over ideological considerations.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Italian Socialist Party"
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Favretto, Ilaria. "Structural reformism : the structural management of capitalism; the British Labour Party and the Italian Socialist Party." Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.287886.
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Vodovar, Christine. "Le PSI, la SFIO et l'évolution des systèmes politiques italien et français de 1943 à 1956." Paris 10, 2006. http://www.theses.fr/2006PA100002.
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Cette thèse repose sur une étude comparative des partis socialistes italien et français de la fin de la deuxième guerre mondiale aux premières années de la guerre froide et tente de répondre à la question suivante : pourquoi deux partis très proches par leur origine historique et leur patrimoine génétique ont totalement divergé durant cette période et dans quelle mesure la diversité historique des deux partis socialistes a marqué - de manière plus forte de ce que l'on retient habituellement l'histoire politique des deux pays dans le deuxième après guerre. La recherche confirme l'importance des facteurs culturels et politiques, sur lesquels l'historiographie traditionnelle insiste généralement, mais étend l'analyse à trois autres dimensions : la structure et à la sociologie interne ; les relations des deux partis avec leurs systèmes politiques respectifs ; enfin le poids des liens, internationaux, qui resulte non seulement d'options politico-idéologiques différentes mais également de la position géopolitique et du statut différents des deux pays.
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Bertrand, Dominique. "Le parti socialiste italien de l'origine à la montée du fascisme." Aix-Marseille 3, 1988. http://www.theses.fr/1988AIX32015.
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La these etudie la periode allant de la creation du partie socialiste italien en 1982 a la montee du facisme. Le p. S. I. Est fonde au congres de genes sous l'impulsion de turati et la briola. Ce congres elimine les tendances anarchistes et mazzinienne. Au congres de parme, le parti se donne une structure forte, influence par le modele allemand et cree l'avant ! organe du parti. La periode giolitienne est dominee par la revision du marxisme. Reformisme et maximalisme s'affrontent et finalement les maximalistes triomphent au congres de reggio-emilia. Ce congres est aussi un triomphe pour mussolini. Pendant la guerre, les socialistes restent divises entre la neutralite absolue et la neutralite relative. Le congres de livourne met en scene l'ehec du socialisme et donne naissance au parti communiste italien. Un an plus tard, les socialistes se divisent. La situation est alors mure pour une evolution radicale qui portera rapidement a l'installation de la dictature.
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Bertrand, Dominique. "Le Parti socialiste italien de l'origine à la montée du fascisme." Lille 3 : ANRT, 1989. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37611901n.
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PERAZZOLI, JACOPO. "L'evoluzione politica, programmatica ed ideale nel socialismo europeo degli anni Cinquanta : i casi del Labour Party inglese, della Socialdemocrazia tedesca e del Partito Socialista Italiano." Doctoral thesis, Università del Piemonte Orientale, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/11579/81676.
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Gobbat, Margherita <1992>. "La percezione da parte della comunità moldava in Italia delle trasformazioni post socialiste." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/17983.
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L’obiettivo di questo studio è di analizzare la percezione dei cambiamenti sociali avvenuti con il crollo dell’Unione Sovietica, da parte degli immigrati moldavi residenti in Italia. Dopo il crollo dell’Unione Sovietica e ottenuta l’indipendenza, in Moldova iniziò un difficile periodo di crisi economica e sociale, che costrinse migliaia di cittadini moldavi a immigrare in vari paesi, tra cui l’Italia.
Per analizzare come le trasformazioni hanno influito sulla comunità moldava sono stati intervistati presidenti e membri di alcune Associazioni di immigrati in Italia. Pertanto, inizialmente la metodologia di ricerca si è avvalsa della storiografia sulla transizione post comunista e della storia moldava, di dati statistici e dalla letteratura scientifica; per essere poi confrontati e dibattuti con i risultati pervenuti dalla ricerca qualitativa e in particolare dalle interviste. Tramite la peculiare prospettiva di chi ha vissuto il comunismo, la povertà del post socialismo e la diaspora in Italia, sono emerse le eredità del comunismo, le politiche della memoria, i traumi culturali, le reazioni di adattamento, di rifiuto, di nostalgia dell’ultima generazione sovietica moldava ai cambiamenti intercorsi con la caduta del socialismo.
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Francescangeli, Eros. "La sinistra rivoluzionaria in Italia. Politica e organizzazione (1943-1978)." Doctoral thesis, Università degli studi di Padova, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/11577/3425284.
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This dissertation analyzes that peculiar political front that in the 1970s called itself, and was generally called «revolutionary left», in alternative to the «official», «traditional», or «historical» left represented by the Italian Communist Party (Pci) and the Italian Socialist Party (Psi).
The research, however, embraces a longer time span of Italian socio-political history and the international labor movement, starting with the anarchist movement and the dissident organizations that in 1943-44 appeared within the socialist-communist traditions (Trotskyites, Bordigists, socialist left, etc.), and ending with the Marxist-Leninist and operaista (“workerist”) organizations of the sixties and seventies.
The cross-sectional analysis of the sources has revealed both continuities and discontinuities in the political activism of the revolutionary left before and after 1968. In any case, the former seem to outnumber the latterQuesta ricerca analizza quella peculiare area politica che negli anni settanta si rappresentò, e in genere venne rappresentata, come «sinistra rivoluzionaria», alternativa a quella definita «ufficiale», «tradizionale» o «storica» (Partito comunista italiano e Partito socialista italiano). La ricerca, tuttavia, abbraccia un arco temporale relativamente ampio della storia politico-sociale italiana e del movimento operaio italiano e internazionale. Partendo dal dissidentismo anarchico e social-comunista (trockisti, bordighisti, sinistra socialista, ecc.), che si manifesta a partire dal 1943-1944, si arriva alle organizzazioni rivoluzionarie degli anni sessanta e settanta: marxisti-leninisti e operaisti. Dallo studio incrociato delle fonti è emerso come il rapporto tra il Sessantotto e la militanza politica nei gruppi della sinistra rivoluzionaria pre e post-sessantottina fosse caratterizzato sia da elementi di continuità-omogeneità sia da elementi di rottura-eterogeneità. In ogni caso, i primi sembrano sopravanzare i secondi
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Cirefice, Virgile. "Cultures et imaginaires politiques socialistes en France et en Italie (1944-1949)." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris 8, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PA080085.
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Dans une perspective d’histoire culturelle du politique, ce travail de recherche interroge l’unité et la diversité des cultures et des imaginaires socialistes au sortir de la guerre. Les socialistes français et italiens, liés par une alliance de longue date à la Libération, se déchirent peu à peu, en raison de choix stratégiques différents dans la Guerre froide naissante. À partir d’une étude localisée dans six fédérations, il s’agit de mettre en évidence la diversité des représentations du monde, des rituels qui permettent de les exprimer, du rapport au temps – passé et futur – et des pratiques politiques jugées légitimes.L’étude permet de montrer à la fois la difficulté de la réinstallation d’une vie démocratique à l’échelle locale et le rôle des partis dans cette dernière. À travers les rapports entre les différents courants du PSI et de la SFIO, on peut rendre compte des débats qui parcourent le socialisme européen à la Libération et aux débuts de la Guerre froide.Cette recherche a aussi permis une réflexion sur la violence politique, sa justification et sur les formes que celle-ci prend au moment des tensions très grandes de 1947 et 1948 quand l’adversaire est régulièrement délégitimé et dépeint en ennemi. D’une manière plus générale, il s’agit d’une réflexion sur les méthodes de l’histoire politique, cherchant à prendre davantage en compte les questions culturelles, au sens large, en mobilisant un large panel de sources (archives sonores, multimédia, dessins de presse, témoignages de militants)In the perspective of a cultural studies approach to political history, this research questions the diversity of socialist cultures and their shared representations at the end of the Second World War. French and Italian socialists, who had been united by a long-standing alliance before the Liberation, progressively tore each other apart because of different strategic choices in the early stages of the Cold War. Drawing on the local study of six federations, the purpose of this work is to highlight the diversity of their world views and the rituals that shape them, their various relationships to time – past and future – as well as their understanding of what constitutes a legitimate political action.This study shows the struggle to generate a renewed democratic life at the local level and the role played by both parties in this matter. Through the relationships between the different movements of the Italian Socialist Party (PSI) and the French Section of the Workers' International (SFIO), it is possible to better understand the debates that run through European socialism at the Liberation and at the onset of the Cold War. This research also allows an in-depth study on political violence, its justification and the shapes it can take on, especially when tensions flared up in 1947 and 1948. At this critical time, opponents were often undermined by the other side which portrayed them as the enemy, in an effort to delegitimize them. More generally, it is a reflection on the methods of political history, aiming to further include cultural issues, in a broad meaning of the term and relying on a wide range of material and sources (sound archives, multimedia, press cartoons, activist testimonies, among others)
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Perfetti, Guglielmo. "Absolute beginners of the 'Belpaese' : Italian youth culture and the Communist Party in the years of the economic boom." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2018. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/9132/.
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This study has the aim of exploring aspects of youth culture in Italy during the economic boom of the late 1950s and early 1960s. Its theoretical framework lies between the studies around Italian youth culture and those around the Italian Communist Party (PCI), investigating the relationship between young people and contemporary society and examining, for the first time, the relationship of the former with the PCI, its institutions and media organs. The arrival of an Anglo-American influenced pop culture (culture transmitted by the media and targeted at young people) and of its market, shaped the individualities of part of the pre-baby boomers that, finally, were able to create bespoke identities somewhat disconnected from the traditional party-related narrative while remaining on the left of the political spectrum. Pop symbols that blossomed in the late 1950s, such as the striped t-shirt, would characterise the style of young protesters who included them in their collective imagination from the early 1960s onwards. Simultaneously, a flourishing pop market gave space to other cultural experiences including Cantacronache, a group of young musicians based in Turin who vividly depicted Italy of the boom through their lyrics. Their efforts can be read as belonging to a pop market that finally starts to open up towards new musical stimuli. They aimed to make their music available beyond the circle of left-wing activism as well and they were produced by a label linked to the PCI that in those years was reshaping its approach towards society, getting rid of its radical fringes and opening to a dialogue with diverse strata of the public, including young people, women and non-members. The thesis investigates how the Communists and its Youth Federation (FGCI), reacted to the development of youth culture as an aspect of modernisation in general. Through an examination of the party’s approach to the youth revolts of the early 1960s and of its formal documents targeted at young people in general, we analyse how – and how successfully – the Communists tried to engage with young people while often, internal strands, the monolithic nature of the party and other elements, posed severe obstacles in meeting their demands, creating a fracture that would grow in the following years. The thesis also investigates how the party’s attempt to address young people was translated into the promotion of magazines in which serious political topics were discussed alongside other themes such as investigations into society and into the “questione giovanile.” In this respect, we will see how the FGCI journal Nuova generazione tried, in the late 1950s, to take account of youth inclinations paying attention to other important topics such as the emancipation of young women. The generation we look at is the first to claim the right to build its individual identities by drawing on pop culture and modernisation, developing codes and behaviours that pulled away from those set by the institutions.
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FORESI, Elisa. "A Multisectoral Analysis for economic policy: an application for healthcare systems and for labour market composition by skills." Doctoral thesis, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/11393/251178.
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L’Agenda Digitale Europea stabilisce il ruolo chiave delle tecnologie dell’informazione e della comunicazione (TIC) grazie a un mercato digitale unico basato su internet veloce e superveloce e su applicazioni interoperabili, al fine di ottenere vantaggi socioeconomici sostenibili COM(2010)245. Le TIC producono un'innovazione di prodotto e cambiamenti strutturali all'interno di tutto il sistema economico e possiamo affermare che dal punto di vista multisettoriale hanno un ruolo moltiplicativo sulla crescita economica, poiché l’aumento della domanda di TIC stimola a sua volta tutte le altre produzioni. Inoltre come riscontrato in letteratura economica, nelle istituzioni internazionali, nonché confermate dai dati periodici rilasciati dagli uffici statistici nazionali, una maggiore incidenza della popolazione attiva formalmente istruita in associazione con l'adozione delle TIC è altamente correlata ad una crescita robusta, sostenibile ed equa. In questo quadro è importante valutare il ruolo delle TIC nel sistema economico, in particolare verrà analizzato il ruolo delle TIC sia rispetto ad un particolare settore quello della sanità, che dal lato dei soggetti che dovrebbero essere parte attiva nella gestione delle TIC ovvero la situazione delle abilità digitali dei lavoratori dipendenti.
Il primo articolo si focalizza sul ruolo delle TIC nella determinazione dell’output del settore sanitario, utilizzando il database WIOD (World Input Output Database), di 24 paesi nell’arco temporale 2000-2014, tenendo conto anche dei differenti sistemi sanitari nazionali. La produzione del settore “Sanità e Servizi Sociali” assume, almeno in alcuni paesi specifici, il ruolo di stimolo all’innovazione che compensa ampiamente quello di peso sul bilancio pubblico.
Nel secondo articolo analizziamo come l’uso delle TIC stia progressivamente aumentando nel sistema sanitario italiano e in particolare come l'introduzione del Fascicolo Sanitario Elettronico (FSE), strumento di condivisione dei dati sanitari del singolo cittadino, potrebbe determinare cambiamenti nella produzione sui servizi sanitari. Verranno analizzati gli eventuali cambiamenti strutturali dei processi produttivi e della produzione totale applicando l'Analisi Strutturale di Decomposizione (SDA). La base dati di riferimento sarà la tavola di Input-Output riferita a due diversi periodi al fine di individuare i risultati sia degli effetti tecnologici sia della domanda finale a livello settoriale.
Infine l’ultimo articolo ha l’obiettivo di valutare le conseguenze dei cambiamenti nella composizione dell'occupazione per competenza digitale all’interno del flusso di produzione e distribuzione del reddito. Verrà costruita una Matrice di Contabilità Sociale (SAM) che consente di rappresentare le relazioni tra i cambiamenti di produzione delle attività e i cambiamenti di compensazione dei dipendenti per competenze, grado di digitalizzazione e genere. LA SAM sviluppata nel documento è relativa all'Italia nel 2013; il lavoro è disaggregato in competenze formali / non formali / informali e, inoltre, competenze digitali / non digitali. Le abilità digitali del lavoro seguono la definizione di “competenza formale” della Commissione Europea (2000): i) competenza formale a seconda del livello di istruzione e formazione; ii) competenza non formale acquisita sul posto di lavoro e attraverso le attività delle organizzazioni e dei gruppi della società civile; iii) competenza informale non acquisita intenzionalmente durante la vita. In questo quadro è stata introdotta un'ulteriore classificazione di input di lavoro basata sull'uso / non utilizzo di computer collegati a Internet. Sulla base della SAM, è stato implementato un modello multisettoriale esteso. Infine, verrà individuata una struttura adeguata di domanda finale che consente di ottenere i migliori risultati in termini di valore aggiunto distribuiti a lavoratori più qualificati con una elevata competenza digitale.
Books on the topic "Italian Socialist Party"
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Vezzosi, Elisabetta. Il socialismo indifferente: Immigrati italiani e Socialist Party negli Stati Uniti del primo Novecento. Roma: Edizioni Lavoro, 1991.
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The Italian left in the twentieth century: A history of the Socialist and Communist parties. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1989.
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Socialismo francese e italiano a confronto: Dalla rinascita democratica all'avvento del gollismo. Bari: G. Laterza, 2012.
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Tardivo, Giuliano. Craxi-González: Una riflessione comparativa su due protagonisti del socialismo mediterraneo (fino al 1982-1983). Canterano (RM): Aracne editrice, 2020.
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Cirefice, Virgile. "L'espoir quotidien": Cultures et imaginaires socialistes en France et en Italie (1944-1949). Rome: École française de Rome, 2022.
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Alle radici della svolta autonomista: PSI e Labour Party, due vicende parallele : 1956-1970. Roma: Carocci, 2003.
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Favretto, Ilaria. The long search for a third way: The British Labour Party and Italian Left since 1945. New York: Palgrave Macmillan in association with St. Antony's College, Oxford, 2003.
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Learco, Andalò, ed. L'eresia dei magnacucchi sessant'anni dopo: Storie, analisi, testimonianze. Bologna: Bononia University Press, 2012.
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Aldo, Di Virgilio, ed. Delegati di partito: Margherita e Ds : congressi nazionali di marzo 2004 e febbraio 2005. Bologna: CLUEB, 2009.
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Aldo, Di Virgilio, ed. Delegati di partito: SDI e nuovo PSI : congressi nazionali di aprile 2004 e gennaio 2005. Bologna: CLUEB, 2011.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Italian Socialist Party"
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Lazar, Marc. "The Italian Socialist Party from the mid-1970s to the early 1990s: Socialists and a Weak State." In European Socialists and the State in the Twentieth and Twenty-First Centuries, 363–78. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-41540-2_20.
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D'Onghia, Madia. "Tensioni tra tecniche e valori nella disciplina delle tutele sociali dei lavoratori flessibili." In Studi e saggi, 285–304. Florence: Firenze University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/978-88-5518-484-7.19.
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The essay deals with the social protections of atypical workers that represent an extraordinary proof of the link between values and regulatory techniques. The author points out that current legislation does not always provide adequate forms of social protection for atypical workers. For this reason, often, more effective protections have been recognized in the jurisprudential. Three examples are analyzed: 1) the extension of the principle referred to in art. 2116 of the Italian Civil Code, as well as subordination; 2) the method of calculating the contributory seniority in the vertical part-time for retirement purposes; 3) the right to family allowances for permanent temporary workers. The author provides several points of reflection on the close intertwining of flexibility and social protections and on the need to move the plane of reasoning beyond the contract; it links rights and protections directly to the person entering the labour market and releases them from the status of worker.
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Bonnell, Andrew G. "Socialism plus Temperament." In Robert Michels, Socialism, and Modernity, 89—C3.P75. Oxford University PressOxford, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192871848.003.0004.
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Abstract This chapter traces Michels’ involvement with Italian socialists and syndicalists, initially as an interested observer and increasingly as a sympathetic interpreter mediating between the German and Italian socialist parties. As Michels became increasingly closely involved with Italian socialist politics, he developed strong sympathies for the left wing of the Italian Socialist Party, especially the revolutionary syndicalists such as Arturo Labriola, while also maintaining collegial relations with more reformist socialist intellectuals. Michels did not become as personally involved in socialist agitation in Italy as he did in Germany, despite contributing to a range of Italian socialist newspapers and periodicals. After Michels took up an academic position at the University of Turin in 1907, his involvement in Italian socialist politics started to wane.
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"The Split in the Italian Socialist Party." In The German Revolution, 1917-1923, 475–90. BRILL, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789047405726_025.
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Hine, David. "The Italian Socialist Party and the 1992 General Election." In The End of Post-War Politics in Italy, 50–62. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429310485-4.
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Bonnell, Andrew G. "Ethnicity and Race." In Robert Michels, Socialism, and Modernity, 228—C8.P64. Oxford University PressOxford, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192871848.003.0009.
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Abstract Most treatments of Robert Michels’ thought have paid scant attention to the salience of concepts of race and innate ethnic characteristics throughout Michels’ works. However, ideas of racial and ethnic difference play a consistent and important part in Michels’ thought, even if they tended to be soft-pedalled in his writings for the German Social Democratic Party. This prevalence of Michels’ views on race has yet to be subjected to a systematic analysis. The fact that the biologistic influences on Michels’ thought came more from Italian sources than German is worth emphasizing in the light of recent historiography which has increasingly focused on the significance of the evolution of racial thought in Italy on the emergence of Italian fascist ideology, in contrast to older literature which depicted racism as imported into Italian fascism from German Nazism. Michels contributed to the German journal Politisch-Anthropologische Revue, which was a forum for racial theorists, but much of the racial-biological influence on his thinking seems to have come from Italian sources, from the criminologist Cesare Lombroso to Italian ‘social anthropologists’ such as Enrico Ferri. Michels’ willingness to make use of ethnic and racial categories assisted his drift to the right as he became disillusioned with socialist politics.
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Bonnell, Andrew G. "Intellectuals, Masses, and Leaders." In Robert Michels, Socialism, and Modernity, 186–205. Oxford University PressOxford, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192871848.003.0007.
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Abstract Two new sociological concepts came into circulation at the end of the nineteenth century: ‘intellectuals’ and ‘the masses’. These concepts gathered increasing weight in social and political discourse in the early twentieth century. Arguably, the clash between a new organized mass politics of the left, in the form of the socialist labour movement, and attempts by old and new right-wing elites to create a counter-mobilization of other social groups outside the elites themselves, was one of the main factors shaping Europe’s twentieth-century ‘age of extremes’. Michels often reflected on, and saw himself as personally exemplifying, the role of the intellectual in a mass working-class party. One of the aspects of the Italian Socialist Party which Michels found attractive was the prominent role of intellectuals in the party, including many university professors, which would have been impossible in imperial Germany. Michels believed that the involvement of bourgeois intellectuals such as himself in the German Social Democratic Party was proof of their intellectual superiority, whereas workers were motivated more by material gain. Michels increasingly espoused the view that ‘the masses’ were politically incompetent and in need of leaders to whom they could look up, a view that converged with the contemporary ideas of writers such as Gustave Le Bon, Gaetano Mosca, and Vilfredo Pareto.
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Earle, Ben. "‘In onore della Resistenza’." In Red Strains. British Academy, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197265390.003.0012.
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The post-1945 neo-realist movement in Italian cinema is one of the twentieth century's most enduring cultural legacies. In his Fourth Symphony, ‘In onore della Resistenza’ (1950), Mario Zafred (1922–87), the Zhdanovite music critic of the Communist Party daily L'Unità between 1949 and 1956, aligned his music with one of the great neo-realist themes, that of the partisan Resistance to the German occupation of Italy in the final two years of the war. Zafred's is the most notable Italian contribution to what is defined here as the mid-twentieth-century neo-realist symphony, a genre not precisely co-extensive with the socialist realist symphony of the Soviet bloc. Widely admired in the Italy of the 1950s, Zafred's music was swept off the stage of musical history by the ‘avant-garde’ revolution of the early 1960s. Half a century later, it is time to look again at the Fourth Symphony.
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Manzoni, Giacomo. "Towards Political and Musical Renewal." In Red Strains. British Academy, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197265390.003.0002.
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Giacomo Manzoni is one of Italy's most renowned composers and also a sought-after composition teacher. From 1958 to 1967 he was the music critic of the daily newspaper of the Italian Communist Party (PCI) L'Unità. This chapter recounts the appeal exerted by communism in the immediate aftermath of World War Two, the emergence in Italy of a view that the conquest of new territory in art was entirely consistent with socialist ideas, and the initiatives taken by the PCI to bring culturally marginalised communities into contact with all kinds of music. It concludes with critical comments about the path taken by the PCI following the fall of the Soviet Union, and the consequent demise of the prospects for realising a free and humane communism in Italy.
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Meneguzzi Rostagni, Carla. "Italy's Attention Turns to China Between the ’50 and the ’60." In Sinica venetiana. Venice: Edizioni Ca' Foscari, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.30687/978-88-6969-220-8/008.
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It is surprising that the very existence and recognition of China had significant repercussions on domestic policy in Italy, which was the country with the strongest Communist party in the West. In the ’50s the Italian official policy was compelled by membership in Atlantic alliance and relations with United States, to refuse economic exchanges with China. According to documents found in “Ministero degli Affari Esteri” and in “Aldo Moro” archives, even in the same years political characters such as the Socialist Pietro Nenni, the Christian Democrats Giovanni Gronchi and Amintore Fanfani worked to favour China-Italy exchanges and economic actors like Dino Gentili and Enrico Mattei organised economic Italian missions to China. Since 1960, thanks to trade relations set up in the ’50s, and to political events (December 1963 the first centre-left government with Aldo Moro president, Pietro Nenni vicepresident and Giuseppe Saragat to foreign affairs, and at the beginning of 1964 the French political recognition of China), the process was accelerated. Thus, in December 1964 the first commercial agreement between Italy and China was concluded and commercial offices were opened in Rome and Beijing. After 1964 the Chinese question entered Italian foreign policy and was included in parliamentary debates and government programmes. The American diplomacy, dominated by the Vietnam war, opposed any initiative to Chinese recognition but Italy anticipated the better reported, more celebrated US recognition.
Conference papers on the topic "Italian Socialist Party"
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Valdaliso Casanova, Teresa. "El concepto de "Estación Creativa"; un proyecto reticular basado en el proceso creativo compartido." In III Congreso Internacional de Investigación en Artes Visuales :: ANIAV 2017 :: GLOCAL. Valencia: Universitat Politècnica València, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/aniav.2017.5860.
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A partir de la idea de metrópolis como un nudo de conexiones donde la localización geográfica del núcleo central se propone temporal y de carácter itinerante, quedando prioritariamente desplazado a la periferia, se plantea un proyecto de intercambio creativo cuya estructura de actuación viene definida en modo reticular, fomentando la regeneración y reutilizo de espacios en desuso, o bien utilizando nuevos espacios situados en territorios que no disfrutan de la consideración que merecen.La descentralización de los lugares de creación y divulgación artística implica la reconfiguración de una identidad territorial perdida que, presentándose como irrecuperable, decide reinventarse a partir de un nuevo concepto de espacio de fusión y fruición, un punto de encuentro y de adición de diversas realidades que se encuentran en un ámbito local, procedentes a su vez de otros ámbitos locales, pertenecientes todos a una misma red de intercambios.Dicha idea se materializa a partir del concepto de "Estación Creativa", desarrollado teóricamente por los italianos Paolo Rosa (artista y docente) y Andrea Balzola (dramaturgo y docente), siendo llevada a cabo por primera vez en el espacio MIL de Sesto San Giovanni (Milán) en los meses de Abril-Mayo de 2016. Creativos, artistas y estudiosos de diversas disciplinas actuaron como agentes culturales a la vez que sociales, a partir de una perspectiva de arte político entendiendo la polis como la extensión de lugar en donde todos cohabitamos. Activadores de imaginarios compartidos, incluyen al visitante como parte integrante del proceso creativo, un proceso basado en la formación, la investigación y la producción. Donde el aura no pertenece ya a la obra de arte, sino a la experiencia artistica común. http://www.spaziomil.org/evento/stazione-creativa-2/http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/ANIAV.2017.5860
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Gutiérrez Palomero, Aaron. "La perspectiva integrada com a nou paradigma del desenvolupament urbà sostenible: una aproximació a partir de la iniciativa comunitària URBAN." In International Conference Virtual City and Territory. Barcelona: Centre de Política de Sòl i Valoracions, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.5821/ctv.7589.
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Un dels efectes més notables de la reestructuració econòmica viscuda a Europa durant les darreres
dècades ha estat la intensificació dels processos de pobresa urbana i exclusió social. El que ha comportat
el reforçament i agudització de les desigualtats socials i la segregació espacial, consolidant-se així una
realitat urbana dualitzada. Les situacions d’exclusió social han tendit a concentrar-se en aquelles àrees
urbanes que pateixen majors processos de degradació, amb una qualitat de vida i unes oportunitats
econòmiques sensiblement inferiors a la del conjunt urbà més proper.
Per treballar en favor d’un model de desenvolupament urbà sostenible i socialment més just, així com per
donar resposta als reptes i necessitats especials dels barris amb dificultats, s’estan implementant, en
diferents ciutats europees, respostes conegudes com programes d’intervenció integral. Aquests
programes recullen de forma explícita la voluntat d’actuar sobre les múltiples variables que configuren i
expliquen les situacions de marginalitat urbana. No plantegen actuacions focalitzades en la transformació
de l’espai físic, sinó que també atorguen una atenció especial als diferents factors que interaccionen en la
configuració social i econòmica de l’espai urbà.
La perspectiva integrada implica la superació del model clàssic de compartimentació sectorial. L’element
que canalitza l’actuació pública no són les responsabilitats i fronteres competencials, sinó els dèficits i les
oportunitats que manifesta una determinada àrea urbana.
Aquest model d’intervenció ha assolit un creixent protagonisme, tant en l’agenda política de diferents
Estats i regions europees, com en la pròpia UE. L’any 1994, la UE creà la Iniciativa Comunitària URBAN.
El programa recollia com a objectius generals la necessitat de fer front a la degradació de la qualitat de
vida en determinats espais de les ciutats i actuar en favor de la redinamització socioeconòmica i ambiental
de les àrees urbanes amb dificultats. A través de dues edicions (1994-1999 i 2000-2006), URBAN ha
permès cofinançar 188 programes en 15 Estats Membres.
En aquesta comunicació es presentarà els resultats d’una recerca sobre la IC URBAN, tot centrant
l’atenció de l’anàlisi en el model d’aproximació a la realitat urbana que planteja. Aquest model es
caracteritza per la perspectiva integrada de les qüestions socials, econòmiques i medi ambientals com a mecanisme per donar una millor resposta als problemes locals. Finalment, s’interpretarà l’impacte assolit
per URBAN, emprant com a indicador l’anàlisi de diferents casos d’estudi de ciutats angleses, espanyoles,
franceses i italianes One of the most notable effects of the economic restructuring undertaken in Europe during recent decades
has been the intensification of processes that give rise to urban poverty and social exclusion. This has led
to the reinforcing and sharpening of social inequalities and spatial segregation and to the consolidation of
a dichotomous urban reality. Situations of social exclusion have tended to concentrate in urban areas that
have suffered major processes of degradation and which have levels of quality of life and economic
opportunity that are appreciably inferior to those of their nearest urban neighbours.
Several European cities are currently working towards the creation of a model of sustainable and more
socially just urban development and towards providing responses to the challenges and special needs of
neighbourhoods with difficulties. This initiative forms part of what are known as integrated intervention
programmes. These programmes explicitly share the will to take appropriate action to influence the many
variables that configure and explain situations of urban marginality. They do not only propose interventions
aimed at physically transforming space, but also dedicate special attention to the different factors that
interact to determine the social and economic configuration of urban space.
The integrated approach implies improving on the classical model of sectorial division. The elements that
channel public responses are not responsibility and competence frontiers, but rather the deficits and
opportunities manifested by a given urban area.
This new model for intervention has gained increasing protagonism, both in the political agendas of
various European states and regions and in the European Union itself. In 1994, the EU established the
URBAN Community Initiative. The general objectives of this programme were related to the need to take
measures against the loss of quality of life in certain parts of cities and to take action to promote the
socioeconomic and environmental revitalisation of urban areas with difficulties. To date, two editions of
URBAN (1994-1999 and 2000-2006) have permitted the co-financing of 188 programmes in 15 EU
member states.
In this communication, we will present the results of research relating to the URBAN Community Initiative,
specifically focusing our attention and analysis on the model for urban reality that it proposes. This model
is characterised by the way in which social, economic and environmental questions are addressed from an
integrated approach, which serves as a mechanism for providing better responses to local problems.
Finally, we will analyse the impact that the URBAN has achieved, using case studies based on British,
Spanish, French and Italian cities as indicators in this analysis.
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Alves da Silva, Cristiane, and Mirtes Marins de Oliveira. "El diseño expositivo de una casa museo: El comedor como caso de studio." In LINK 2021. Tuwhera Open Access, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/link2021.v2i1.104.g150.
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El espacio expositivo de una Casa Museo de Coleccionistas, tomando como caso específico la Casa Museo Ema Klabin (EKHM), ofrece al campo del diseño expositivo un lugar único para la investigación por su naturaleza de lo privado a lo público, mostrando objetos reunidos en una colección. Para un estudio que considere este enfoque, es necesario considerar un trípode que sustente las prácticas de este modelo de museo: el coleccionista y recolector, la colección en sí y el edificio que la exhibe. El caso de estudio propuesto destaca aspectos presentados en el Comedor de EKHM, un ambiente que evoca la domesticidad y convoca a la experiencia de un espacio de museo. Antigua residencia de la coleccionista, empresaria y mecenas Ema Gordon Klabin, alberga una colección multicultural que incluye artes visuales, objetos etnográficos, libros, muebles y artes decorativas, exhibidos en un ambiente preservado en un diseño expositivo que resalta las prácticas de la casa coleccionista y el edificio de arquitectura. El Comedor, utilizado con fines diplomáticos y sociales, es un espacio iluminado de 4,80m x 5,30m que conecta los salones sociales de la casa con una gran puerta de vidrio que accede al patio exterior, un ambiente con plantas tropicales y una fuente italiana (siglo XVIII). Se accede a ella a través de la galería, imprescindible para los visitantes de la casa y, ahora, del museo y el salón. En la pared opuesta, una puerta camuflada da acceso a las áreas de la cocina y servicio, hoy recepción del museo, donde se realizaba un servicio francés. La mesa del comedor con ocho sillas fue diseñada por Lottieri Lotteringhi Della Stufa (1919-1982) en los años 50’ y tiene una clara referencia a la pareja de sillas francesas de estilo Directory (siglo XVIII). Actualmente, el Comedor se organiza de acuerdo con fotografías y otros registros históricos que dan fe de su uso antes de su cambio a la categoría de museo. Exhibe documentos y objetos que dan fe de la memoria de los usos y costumbres de este original espacio, por ejemplo, el “Libro de Recepción”, en el que el coleccionista describía cada evento, sus invitados y la planificación de la recepción. Este elemento forma parte de la mini exposición “Mesa (Ex) Posta” que, semestralmente, muestra piezas de vajilla o combinaciones de artículos, según los registros de uso. La mesa de comedor es un mueble específico construido contemporáneamente para apoyar el diseño expositivo de esta muestra. El contenido del espectáculo se compone de servicios de cena, juegos de porcelana, cubiertos de plata, juegos de té, vasos, cubiertos, fuentes y marcadores de mesa presentes en el Centro de Artes Decorativas de la Colección. También, en este espacio se muestra un conjunto de obras de arte que incluyen pintura modernista, pintura flamenca, arte barroco, imaginería sacra, entre otros, y destacan la colección y el espacio del museo. El Comedor evoca la domesticidad y la memoria del hogar más que cualquier otro espacio, y nos permite adentrarnos en la “biografía de los objetos” para comprenderlos desde una perspectiva de cultura material, indagando en su trayectoria en el mundo de la cultura.
Reports on the topic "Italian Socialist Party"
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Vallerani, Sara, Elizabeth Storer, and Costanza Torre. Considerazioni chiave: equità e partecipazione nella promozione della vaccinazione per il covid-19 tra le persone razzializzate e senza documenti. SSHAP, May 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/sshap.2022.025.
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Questo documento espone alcune considerazioni a proposito della promozione dei vaccini per il SARS-CoV-2 e delle strategie per garantirne un’equa distribuzione tra gli immigrati senza documenti residenti in Italia e, in particolare, a Roma. Quanto emerge dal caso italiano può essere in parte applicabile ad altri contesti in cui la somministrazione del vaccino è stata legata al dispositivo del “passaporto vaccinale”, ovvero il certificato COVID digitale dell'UE, in Italia Green Pass. Nell’organizzazione della campagna vaccinale alcune categorie sociali sono state identificate come “difficili da raggiungere” (hard to reach) e per cui è necessario immaginare interventi specifici.1 In questo testo si sceglie di parlare di persone razzializzate e illegalizzate poiché senza documenti per riferirsi a persone immigrate che non hanno cittadinanza, permesso di soggiorno e status di rifugiato. Questo documento esplora il contesto quotidiano delle vite delle persone illegalizzate e come l’esperienza della pandemia di COVID-19 abbia esacerbato le difficoltà che queste persone incontrano, 23 mettendo in luce il collegamento tra le vulnerabilità, consolidate ed emergenti, con la percezione dei vaccini. Si suggerisce come l’orientamento e la percezione dei vaccini si inseriscano all’interno dei contesti di vita delle persone, in cui molto spesso la priorità è data al sostentamento economico. In molti casi, l’accettazione della vaccinazione è motivata dalla necessità di continuare ad avere un lavoro retribuito piuttosto che a una preoccupazione connessa alla salute o a una fiducia nei confronti delle istituzioni sanitarie. Il seguente documento si pone l’obiettivo di esaminare come i vaccini possano essere distribuiti in modo equo e capace di aumentare la fiducia e i processi di inclusione nella società post-pandemica. Il testo si basa principalmente sulla ricerca etnografica e le testimonianze raccolte attraverso interviste e osservazioni con persone razzializzate e illegalizzate nella città di Roma, insieme a rappresentanti della società civile e operatori socio-sanitari tra dicembre 2021 e gennaio 2022. Questo documento è stato sviluppato per SSHAP da Sara Vallerani (Università di Roma Tre), Elizabeth Storer (LSE) e Costanza Torre (LSE). È stato revisionato da Santiago Ripoll (IDS, Università del Sussex), con ulteriori revisioni da parte di Paolo Ruspini (Università Roma Tre) ed Eloisa Franchi (Université Paris Saclay, Università di Pavia). La ricerca è stata finanziata dalla British Academy COVID-19 Recovery: G7 Fund (COVG7210058). La ricerca si è svolta presso il Firoz Lalji Institute for Africa, London School of Economics. La sintesi è di responsabilità di SSHAP.