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Journal articles on the topic 'Italian Socialist Party'
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1
Ottanelli, Fraser, and Elisabetta Vezzosi. "Indifferent Socialism: Italian Immigrants and the Socialist Party in the Early Nineteen Hundreds." Journal of American History 79, no. 4 (March 1993): 1645. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2080307.
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Acemoglu, Daron, Giuseppe De Feo, Giacomo De Luca, and Gianluca Russo. "War, Socialism, and the Rise of Fascism: an Empirical Exploration." Quarterly Journal of Economics 137, no. 2 (January 21, 2022): 1233–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/qje/qjac001.
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Abstract The recent ascent of right-wing populist movements in several countries has rekindled interest in understanding the causes of the rise of fascism in the interwar years. In this article, we argue that there was a strong link between the surge of support for the Socialist Party after World War I and the subsequent emergence of fascism in Italy. We first develop a source of variation in socialist support across Italian municipalities in the 1919 election based on war casualties from the area. We show that these casualties are unrelated to a battery of political, economic, and social variables before the war and had a major effect on socialist support (partly because the socialists were the main antiwar political movement). Our main result is that this boost to socialist support (that is “exogenous” to the prior political leaning of the municipality) led to greater local fascist activity as measured by local party branches and fascist political violence, and to significantly larger vote share of the Fascist Party in the 1921 and 1924 elections. We provide evidence that landowner associations and greater presence of local elites played an important role in the rise of fascism. Finally, we find greater likelihood of Jewish deportations in 1943–45 and lower vote share for Christian Democrats after World War II in areas with greater early fascist activity.
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Mišić, Saša. "„Ne može se više ponoviti 1948. godina!“ Jugoslavija i italijanski komunisti i socijalisti 1957–1962." Tokovi istorije 30, no. 2 (August 31, 2022): 153–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.31212/tokovi.2022.2.mis.153-185.
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The paper presents an analysis of relations between Yugoslavia and the two most important parties of the Italian left: the Italian Communist Party (PCI) and the Italian Socialist Party (PSI) at a time when relations between Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union deteriorated again. It is an effort to explain the way in which the dispute between Belgrade and Moscow affected the relations of the Yugoslav communists with those Italian parties.
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DI DONATO, MICHELE. "The Cold War and Socialist Identity: The Socialist International and the Italian ‘Communist Question’ in the 1970s." Contemporary European History 24, no. 2 (April 13, 2015): 193–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777315000053.
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AbstractComing about in a phase of renewal and electoral success for the European socialist parties, the rise of the Italian Communist Party in the 1970s elicited differentiated reactions within the Socialist International. While providing an account of the transnational socialist debate on Italian Eurocommunism, this article suggests to understand it in the context of a wider discussion on the political identity and aims of the European left. Divisions on the new ‘communist question’ amongst the socialist movement mirrored the divergent opinions on how to react to the changes that were taking place in European economics and society, as well as in the international system.
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Favretto, Ilaria. "1956 and the PSI: The end of ‘ten winters’." Modern Italy 5, no. 1 (May 2000): 25–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940050003023.
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SummaryThe focus of this article is the revisionist course which the Italian Socialist Party embarked upon after 1956 and which led up to the first Centre-Left government. The article challenges two quite well established views. One view is that the transformation experienced by the PSI during the 1956-64 period was simply tactically expedient and devoid of any substance and consistency. This article argues, by contrast, that these years represented, in Alessandro Pizzorno's words, a veritable ‘Copernican revolution’. This period of revisionism was as important as the better-known revisionisms elaborated during the same period by other European Socialist parties such as the German SPD or British Labour. The second main argument is that ‘structural reformism’, the new strategy adopted by the PSI after 1956, was not, as it has often been described, an expression of ‘duplicity’ owing to the party's incapacity to behave like a genuinely reformist party - a phenomenon that has allegedly long characterized parties of the Left. Instead, the strategy was reflected in the changes to European socialism during the early 1960s. In particular, this period marked a contrast to the previous years which were characterized by the dominance of ideas of ‘redistributive’ socialism, à la Anthony Crosland. This period marked also a shift among Socialist parties towards the acceptance of greater state controls over the economy by way of public planning and ownership.
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DE GRAND, ALEXANDER. "‘To Learn Nothing and To Forget Nothing’: Italian Socialism and the Experience of Exile Politics, 1935–1945." Contemporary European History 14, no. 4 (November 2005): 539–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777305002754.
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As the Italian anti-fascist exiles reorganised after the establishment of a full dictatorship in 1925, they were confronted by a series of difficult issues that no longer could be dealt with in the national context. The overriding need to heal the divisions within the Italian left now would be conditioned by choices made on the international level. The abdication of the Western democracies at Munich meant to many on the left that the Soviet Union was the essential bulwark against fascism. Within the Italian Socialist Party Pietro Nenni defended the alliance with the Communist Party and support for the Soviet Union. Alternatives offered by Angelo Tasca questioned both the exclusive alliance with the Communists and unquestioning support for the Soviet Union. Tasca also developed a European perspective which tended to marginalise the Soviets both ideologically and diplomatically. These positions put him at odds with Nenni. Tasca's position was complicated by his parallel membership of the French SFIO, his French citizenship and, in 1940, his decision to support Vichy. Tasca's defection and Nenni's triumph made the Italian Socialist Party more hostile after the fall of fascism to new thinking on European unity and alternatives to unity of action with the Communists.
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Campus, Donatella. "Party system change and electoral platforms: A study of the 1996 Italian election." Modern Italy 6, no. 1 (May 2001): 5–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940120045533.
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SummaryComparative research suggests that parties regularly campaign by emphasizing issues on which they are advantaged and by ignoring topics that are traditionally associated with other parties. Focusing on the 1996 Italian elections, this article discusses whether such a generalization holds when the party system is affected by radical changes such as those that occurred in Italy in the mid-1990s. Moreover, the analysis of the party electoral platforms highlights some basic features of the new parties, and identifies either innovations or continuities with the past. I present evidence that in 1996 the Italian parties mostly competed on a similar range of issues. Especially regarding economic policy, there was not a polarized ideological debate: also the centre-left parties converged on a moderate position by playing down typical socialist themes such as state intervention and the expansion of social services. I also analyse the degree of internal programmatic cohesion of the two main coalitions, the Ulivo (Olive Tree) and the Polo delle Libertà (Freedom Pole) and relate it to the stability of the Italian political system.
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König, Malte. "Racism Within the Axis: Sexual Intercourse and Marriage Plans Between Italians and Germans, 1940–3." Journal of Contemporary History 54, no. 3 (July 6, 2018): 508–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009418768852.
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In an investigation of the internal functioning of the German-Italian coalition, an important question is to what degree the Axis Powers were divided by race ideology when it was directed not at a third party, but at the Italians and Germans themselves: How did the Germans communicate to their coalition partner that a ‘mixing of the races’ was not acceptable to them? How did the Italians react? What diplomatic complications arose and how were they resolved? These questions remained hypothetical until 1941, since women and men from the two regimes had little opportunity to meet. The question, however, gains relevance after the Economic Agreement of 26 February 1941 was signed. The agreement stipulated that in exchange for the delivery of raw materials, the Italians would provide 204,000 workers to be deployed in the German armaments industry. The Italian workforce in the German Reich grew rapidly within just a few months, turning what had been a mere hypothetical concern into a real issue: What role did the National Socialist race ideology play when Germans and Italians met and took a liking to one another?
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CURINI, LUIGI. "Negative Campaigning in No-Cabinet Alternation Systems: Ideological Closeness and Blames of Corruption in Italy and Japan Using Party Manifesto Data." Japanese Journal of Political Science 12, no. 3 (November 2, 2011): 399–420. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109911000181.
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AbstractWithin a one-dimensional spatial framework, we deduce that parties’ incentives ‘to go negative’, by blaming alleged insufficiencies of the rival concerning commonly shared values, increase with their ideological proximity. We test our hypothesis by considering the long period of no-cabinet alternation that characterized both Italy and Japan. In particular, we focus on the (spatial) incentives of the Italian Communist Party and of the Japanese Socialist Party to emphasize on a particular topic related to negative campaigning, i.e. political corruption issues. The status of the perennial opposition held by both parties, together with the existence of several political corruption scandals during the period considered, makes the Italian and the Japanese political systems particularly apt to test our hypothesis. The results, based on data derived from electoral programs, support our theoretical insights.
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Vicentini, Giulia. "Le primaires citoyennes del Parti Socialiste (2011) e le primarie di Italia. Bene comune (2012): molte somiglianze, esiti diversi." Quaderni dell Osservatorio elettorale QOE - IJES 71, no. 1 (June 30, 2014): 29–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/qoe-9490.
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This article contributes to the debate concerning primary elections’ efficiency (namely their capacity to select candidates who can be competitive in the general election) by comparing two cases of primaries leading to opposite electoral outcomes. In May 2012, a few months after the success in the so-called primaires citoyennes promoted by the French Socialist Party and its allies, François Hollande attains the Presidency of the Republic calling a halt to seventeen years of centre-right domination in France. Just one year later the winner of the centre-left Italian primaries Pierluigi Bersani failed in obtaining an absolute majority of seats in the February 2013 elections. The aim of the article is to try to understand to what extent the different electoral performance of Hollande and Bersani in the presidential and parliamentary elections can be explained by the different characteristics of the primaries they faced. The two cases have been compared on the basis of four key variables: inclusiveness, divisiveness, electability of the winning candidate and party elite predilection for the candidates in the race. The results suggest a substantial overlap between the French and Italian primaries: both were really inclusive but not particularly divisive, while they did not favour the success of a candidate unwelcome by the party elite. Accordingly I come to the conclusion that the negative result of the Italian elections is to be sought in factors unrelated to the primaries. In fact Hollande and Bersani partially diverged in terms of electability, but we cannot conclude that the French and Italian selectorates adopted different voting criteria for their appointment, as in both cases pragmatism seems to have prevailed over ideological considerations.
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Cheles, Luciano. "Iconic images in propaganda." Modern Italy 21, no. 4 (November 2016): 453–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mit.2016.55.
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Italian visual propaganda often makes use of well-established imagery, to exploit its proven impact. Renaissance masterpieces with religious subject matter were recurrently reproduced on political posters in the early post-war years and during the referenda campaigns of 1974 and 1981, mostly to characterise the parties as Christian. In Italy and elsewhere these images now tend to be employed in a secular way, for instance to denounce injustices and atrocities, and invite compassion and solidarity for the victims. Symbolic motifs traditionally associated with specific ideological traditions also used to feature strongly in Italian visual propaganda; they virtually disappeared in the early 1990s with the collapse of the Christian-Democrat and Socialist parties in the wake of the Mani pulite investigations, and the Communist Party’s transformation into a social-democratic party. They have been replaced by new icons. Iconographic motifs dear to fascism and Nazism, however, continue to be used, by stealth or unabashedly, by Italian far-right organisations.
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KERENJI, EMIL. "‘Your Salvation is the Struggle Against Fascism’: Yugoslav Communists and the Rescue of Jews, 1941–1945." Contemporary European History 25, no. 1 (January 13, 2016): 57–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777315000478.
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AbstractThis article recounts a little-known episode in which Yugoslav partisans, led by the Communist Party of Yugoslavia, rescued some 2,500 Jews from the former Italian camp for Jews in the northern Adriatic in the autumn of 1943. By focusing on this historical event, the article argues for broadening the notion of rescue of Jews during the Holocaust. Rather than locating ‘rescue’ in the motivations of individuals, the article takes as a point of departure the collective aspect of rescue and investigates the importance of the ideological considerations of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia in its decision to rescue the Jews. Rather than in abstract ethical notions, the partisan rescue of the Jews was rooted in their political vision of the future socialist federation, of which the Jews were part.
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Newton, Ronald C. "Ducini, Prominenti, Antifascisti: Italian Fascism and the Italo-Argentine Collectivity, 1922-1945." Americas 51, no. 1 (July 1994): 41–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1008355.
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One evening in April 1926 a party of Italian emigrants outward bound from Genoa aboard the steamer Conte Verde celebrated their impending new life in Argentina by singing the fascist anthem “Giovinezza.” They thereby angered a larger number of passengers and crew, who responded with a lusty rendition of the Socialist “Bandiera Rossa.” Tension grew, but Conte Verde’s captain averted further unpleasantness by escorting the fascists to safety at the ship's bow; at the same time Second Captain Rivarola restored order among the antifascists. The Genoa police prefecture reported the incident to Benito Mussolini's cabinet, but as the quarrel had been transferred to Argentine soil there was little to be done–for the moment. The secret police would maintain surveillance of the troublemakers in Argentina and of their families in Italy.
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Perazzoli, Jacopo. "‘No automation must be achieved without improving living standards’. The British Labour Party, the Italian Socialist Party and the German Social Democratic Party during the postwar technological revolution." History of European Ideas 46, no. 1 (December 16, 2019): 79–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01916599.2019.1703858.
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Tilly, Louise A. "Structure and Action in the Making of Milan's Working Class." Social Science History 19, no. 2 (1995): 243–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200017326.
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Andrea Costa, a contemporary observer and sometime participant in Italian socialist politics, spoke in 1886 in defense of the Lombardy-based Partito operaio, whose leaders had been arrested and its newspaper muzzled. He offered a classic Marxist interpretation of the party's emergence as a “natural product of… our economic and social conditions … the concentration of the means of production in few hands, distancing the worker more and more from his tools … and likewise a product of our political conditions … electoral reform, by means of which the working class … can affirm itself as a class apart.” Further, this party had been founded in Milan, “where modern industry has penetrated more than elsewhere,” and closely following the expansion of the suffrage in 1881 (Italy 1886: 419).
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Murphy, Timothy S. "I Play for You Who Refuse to Understand Me." Journal of Popular Music Studies 30, no. 4 (December 2018): 143–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jpms.2018.300410.
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In Italy, the counterculture of the Sixties lasted until 1979, when it perished in the clash between two paranoias: the Italian state’s fear of terrorism and the radical social movements from which it arose, and the terrorists’ fear of the state’s authoritarianism. Popular musicians were trapped between these paranoias, and their music searches to escape from both while chronicling the closing of the space between them, the only space in which countercultural social and artistic experimentation could take place. This essay focuses on the Italian “international POPular group” Area, which acted, in opposition to the generalized paranoia of the period, as a switching station linking progressive rock, electronic music, free jazz, global indigenous music, Fluxus sound experiments and postmodernist poetics with anti-militarist, anti-racist, socialist-feminist politics independent of the existing political party system. To create those links, the band was compelled to subvert the conventions of pop music from within and to move beyond pop’s traditional boundaries into unstructured improvisation and avant-garde formal exploration. Area singer Demetrio Stratos’s death in 1979 coincided with the Italian state’s final crackdown on terrorism and the counterculture and marked the end of the richest countercultural experiment on earth, which still has much to teach us.
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Gianfreda, Stella. "Politicization of the refugee crisis?: a content analysis of parliamentary debates in Italy, the UK, and the EU." Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica 48, no. 1 (October 17, 2017): 85–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ipo.2017.20.
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This paper draws on the literature on party competition and issue ownership to assess whether political membership on the right-left dimension explains party stances on migration. While some scholars argue that on this issue a clear distinction between left and right exists, some more recent quantitative and fine-grained analyses show a more nuanced picture. According to them, a clear difference in narratives exists only when the salience of the issue is high, under pressure of the electoral success of a far-right party or about specific policy issues. This paper further investigates this aspect in the context of the 2015 refugee crisis. It looks at the positions held by the main centre-left, centre-right, Radical Right, and Populist Parties in the Italian, British, and European Parliaments. The content analysis shows that centre-left parties frame the refugee crisis mainly as a humanitarian emergency and held pro-European Union (EU) positions, while centre-right parties differ substantially between Italy and the United Kingdom. Both radical right and Populist Parties exploit the political-opportunity offered by the refugee crisis to foster their anti-establishment claims. Moreover, Radical Right Populist Parties stress the need to secure external borders and restore national sovereignty, against further integration. At the EU level, left- and right-wing groups (Socialist and Democrats Party, European Conservatives and Reformists Party, and European People’s Party) are cohesive, while the populist group (European Freedom and Direct Democracy Party) is not. This paper adds on the academic debate on the refugee crisis, showing how the immigration issue can impact on domestic and European party politics, challenging party identities and alliances.
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Karlsen, Patrick. "Zadnja bitka v Stalinovem imenu: Vittorio Vidali, komunizem na obalah Jadranskega morja in boj Informbiroja proti Titu (1947-1954)." Contributions to Contemporary History 56, no. 2 (November 9, 2016): 59–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.51663/pnz.56.2.04.
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The essay aims to analyse the "Adriatic communism" policy implemented in the period from World War II to the eve of the schism between Stalin and Tito in 1948, with the subsequent rift in relations between Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union and the expulsion of Belgrade from the socialist camp. The essay focuses on the figure of Vittorio Vidali, an Italian communist leader (born in Muggia, near Trieste) with a long and prominent militant role in the Soviet intelligence services as evidenced by his involvement in various events both in Europe and the United States.The choice to focus the analysis on Vittorio Vidali is based on the decisive role he played in the "Adriatic communism" in the stages immediately preceding the Tito–Stalin split and then during the years of the Cominform's opposition against the Party and the Yugoslav regime after 1948.
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King, R. L. "Regional Government: The Italian Experience." Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy 5, no. 3 (September 1987): 327–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c050327.
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This paper is a review of Italy's stuttering progress towards regional autonomy. At the unification of Italy in 1860, a centralised administrative structure was adopted, as prescribed by the Piedmontese Constitution of 1848. Centralisation of political power reached its apogee during the Fascist period. Regionalist sentiment resurfaced strongly after the last war and gained formal expression in the 1948 Republican Constitution, which provided for the creation of five ‘special’ and fourteen (later fifteen) ‘ordinary’ regions. The special regions—regions of special linguistic or political sensitivity (Valle d'Aosta, Trentino-Alto Adige, Friuli-Venezia Giulia, Sicily and Sardinia)—were established between 1948 and 1963, but delays orchestrated by the Christian Democrat-dominated central government, reluctant to relinquish its power, postponed the establishment of the ordinary regions until the 1970s, when pressure from the Socialist Party prevailed. The legislative powers of the regions are of three forms: Exclusive (available only to the special regions), complementary, and integrative, the order representing progressively diminishing elements of decisionmaking autonomy. Several regions in central Italy have elected Communist regional governments. However, hopes that the regional governments would be instrumental in ending corrupt and inept government and eradicating regional disequilibria, have mostly been misplaced, although some progress has been made, especially in the northern regions, in the fields of administrative reform, social service organisation, and regional economic planning. The principal reason for lack of progress is the continuing central government control over regional government funds. In many regions considerable amounts of unspent funds have accumulated owing to a combination of political stalemate at the regional level and central government veto. Special attention is given in this paper to the relationship between regional autonomy and (1) local government, and (2) regional planning. To conclude, the present state of play represents an uneasy compromise between the two contradictory historical forces of centralism and regionalism, present since unification. Although there has been a significant departure from the rigid centralisation of the past, the retention of most of the important powers by the central government frustrates the ambitions of the regions to really organise their own affairs.
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Zonova, N. E. "The Rise of Fascism in Italy: Versions and Critiques." Concept: philosophy, religion, culture 6, no. 4 (December 21, 2022): 151–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2541-8831-2022-4-24-151-153.
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A century ago, on October 28th Benito Mussolini and twenty thousand members of his National Fascist Party marched on Rome. Prime minister Luigi Facta assured the king that Italian armed forces could resist the few on the march and suggested declaring a state of emergency. King Victor Emmanuel III and his elite for two years had been watching with apprehension the rise of the communist left and sought a strong hand to curb disorders. Mussolini was counting on that and was quick to react. He receded from his socialist views and eagerly propounded his antisocialist ideology and vowed to put an end to antigovernmental strikes. Once Mussolini became prime minister, it marked the beginning of the formation of a totalitarian regime in Italy. At that time Italy was devastated by the war that ended with a Mutilated victory and was on the brink of bankruptcy. Mussolini exploited people’s sentiments of betrayal and dissatisfaction only to initiate rapprochement with Nazi Germany and draw the country into yet another war. In the recently published book on the rise of Mussolini, the authors clearly allude to the involvement of British money in the creation of the fascist party in Italy. Though British and French conservatives did transfer certain money to Mussolini, the proposed thesis is a clear exaggeration. It was the internal situation in Italy that gave rise to fascism. And today’s policy of the ruling coalition led by Giorgi Meloni does not coincide in any way with the signs of fascism listed by Umberto Eco.
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Baviello, Davide. "Democrazia e modernizzazione. Ambizioni americane e modelli europei nella distribuzione italiana 1947-1978." ITALIA CONTEMPORANEA, no. 259 (November 2010): 284–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/ic2010-259005.
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Con il piano Marshall e l'avvio dell'integrazione europea, gli Stati Uniti lanciarono un ambizioso progetto egemonico. Fondato sulla modernizzazione economica come strumento per consolidare la democrazia, esso venne tuttavia ostacolato da gran parte degli imprenditori italiani, anche se l'aumento della produttivitŕ e la diffusione del benessere avrebbero non solo rafforzato il libero mercato, ma anche eroso le basi sociali del consenso al Partito comunista italiano e al Partito socialista italiano. Questi partiti, che si proponevano di ammodernare la distribuzione commerciale secondo modelli diversi dal supermercato introdotto dagli americani nel 1957, furono accusati di volere la scomparsa del commercio privato, come era giŕ avvenuto in Europa orientale. I comunisti s'impegnarono nello sviluppo delle cooperative e i socialisti, nel primo governo Moro, proposero invano la creazione di una rete di supermercati a gestione pubblica. A conferma della mancata attuazione del progetto di consolidamento democratico attraverso la modernizzazione, dopo il boom economico la democrazia italiana fu sottoposta a serie minacce eversive, mentre la riforma commerciale del 1971, invece d'ispirarsi ai principi liberisti della Comunitŕ europea, continuň a ostacolare la distribuzione moderna.
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Maravall, José Maria. "L'IDENTITÀ DELLA SINISTRA: LE POLITICHE SOCIALDEMOCRATICHE NELL'EUROPA DEL SUD." Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica 22, no. 3 (December 1992): 449–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0048840200018888.
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IntroduzioneQuesto articolo intende discutere i programmi e le politiche realizzate dai partiti socialisti dell'Europa del Sud giunti al potere negli anni ottanta. Vi sono considerati i partiti socialisti spagnolo (PSOE), greco (PASOK), portoghese (PSP), italiano (PSI) e francese (PS). Per i primi tre, la democrazia costituiva un'esperienza recente, esito delle transizioni dall'autoritarismo della metà degli anni settanta; negli altri due casi, era stata invece ristabilita al termine del secondo conflitto mondiale. Tre dei partiti socialisti considerati – PSOE, PS e PASOK – giungevano al potere forti di maggioranze assolute al Parlamento e dopo una lunga esclusione dal potere. Al contrario, i partiti socialisti portoghese e italiano facevano parte di coalizioni, con l'eccezione, in Portogallo, di un breve periodo di governo monopartitico socialista, dalle elezioni del 1976 fino alla fine del 1977. Il PSI, inoltre, figura al governo come partner minore, sebbene Craxi sia stato primo ministro dal 1983 al 1987. L'analisi comparata delle politiche sarà quindi agéométrie variable: poiché la presenza di coalizioni rende difficile assumere il bilancio dell'azione del governo come indicativo di specifiche politiche socialiste, il lavoro discuterà i casi di Spagna, Francia e Grecia con maggior dovizia.
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GORDON, DANIEL A. "A ‘Mediterranean New Left’? Comparing and Contrasting the French PSU and the Italian PSIUP." Contemporary European History 19, no. 4 (September 29, 2010): 309–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777310000251.
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AbstractThis article argues that Gerd-Rainer Horn's model of a ‘Mediterranean New Left’ encompassing both the French Parti socialiste unifié (PSU, 1960–1990) and the Italian Partito socialista italiano di unità proletaria (PSIUP, 1964–1972) needs to be significantly revised. It agrees that, half a century on from the events which gave rise to their foundation, this much misunderstood part of the political spectrum, midway between social democracy and the far left, is worthy of rescue from the ‘enormous condescension of posterity’, but questions how similar the two parties actually were. Major differences emerge, especially in the nature of each party's relationship with communism, with the philosovietism of the PSIUP contrasting with the PSU's evolution towards an anti-Leninist decentralist socialism of self-management. Yet, at the same time, important new evidence is uncovered about the concrete political and personal links that developed between leading intellectuals of the PSIUP and PSU, an example being the friendship of the Italian parliamentarian and theorist Lelio Basso with the journalist Gilles Martinet, later French ambassador to Italy. Other transnational links, both across the Mediterranean and to eastern Europe, are explored. Furthermore, the location of the roots of both parties in the 1940s generation of anti-fascist resistance calls into question prevailing assumptions equating the New Left with the youth of the 1960s, with wider implications for our understanding of the development of the European left across the twentieth century.
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Cimatti, Bruno. "Fascistas y antifascistas en las elecciones de la Sociedad Italia Unita de Bahía Blanca (enero de 1927)." Avances del Cesor 13, no. 14 (July 8, 2016): 117–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.35305/ac.v13i14.594.
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En este artículo buscamos reconstruir el conflicto entre fascistas y antifascistas en las elecciones de la Sociedad Italia Unita de Bahía Blanca, realizadas el 16 de enero de 1927, a partir de la amplia difusión que tuvieron en las páginas de la prensa local. Tales comicios revistieron un carácter abiertamente político, teniendo en cuenta que desde el 15 de mayo de 1926 operaba en la ciudad el fascio “Giulio Giordani”, institución que desde sus orígenes buscaba erigirse en representante de la comunidad italiana de la ciudad. En ese contexto, las elecciones de la Sociedad italiana fueron la manifestación institucional del conflicto que, desde la constitución del fascio, se daba entre sus miembros y los antifascistas locales, muchos de ellos ligados al Centro Socialista de Bahía Blanca. Se ensayará, entonces, una interpretación de las elecciones (así como de su clima de campaña previo y sus consecuencias) a la luz de la disputa entre fascismo y antifascismo por la hegemonía en la colectividad italiana bahiense. El trabajo se enmarca en una investigación más amplia que busca analizar, en el caso bahiense, los resultados del intento de controlar las instituciones italianas en el extranjero por parte del gobierno italiano.
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De Grand, Alexander. "Comment on Corner: Giolitti's Italy – Sonderweg or Well-Travelled Road?" Contemporary European History 11, no. 2 (May 2002): 296–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777302002060.
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The idea of an Italian Sonderweg is interesting, but it is not exactly a new interpretation of the Giolittian era. Gaetano Salvemini was very clear in blaming Giolitti for distorting Italy's path to democracy. I agree with Paul Corner's cautionary remark that nothing before the First World War made fascism inevitable. Still, we should look closely at the fifteen years before the Great War, if for no other reason than the fact that the great hopes for reform that marked the period gave rise to little structural reform. Giolitti simply did not bring about the modernisation of the liberal parliamentary system. However, I have my doubts that this adds up to a Sonderweg. Nowhere on the Continent did a modern mass party of the bourgeoisie emerge before 1914. Moreover, in no country did the middle-class movement for reform develop solid links with the growing socialist movement. It is curious in this regard that Corner never mentions France. Certainly the Giolittian era resembles the post-Dreyfus period in French politics more than anything that happened in Germany. It would be interesting for Professor Corner to expand on the viability of the British Lib–Lab pact of 1906; it is implied that this was a model that worked elsewhere on the Continent (p. 286). I also find it surprising that he finds the roots of the Weimar coalition in prewar imperial Germany (p. 294).
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Marks, Gary, and Matthew Burbank. "Immigrant Support for the American Socialist Party, 1912 and 1920." Social Science History 14, no. 2 (1990): 175–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200020721.
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The period of greatest socialist strength in the United States, the second decade of the twentieth century, coincided with the final decade of a great wave of immigration. This phenomenon has attracted the attention both of scholars seeking to understand the basis of support for the American Socialist party and of those seeking to address the more general question of the sources of immigrant radicalism (Bodnar 1985; Lipset 1977). Both perspectives pose a basic empirical question: What role did ethnicity play in support for the Socialist party, or, more specifically, which immigrant groups supported the party and which groups opposed it?The attempt to answer this question has spawned a vast scholarship on the part of historians and social scientists, but a definitive answer remains elusive. Part of the reason for this is that we lack sufficiently detailed and disaggregated data on the political orientations and activities of immigrants themselves. The smallest units of electoral return are at the ward or county level, and information at this aggregate level can never allow us to draw conclusions about individual behavior with any certainty. But it also seems to be the case that the analysis of currently available data has not been taken as far as possible. Previous research has explored the relationship between ethnicity and socialism by examining particular immigrant groups in individual states, cities, or towns (e.g., Critchlow 1986; Gorenstein 1961; Leinenweber 1981; Lorence 1982; Miller 1975; Wolfle and Hodge 1983). Such case studies provide invaluable accounts of the diversity of immigrant politics, but they do not provide a reliable basis for generalization. In this article we take a step back from the wealth of illustrative analysis and try to gain a broader, more systematic, overview of immigrant support for socialism across a wide range of contexts by examining voting among eight immigrant groups—Germans, English, Finns, Irish, Italians, Norwegians, Russians, and Swedes—in the presidential elections of 1912 and 1920, elections in which the American Socialist party received its highest levels of support.
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Gabrielli, Patrizia. "Gli uomini servono le donne a tavola. Rappresentazioni di genere nell’emigrazione antifascista italiana in URSS = Men waiting on women’s tables: Gender representation in antifascist emigration in the USSR." REVISTA DE HISTORIOGRAFÍA (RevHisto) 31 (September 23, 2019): 65. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/revhisto.2019.4874.
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Sinopsi: A ridosso del 1917 per molte socialiste e successivamente per le comuniste, Il Paese dei Soviet si afferma quale modello politico da imitare anche per quanto concerne la parità di genere. Un ruolo che l’Urss mantiene ben saldo esercitando, anche sotto questo profilo, un indubbio fascino sull’emigrazione femminile antifascista. Partendo da queste premesse, il saggio si articola in due parti.Il primo e il secondo paragrafo delineano le principali coordinate del dibattito sull’emancipazione, si soffermano sui caratteri del nuovo modelo femminile e sulla fondazione di una nuova tradizione femminista che trova nel simbolo dell’8 marzo la propria legittimazione. Il terzo parágrafo si concentra, invece, sulla circolazione e l’assimilazione del modello femminile sovietico da parte delle militanti. Le lettere dall’Urss, in special modo, confermano una fedele adesione all’immagine della donna nuova che si riflette sull’autorappresentazione delle militanti, le quali spesso ancora ignare delle condanne subite negli anni del Terrore staliniano, informano entusiaste familiari e amici sulle opportunità e sulla autonomia acquisita. L’esperienza migratoria ebbe però in molti casi risvolti tragici e molte militanti finirono nella fitta rete della repressione staliniana.Parole chiave: mito soviético, stampa femminile socialista e comunista, emancipazione femminile, emigrazione femminile antifascista, lettere.Summary: Just prior to 1917, for many socialists and later for the communists, The Soviet Country was a political role model to be emulated, even in terms of gender equality. Not only did the USSR continue resolutely to exercise this role, but it also harboured an undoubted fascination on women’s antifascist emigration.Starting from these premises, this essay is divided into two parts. It starts by articulating the main topics of the debate on emancipation. This focuses on the features of the new women’s status and the constitution of a new feminist tradition that finds its legitimacy in the symbol of 8 March. It then moves to focus on the spread and the assimilation of the Soviet women’s model among activists. In particular, letters coming from the USSR confirm a faithful adherence to the image of the new woman which is reflected on the self-representation of militants. Communist and socialist women, who were often unaware of the sentences suffered during the years of Stalinist Terror, enthusiastically inform relatives and friends about the opportunities and independence acquired. In many cases, however, migration led to tragic consequences, and several militants were victims of the Stalinist repression.Key words: Soviet myth, Socialist and Communist women’s Press, women’s emancipation, women’s antifascist Emigration, letters.
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Santoro, Stefano. "Il Partito comunista italiano e i regimi comunisti dell’Europa orientale attraverso la rivista “Rinascita”." Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Historia 66, no. 2 (April 13, 2022): 179–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/subbhist.2021.2.09.
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"The Italian Communist Party and the communist regimes of Eastern Europe through the magazine “Rinascita”. The cultural magazine of the Italian Communist Party “Rinascita” was published from 1944 to 1991, thus following the evolution of that party from the post-WWII to its self-dissolution. Through an analysis of the articles published in the magazine, this contribution studies the evolution of the image of the communist regimes of Eastern Europe among the Italian communists, retracing the strategic and ideological changes that characterized the Pci, along a difficult path that from the cult of Stalin eventually came to social democracy. Keywords: Magazine “Rinascita”; Italian Communist Party; Eastern Europe; “Real socialism”. "
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Morisi, Paolo. "Republicans and Socialists and the Origins of Italian Political Parties." Modern Italy 12, no. 3 (November 2007): 309–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940701633775.
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A central debate in political science centres on the origins of political parties and specifically on the question as to whether they emerged as a result of the rise of parliamentary institutions. Regarding the Italian party system, the commonly held view is that Italian parties emerged as a consequence of national unification and the establishment of parliament. This article contributes to the debate on the origins of Italian parties by presenting empirical evidence on the timing of their initial formation, analysing data regarding the social base, membership, organisational articulation and policy-making accomplishments of the two major political movements active before and after the establishment of the national parliament. The article argues that, at least in the Italian case, parties did not originate in the legislature; rather, similar to countries such as Germany and Spain, Italian parties developed as a result of a major national crisis.
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Nencioni, Tommaso. "Tra neutralismo e atlantismo. La politica internazionale del Partito socialista italiano 1956-1966." ITALIA CONTEMPORANEA, no. 260 (February 2011): 438–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/ic2010-260005.
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L'articolo illustra gli elementi di continuitŕ e di rottura nell'azione internazionale del Partito socialista italiano, e la stretta relazione tra i cambiamenti nei riferimenti internazionali del partito e le mutazioni nella strategia da esso adottata per la lotta politica in Italia. Nella prima parte, l'autore analizza i caratteri del dibattito teorico che si sviluppa all'interno del partito socialista nel periodo in cui esso definisce la sua strategia in termini neutralisti. Sono passati in rassegna i termini del dibattito ideologico tra la corrente autonomista guidata da Nenni e Lombardi e quella di sinistra sui temi del neutralismo: europeismo, sostegno al Movimento dei non allineati, riavvicinamento al socialismo europeo e azione da svolgere in politica estera col governo di centrosinistra. Nella seconda parte dell'articolo l'autore esamina il ruolo della politica internazionale nella definizione degli equilibri del centrosinistra e il dibattito sull'Europa e sulle rivoluzioni in atto nel "terzo mondo" che si sviluppa all'interno del Psi, fino alla riunificazione di questo col Partito socialdemocratico e il suo ingresso nell'alveo del socialismo europeo.
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Wright, J. "Colonial and Early Post-Colonial Libya." Libyan Studies 20 (January 1989): 221–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263718900006725.
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Libya at the beginning of this century had little to offer the would-be imperialist and coloniser. The true value of Turkey's last remaining African possessions was not — despite the insistence of the Italian nationalist lobby — as a settler-colony or as a gateway to the largely illusory wealth of central Africa, but as a strategic base on the central Mediterranean. The general poverty of Ottoman Tripolitania and Cyrenaica was reflected indeed in the poverty of the literature in any language on contemporary Libya.But growing Italian interest in these territories, by 1900 almost the last parts of Africa unclaimed by any European power, generated a series of books and articles by an imperialist-nationalist lobby eager to prove the case that Italy's political, strategic, economic and social wellbeing depended on the immediate possession of Turkish North Africa. Such writings naturally generated a rather less voluminous counter-flow of material, mainly from socialist sources, putting the opposite and (as events were to prove) essentially more realistic case.The outbreak of the Italo-Turkish war in September 1911 and the subsequent Italian occupation of bridgeheads at Tripoli, Horns, Benghazi, Derna and Tobruk first brought Libya to the notice of the international press. The British correspondents who reported one or other side of the conflict subsequently produced a number of surprisingly partisan books about the war and their own adventures in it, but had very much less to say about the little-understood country and its people. With the sudden end of the war in 1912 and the outbreak of more serious fighting in the Balkans, interest in Libya quickly waned. For the next 30 years nearly all the relevant literature was to be provided by Italians, in Italian and written from a purely Italian point of view — some of it later to be destroyed in the antifascist and anti-imperialist reaction from 1943 onwards.
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Zaslove, Andrej. "Here to Stay? Populism as a New Party Type." European Review 16, no. 3 (July 2008): 319–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798708000288.
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This article addresses the sudden and somewhat unexpected rise of populist parties in West, Central, and Eastern Europe. The first section highlights the core characteristics of populism through the construction of an ideal type. Subsequently, the focus is on the opportunity structures that give rise to populism, emphasizing the end of the post-war settlement, post-industrialism, the gradual erosion of party politics, and frustrations emanating from the consolidation of liberal democracy in Central and Eastern Europe. The final section examines three distinct forms of populism, focusing on radical-right populism (parties such as the French National Front, the Austrian Freedom Party), center-right populism (Forza Italia), and left populism (the German Party of Democratic Socialism).
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Miró Quesada Rada, Francisco. "La dictadura como dominación política." Tradición, segunda época, no. 18 (January 8, 2020): 9–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.31381/tradicion.v0i18.2649.
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ResumenEn este artículo que titulamos La dictadura como dominación política, explicamos en qué consiste y cómo se organiza el uso arbitrario del poder a través de la forma de gobierno que el constitucionalista y politólogo alemán Karl Loëwenstain denomina con el nombre genérico de autocracias. Se refiere al autoritarismo y al totalitarismo que comúnmente llamamos dictadura y que los griegos llamaron tiranía. En otros términos, ambos son dos modalidades de autocracia. Cuando estudiamos esta forma de dominación política nos encontramos con una gran diversidad, pese a que hay algunos rasgos comunes. Esta diversidad se advierte en la monarquía, la autocracia que más ha durado a lo largo de la historia, pero que ahora se encuentra confinada en pocos países de cultura musulmana. También consideramos a las dictaduras individualizadas cuando un individuo, sin pertenecer a una aristocracia, concentra todo el poder como si fuera un monarca absoluto. Este sujeto puede ser civil o militar. Luego explicamos en qué consisten las dictaduras militares, cívicomilitares y el poder militar. En estos regímenes, igualmente, encontramos diversas expresiones políticas e ideológicas. Finalmente tratamos sobre las dictaduras institucionalizadas cuya máxima expresión es el totalitarismo, una forma política de dominación que se inició en el siglo XX y continúa en algunos países como China, Corea del Norte y Cuba. En esta categoría, aunque con una concepción ideológica distinta, están el nacional socialismo alemán y el fascismoitaliano. A las dictaduras de inspiración marxista leninista y maoísta se les llama comunistas; a nuestro modo de ver, un concepto equivocado porque el comunismo es la fase final del socialismo, una sociedad sin clases y sin Estado porque desaparece la dominación, y como esto no existe, en la práctica deberían denominarse dictaduras socialistas, o dictaduras socializantes; también podrían llamarse dictaduras en el socialismo realmente existente. No solo el totalitarismo es una dictadura institucionalizada, también hay formas institucionalizadas autoritarias, como el caso del Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI) mexicano. Cabe notar que en el caso de los países asiáticos, sobre todo en China, se ha acentuado el culto a la personalidad, fenómeno que había disminuido luego de la reforma de Deng Xiaoping; en cambio, esto ha sido una tendencia constante en Corea del Norte. Ello determina que predomine la voluntad del líder sobre la institución,como ha sucedido en diversos casos en donde las dictaduras burocratizadas de partido único han sucumbido ante el poder de un líder máximo. Un hecho que no sucedió en México porque estaba prohibida la reelección presidencial que duraba siete años. Concluimos afirmando que muchas de estas formas de dominación política, que predominaron durante largos períodos de la historia, como por ejemplo las monarquías, sucumbieron por diversos movimientos de liberación que optaron por formas democráticas de gobierno. Pero también decimos al final del artículo que existe la dominación al interior de la democracia en un régimen económico capitalista que predomina en la globalización y que impera por medio del neoliberalismo.Palabras clave: Dominación, dictadura, autoritarismo, totalitarismo, liberación.
AbstractIn this article, titled “The dictatorship as a political domination”, we explain what the arbitrary use of power consists of and how it is organized through the form of government, named by the German constitutionalist and political scientist Karl Loëwenstain with the generic term of “autocracies”. It refers to the authoritarianism and totalitarianism that we commonly call dictatorship and that the Greeks called tyranny. In other words, both are two modalities of autocracy. When we study this form of political domination, we find a great diversity, despite some common features. This diversity is evident in the monarchy, the autocracy that has lasted the longest throughout history but which is now confined to a few countries with a Muslim culture. We also consider individual dictatorships when an individual, without belonging to an aristocracy, concentrates all power as if he were an absolute monarch. This person can be civil or military. Then, we explainwhat military dictatorship, civic-military dictatorship and military power consist of. In these regimes, we also find diverse political and ideological expressions. Finally, we discussed the institutionalized dictatorships whose ultimate expression is totalitarianism, a political form of domination that began in the twentieth century and continues in some countries like China, North Korea and Cuba. In this category, although with a different ideological conception, are present the German National Socialism and Italian Fascism. Dictatorships with Marxist, Leninist and Maoist inspiration are called communists. In our point of view, this concept is wrong given the fact that communism is the final phase of socialism, a classless and stateless society due to the disappearance of domination. Hence, as this does not exist, they should be called socialist dictatorships, or socializing dictatorships. They could also be called dictatorships in the actual existing socialism. Totalitarianism is not the only institutionalized dictatorship; there are also other authoritarian institutionalized dictatorships such as the Mexican Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI).It is worth mentioning that in the case of Asian countries, especially in China, the cult of personality has been accentuated, a phenomenon that had decreased after the reform of Deng-Xiao-Pin, but which has been a constant trend in North Korea. This determines that the will of the leader predominates over the institution, as has happened in several cases where the bureaucratized one-party dictatorships have succumbed to the power of a maximum leader. This case did not happen in Mexico because of the prohibition of presidential re-election, which lasted seven years. In conclusion, we can agree that many of these forms of political domination, which predominated during long periods of history, such as monarchies, succumbed to various liberation movementsthat chose democratic forms of government. Nevertheless, we also mention at the end of the article that domination exists within democracy in the capitalist economic regime that predominatesin globalization, and that prevails through neoliberalism.Keywords: Domination, Dictatorship, Autoritarisms,Tatalitarism, Liberation
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De Jesus Ramos Jr, Armenes. "Dentre os vários Gramsci, um educador socialista!" Revista Chão da Escola, no. 7 (December 31, 2008): 41–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.55823/rce.v7i7.55.
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O artigo realiza breve síntese das principais categorias gramscianas, à luz do método por ele utilizado, o materialismo-dialético, com vistas a subsidiar uma leitura atual do pensador e militante italiano. Também destaca aspectos da educação para a construção da hegemonia pelo proletariado. O texto é parte da tese de Doutorado intitulada “A Formação de um Intelectual Coletivo: um estudo sobre o percurso dos Militantes na construção da Saúde do Trabalhador no Paraná”, do mesmo autor. UFPR - 2007. Endereço eletrônico http:// dspace.c3sl.ufpr.br:8080/dspace/handle/1884/ 13669
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Dell’ Agata, Giuseppe. "Moral and Political Ideology in Georgi Markov’s Sharp Criticism of Bulgarian Totalitarianism." Sledva : Journal for University Culture, no. 40 (April 7, 2020): 74–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.33919/sledva.20.40.13.
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The task of this text by the is to outline the main political and ethical ideas that Georgi Markov (Bulgarian writer and dissident, murdered in exile by the Secret Services) maintains in his constant and often radical criticism towards Bulgaria regime during the years. Italian professor Giuseppe Dell’ Agata’s main point is related to Markov’s unshattered conviction that the Bulgarian regime created by the Communist Party had nothing to do with the communism or the socialism but was simply an example of state capitalism.
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Di Leo, Donata. "Gorky in Italy. Examination of the National Edition of the Newspaper Avanti! (Newspaper of the Socialist Party) January 1, 1900 — December 31, 1909." Studia Litterarum 4, no. 4 (2019): 188–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.22455/2500-4247-2019-4-4-188-201.
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Bertelé, Matteo. "Un ambasciatore del "Realismo" italiano: Gabriele Mucchi nella Repubblica democratica tedesca negli anni Cinquanta." MONDO CONTEMPORANEO, no. 2 (May 2021): 87–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/mon2020-002005.
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L'articolo esamina il ruolo di Gabriele Mucchi (1899-2002) nel contesto delle relazioni culturali tra Italia e Repubblica democratica tedesca nel corso degli anni Cinquanta, quindi prima di un reciproco riconoscimento giuridico e della firma di accordi bilaterali. Pittore realista e militante comunista, Mucchi fu una figura chiave nel dibattito artistico della DDR, all'interno del quale il "Realismo" italiano costituì un contributo determinante al processo di autodeterminazione di un'arte tedesca e socialista. L'artista fu oggetto di una crescente attenzione da parte delle istituzioni culturali della DDR, che nel 1956 lo invitarono a ricoprire la cattedra di pittura presso la Scuola d'arte di Berlino Est, città dove avrebbe continuato a risiedere, pur alternandosi con l'Italia, anche in seguito alla caduta del Muro. Sulla base di documenti d'archivio inediti e di uno spoglio della stampa, l'articolo mette in luce le premesse e gli esordi della sua poliedrica attività nella DDR in ambito formativo, critico ed espositivo, analizzando al tempo stesso il suo particolare status come esempio di cooperazione tra Europa occidentale e orientale, e quindi come caso di studio della Guerra Fredda culturale.
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Hamre, Martin Kristoffer. "Norwegian Fascism in a Transnational Perspective: The Influence of German National Socialism and Italian Fascism on the Nasjonal Samling, 1933–1936." Fascism 8, no. 1 (July 1, 2019): 36–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-00801003.
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Following the transnational turn within fascist studies, this paper examines the role German National Socialism and Italian Fascism played in the transformation of the Norwegian fascist party Nasjonal Samling in the years 1933–1936. It takes the rivalry of the two role models as the initial point and focusses on the reception of Italy and Germany in the party press of the Nasjonal Samling. The main topics of research are therefore the role of corporatism, the involvement in the organization caur and the increasing importance of anti-Semitism. One main argument is that both indirect and direct German influence on the Nasjonal Samling in autumn 1935 led to a radicalization of the party and the endorsement of anti-Semitic attitudes. However, the Nasjonal Samling under leader Vidkun Quisling never prioritized Italo-German rivalry as such. Instead, it perceived itself as an independent national movement in the common battle of a European-wide phenomenon against its arch-enemies: liberalism and communism.
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Sidoti, Franceso. "Italy: A Clean‐up after the Cold War." Government and Opposition 28, no. 1 (January 1, 1993): 105–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1993.tb01309.x.
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In These Pages We Will Discuss The Thesis That in order to understand the present problems of Italy, one must look back on an era of international politics dominated by the bipolar and conflictual relationship between East and West. This came to an end finally after the failed Moscow coup in mid-1991.From 1946, without interruption, in a Europe divided by the iron curtain, Italy was the frontier country where the cold war was most bitterly fought, because the Italian Communist Party (PCI) was the strongest communist party in the world outside the Soviet empire. From many viewpoints, the Italian Communists were ordinary politicians peacefully involved in cooperatives and in the trade unions. Their management of some important regions and municipalities was judged very favourably by many scholars. In public declarations they stated their preference for a peaceful way to socialism, conversion to liberty, independence from Soviet influence, and acceptance of a democratic system. In fact they shared Moscow's orientations in every international problem where East and West were opposed. Now we understand why: they were heavily financed, directly and indirectly, by the Soviets. But after Yeltsin had thrown out many skeletons from the Kremlin closets, we had the proof that the staunch anti-communists were right. The big lie about Bolshevism concerned Italy also, where the PCI had been helped from Stalin to Gorbachev. This is why still in 1985 the Italian Communists declared the USA to be the only imperialist state in the world.
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Palacio Martín, Jorge del. "Antonio Gramsci y la cuestión nacional italiana: Un análisis de los artículos de L’Ordine Nuovo (1919-1920)." Revista de Estudios Políticos, no. 197 (October 10, 2022): 109–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.18042/cepc/rep.197.04.
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El presente artículo aborda la cuestión nacional italiana en los artículos publicados por Antonio Gramsci en el semanario socialista L’Ordine Nuovo en el periodo 1919-1920. De manera general, la apropiación de la idea de nación italiana por parte del discurso del PCI se identifica con la política de nacionalización del partido que dirige Palmiro Togliatti después de la Segunda Guerra Mundial. Sin embargo, el presente trabajo quiere mostrar que el Gramsci de L’Ordine Nuovo del periodo 1919-1920 se caracteriza por ofrecer un lugar de privilegio a la nación en su estrategia de superación del orden liberal y realización del comunismo. En particular, este artículo analizará la cuestión nacional italiana según Gramsci en conexión con las posiciones de Marx, Engels y Lenin sobre la materia, la cuestión meridional italiana y la crítica del Risorgimento como revolución «incompleta» o «traicionada».
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Geuna, Andrea. "La première preuve de solidarité internationale. La guerre italo-turque, le parti socialiste italien et l’Internationale." Cahiers Jaurès N°237, no. 3 (2020): 93. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/cj.237.0093.
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Preston, Paul. "Britain and the Basque Campaign of 1937: The Government, the Royal Navy, the Labour Party and the Press." European History Quarterly 48, no. 3 (July 2018): 490–515. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691418780100.
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The policy of the British Conservative government towards the Spanish Civil War reflected the general policy of appeasement of Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany. It was influenced by a belief that the legitimate Spanish Republican Government was the puppet of extreme left Socialists and Communists. Accordingly, the British Cabinet adopted a policy of benevolent neutrality towards the military insurgents, with the covert aim of avoiding any direct or indirect help to the Popular Front Government. The official British line on the Spanish crisis was one of non-intervention despite awareness of the scale of German and Italian aid to the military rebels. The contradictions and deceit behind non-intervention were finally exposed by the humiliations suffered by the British government during the war in the Basque Country in the spring and early summer of 1937. Franco’s attempts to prevent the delivery of sea-borne food supplies to a starving Bilbao challenged the Government’s responsibility to protect British merchant shipping. At first, London accepted the rebel contention that they had effectively blockaded Bilbao and that Royal Navy protection of merchant shipping constituted intervention on the side of the Republic. On the basis of information supplied by the Times correspondent, George Steer, a campaign was mounted in parliament and the press which forced the government into a humiliating volte-face.
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Zumbo, Nino Sottile. "Testimonianze e chiose sul futurismo: Nino Pino Balotta e Umberto Boccioni." Forum Italicum: A Journal of Italian Studies 54, no. 1 (March 22, 2020): 354–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0014585820910650.
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L’avanguardia futurista ha compiuto la rivoluzione copernicana delle arti; la sua grammatica, che ha innovato la lingua italiana, è stata un modello per la letteratura del tempo. Specchio della modernità, ha creato il mito dell’industrializzazione, della civiltà delle macchine, della tecnologia, del dinamismo universale, del vitalismo titanico, del bellicismo, del riscatto sociale, dell’italianismo, contro ogni nostalgia passatista. Come non si può staccare un fiore dalle radici, così nel movimento futurista non è possibile scindere nettamente il momento estetico dal contesto politico in cui è fermentato. La sua ideologia politica ha guardato a destra e a sinistra. Con gli occhi di Nino Pino Balotta, poeta e scienziato siciliano, personaggio controverso, ispirato dall’ideologia socialista, seguace e coscienza critica del movimento, viene qui letta una prima parte della vicenda futurista. Per la seconda, vale il racconto critico dalla genesi ai felici, odierni, esiti della poetica futurista, incluse le vicende storiche del futurismo di sinistra e di destra, con le posizioni non monolitiche di Filippo Tommaso Marinetti. Irrompe, nella terza, il vulcanico Umberto Boccioni, anch’egli socialista eterodosso.
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Pinto, António Costa. "Elites, Single Parties and Political Decision-making in Fascist-era Dictatorships." Contemporary European History 11, no. 3 (July 31, 2002): 429–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777302003053.
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This article considers four dictatorships that have each been associated with European fascism: Portuguese Salazarism, Spanish Francoism, Italian Fascism and German National Socialism. It seeks to ascertain the ‘locus’ of political decision-making authority, the composition and the recruitment channels of the dictatorships' ministerial elites during the fascist era. The interaction between the single party, the government, the state apparatus and civil society appears fundamental if we are to achieve an understanding of the different ways in which the various dictatorships of the fascist era functioned. The party and its ancillary organisations were not simply parallel institutions: they attempted to gain control of the bureaucracy and select the governing elite – forcing some dictatorships towards an unstable equilibrium in the process, even while they were the central agents for the creation and maintenance of the leader's charismatic authority. The article focuses on an analysis of the gradations of these tensions that may be illustrated by the eventual emergence of a weaker or stronger ‘dualism of power’. This ‘dualism of power’ appears to be the determining factor in explanations for the typological and classificatory variations used to qualify those dictatorships that have been historically associated with fascism, and which have been variously defined as ‘authoritarian’ and ‘totalitarian’, or as ‘authoritarian’ and ‘fascist’.
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Kodelja, Ingrid, and Zdenko Kodelja. "Totalitarianism and the Violation of Human Rights in Education. The Case of Slovenia." Historia scholastica 7, no. 1 (November 2021): 183–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.15240/tul/006/2021-1-009.
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Slovenian schools were victims of the totalitarianism of Italian Fascism from the advent of fascist rule in 1922 until the capitulation of Italy in 1943 and of German Nazism during World War II (1941–1945). However, the question remains whether schools in Slovenia were victims of totalitarianism after the war, too. The answer depends on whether the socialist regime was merely undemocratic or also totalitarian. But even if the state at that time was not totalitarian, it violated human rights also in the field of education. According to the European Court of Human Rights, the State is forbidden to pursue an aim of indoctrination in public schools – as was the case in Slovenia – because indoctrination is considered to not respect parents’ religious and philosophical convictions. In this paper it will be shown that the state also violated two other human rights of their citizens which are in close connection to this parents’ right, namely, the right of parents to choose private schools based on specific moral, religious or secular values; and (if there are not such schools) the right to establish them. Both of these rights were violated because private schools, except religious schools for the education of priests, were forbidden. These rights were violated in the socialist republic of Slovenia even though ex-Yugoslavia (one of whose constitutive parts was at that time Slovenia) signed and ratified these international documents on human rights.
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Alfaro, Salvador Orlando. "En torno al problema de la democracia." ECA: Estudios Centroamericanos 69, no. 739 (December 31, 2014): 289–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.51378/eca.v69i739.3221.
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El dirigente y teórico italiano Antonio Gramsci proporciona en sus escritos de prisión los fundamentos para una teoría socialista de la democracia. Esta teoría puede articularse utilizando los conceptos más importantes elaborados por Gramsci: su punto de vista acerca de la actividad intelectual, por una parte, y las concepciones de hegemonía y sociedad civil, por la otra. La primera proporciona una concepción general sobre las relaciones no burocráticas entre dirigentes y dirigidos; y la segunda, sobre el modelo participativo de la actividad política. Sus argumentos son formulados desde una epistemología realista en la cual la estructura de clase es concebida como el determinante a largo plazo de un proceso histórico general; postura teórica de gran importancia en el contexto de nuestra situación intelectual y política.
ECA Estudios Centroamericanos, Vol. 69, No. 739, 2014: 289-300.
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Mateos, Abdón. "El socialismo español ante el cambio político posfranquista: apoyo internacional y federalización." Historia Contemporánea 1, no. 54 (April 11, 2017): 311–08. http://dx.doi.org/10.1387/hc.17586.
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Hasta las primeras elecciones democráticas en junio de 1977, un núcleo supercentralizado, compuesto básicamente por socialistas andaluces y vascos, con el apoyo de cuadros de la segunda generación del exilio, lograría reconstituir federaciones del PSOE y de UGT en la mayor parte de las provincias españolas. Pocos años después, lograría culminar la unidad socialista, con congresos refundacionales en el caso de Cataluña y de USO, o mediante la absorción de fracciones de otras formaciones socialistas y socialdemócratas de ámbito nacional o regional. Con el logro de la unidad socialista, la construcción del “partido de la transición” recibió un decisivo impulso, aunque la federalización del PSOE se demoraría hasta la década de los años ochenta, a la par que se construía el Estado de las Autonomías.El apoyo de los partidos y sindicatos socialistas europeos, sobre todo los que estaban en el gobierno, tuvo un peso notable en el realce de la imagen socialista. Sin embargo, resultan exageradas las visiones que minimizan el número de militantes en el momento de la muerte de Franco y que basan toda su interpretación en el apoyo político y económico de la socialdemocracia alemana. El apoyo de los alemanes, junto a la presión diplomática de los laboristas británicos y de otros gobernantes socialistas europeos, sí jugó un papel muy relevante hasta las primeras elecciones. Sin embargo, la influencia logística e ideológica de los socialistas franceses durante el tardofranquismo y de los intelectuales italianos a partir de las elecciones de 1977 fue más notable que la de los germanos o los británicos.
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Lazar, Marc, and Anne Eggimann-Besancon. "Une notion a l'epreuve de l'histoire. Les conseils de fabrique chez Antonio Gramsci et dans les debats du Parti socialiste italien (1919-1920)." Vingtième Siècle. Revue d'histoire, no. 24 (October 1989): 127. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3769148.
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Morlino, Leonardo. "PROBLEMI E SCELTE NELLA COMPARAZIONE. INTRODUZIONE." Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica 20, no. 3 (December 1990): 381–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0048840200009552.
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IntroduzionePrimo esempio: negli ultimi quindici anni la democrazia sembra essersi affermata in diverse aree del mondo, dal Sud Europa all'America Latina, all'Est Europa; ma quali democrazie si sono realmente affermate e come spiegare complessivamente questo fenomeno?Secondo esempio: durante il 1989 e gran parte dell'anno successivo vi sono state le trasformazioni dei regimi non democratici in Europa Orientale; quali profondi cambiamenti politici vi sono effettivamente stati in quei paesi, oltretutto a un ritmo così rapido?Terzo esempio: in Italia, durante gli ultimi quaranta anni il partito comunista è stato piò forte di quello socialista; come spiegarlo?Quarto esempio: di fronte ai problemi di rappresentatività e democrazia che l'Italia ha, molti politici e intellettuali propongono certe riforme istituzionali; ma quali riforme sono le piò adatte rispetto a determinati obiettivi, quali accrescere la responsabilità dei governanti e la capacità di punizione dei governati oppure raggiungere maggiore efficacia decisionale o ancora riuscire ad innescare l'alternanza al governo tra partiti o coalizioni partitiche?
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De Luca, Marco. "La construcción de valores nacionalistas e ideológicos en los libros de texto mexicanos e italianos (1930-1941). Iconografías comparadas." Anuario Mexicano de Historia de la Educación 1, no. 2 (January 7, 2019): 117–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.29351/amhe.v1i2.238.
Full textAbstract:
En las décadas de 1920 y 1930 Italia y México vivieron procesos de centralización educativa comparables. En Italia el Parlamento decretó la obligatoriedad del libro de texto único de Estado para la escuela primaria con la ley del 1 de noviembre de 1928. Fue una medida de la cual se valió el gobierno para forzar a los maestros a emplear una herramienta pensada directamente por el régimen y garantizar su fidelidad ideológica al fascismo. En México, la reforma cardenista al artículo tercero constitucional en 1934 decretó que la educación impartida por el Estado sería socialista, combatiría el fanatismo religioso y los prejuicios. Ello concedió un mayor control al Estado sobre la educación primaria, tanto la que se impartía en las escuelas públicas como en las particulares, y sobre la publicación de libros de texto. En México e Italia las ilustraciones presentes en los libros de texto de los años treinta irradiaban una carga ideológica explícita. A través de ella los gobiernos imponían (en Italia) o sugerían (en México) los contenidos políticos bajo los cuales adoctrinar a los alumnos. Las imágenes están cargadas de civismo, valores políticos y militarismo, y sus temas, muy análogos, se repiten en ambos países. Las metáforas y los símbolos son parte del lenguaje artístico, y también del lenguaje político. Históricamente los artistas, filósofos políticos patrocinados por los gobiernos, han dado forma sensible al simbolismo y los mitos patrios (Skinner, 2009). Las obras de arte han sido utilizadas para inspirar en la población los sentimientos que ellos querían infundir. El objetivo de esta ponencia es explorar de qué manera las ilustraciones de los libros de texto producidos en ambos países contribuyeron a fomentar esos procesos modernos de formación del Estado y construcción de la nación, mostrando luego su isomorfismo en el ámbito educativo.