Journal articles: 'Italian unification'

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Pobjoy, Mark. "Rome Scholarships in Italian Studies: The unification of Italia." Papers of the British School at Rome 65 (November 1997): 352–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068246200010709.

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Kravchenko-Novoselova, A. A. "The Problem of the Unification of Italy in Dante Alighieri’s Works." Solov’evskie issledovaniya, no. 1 (March 30, 2022): 103–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.17588/2076-9210.2022.1.103-115.

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The year 2021 is a remarkable date for the Italian history: 160 years ago the unified Italian state was created. As a matter of fact, before then, the necessity to unify the country had been discussed for more than five centuries. One of the first who expressed these ideas was the great poet and politician Dante Alighieri, whose anniversary is also celebrated this year. In Russian Dante studies, the poet’s ideas on the Italian unification have been usually considered within the context of his own political views. It is the case of A.K. Dzhivelegov’s and I.N. Golenishchev-Kutuzov’s studies, which considered the biography and political activity of the famous Italian poet, whereas E.P. Naumov paid special attention to Dante’s view on the contemporary political situation in Europe. Our article is entirely dedicated to the development of the issue concerning the Italian unification in Dante Alighieri’s work. Basing on a systematic analysis of the entire body of Dante’s work, this article highlights the fact that the idea of unification is not only found in Dante’s political writings but is, in fact, a keynote of all his literary work. Although Dante considered the unification of Italy in the context of the utopian universal monarchy, he also saw the roots of this unification much deeper than that, i.e. in the organic unity of the Italian people. Our work emphasizes a given evolution of Dante’s philosophical and political views, in connection with the unfolding events of his time. In conclusion, this article provides a comprehensive description of Dante’s views on the unification of Italy, highlighting the necessity of this unification, the unwillingness of the country to it, as well as the reasons of this unwillingness coming from the contemporary municipalism.

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Sidoti, Francesco. "The Italian Political Class." Government and Opposition 28, no. 3 (July 1, 1993): 339–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1993.tb01320.x.

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IN MODERN ITALIAN, ‘POLITICAL CLASS’ IS A CONCEPT quite distinct from that of a ruling class. The notion of political class applies to a million people who are in full-time politics. The cream of these professional politicians is part of the ruling class: a term which applies to the people who effectively run the country working in business, finance, administration, politics, and so on.In Italy the history of the changing importance of the political class has always been connected with the weakness of the ruling class, which was evident from the beginning of unification. Italy became a nation-state in 1861, largely thanks to the action of a tiny group of patriots consisting of ambitious aristocrats and romantic intellectuals. While in the same period the Prussian monarchy gave strong leadership to the process of unification in Germany, the Piedmont monarchy led the Italian process of national unification under the discreet partnership, open protection, or direct involvement of other major European states. From 1861 to the present time in Italian history many observers have pointed to the weakness of the ruling class and the interference of foreign powers.

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Lee, Son Phil. "German Re-unification and Italian Foreign Policy." Journal of international area studies 14, no. 3 (October 31, 2010): 357. http://dx.doi.org/10.18327/jias.2010.10.14.3.357.

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Vella, Francesca. "Bridging Divides: Verdi's Requiem in Post-Unification Italy." Journal of the Royal Musical Association 140, no. 2 (2015): 313–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02690403.2015.1075809.

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ABSTRACTThis article addresses the early Italian reception of Verdi's Messa da Requiem (1874), premièred in Milan on the first anniversary of the death of the novelist Alessandro Manzoni. Previous literature has focused on issues of musical genre and the work's political implications (particularly its connections with Manzoni and with late nineteenth-century Italian revivals of ‘old’ sacred music). The article examines, instead, the curiously pluralistic concerns of contemporary critics, as well as certain aspects of Verdi's vocal writing, with the aim of destabilizing traditional dichotomies such as old/new, sacred/operatic, vocal/instrumental and progress/crisis. It argues for more broad-ranging political resonances of Verdi's work, suggesting that the negotiation of a variety of boundaries both in Verdi's music and in its contemporary discussion made the Requiem dovetail with wider cultural attempts to define Italian identity.

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de Oliveira, Guilherme, and Carmine Guerriero. "Extractive states: The case of the Italian unification." International Review of Law and Economics 56 (December 2018): 142–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.irle.2018.10.001.

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Godfrey, Aaron W. "Book Review: The Italians of Dalmatia: From Italian Unification to World War I." Forum Italicum: A Journal of Italian Studies 45, no. 1 (March 2011): 274–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001458581104500129.

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Bertolotti, Maurizio. "Fare gli italiani. 150 anni in mostra." PASSATO E PRESENTE, no. 86 (July 2012): 95–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/pass2012-086007.

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«Making Italians». 150 Years in Exhibition in Turin. In the context of a positive review, the author criticizes the exhibition at Turin of 150 years of Italian unity because it provides a representation of the process of unification of Italians in which conflicts are softened or removed: a tendency that the author attributes to the curators' explicit intention to give particular prominence to the elements that strengthen the sense of belonging to our national community. The author remarks that the curators have privileged the multimedia diversification of the sources rather than their in-depth analysis.

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Fortier, Anne-Marie. "The Politics of “Italians Abroad”: Nation, Diaspora, and New Geographies of Identity." Diaspora: A Journal of Transnational Studies 7, no. 2 (September 1998): 197–224. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/diaspora.7.2.197.

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Italian people's relationship to national identity is complicated by a history of mass emigration that reached important proportions in the years following Italian Unification. There are approximately 4.5 million Italian emigrants living outside Italy, and an estimated 25 million emigrated between 1876 and 1965 (Vasta). When descendants of emigrants are included in the surveys, estimates reach up to 65 million people of “Italian origin” living around the world.

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Seymour, Mark. "Introduction: perspectives on Garibaldi and Italian unity." Modern Italy 15, no. 4 (November 2010): 395–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532944.2010.506290.

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One hundred and fifty years ago, in October 1860, the legendary dawn meeting at Teano between Giuseppe Garibaldi and Victor Emmanuel of Piedmont marked a momentary confluence of competing visions of Italian unification. Although the moment represented an ideological about-face for Garibaldi, his status as the most luminous hero of Italian unification continued to rise like a serene spirit, seemingly untainted by the contested realities of the nation he had helped to create. Of course, that generalisation ignores a thousand exceptions, and already from the 1950s and 1960s, authors such as Denis Mack Smith and Christopher Hibbert had underlined that Garibaldi's life and historic role were not without conflict or enmity (Mack Smith 1957; Hibbert 1965). But it remains true that, all told, Garibaldi's legacy and personal reputation have been characterised, until very recently, by an almost uncanny pact of agreement not to disagree – at least in public.

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ÖZESMER, Ufuk. "Ottoman View on the Unification of Italy, 1796-1861." JOURNAL OF HISTORY AND FUTURE 8, no. 4 (December 22, 2022): 1222–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.21551/jhf.1193223.

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While the Kingdom of Italy was officially established after half a century of struggle, the Ottoman Empire was living its last century. The unification period of Italy was a significant epoch in which these two states coincided with each other in history. This study is the examination of the period of the Italian Unification from the Ottoman point of view, which started in the Napoleonic period and until 1861 when the Kingdom of Italy was officially declared. During this era in the Italian peninsula, numerous events, relevant or irrelevant for the Ottoman Empire took place; On the other hand, the Ottoman state followed and examined all these events with great attention and tried to position itself in order to find a place in the changing world order. This article will examine how and for what purpose the Ottoman Empire observed the events that took place in the Italian peninsula and what actions it took based on these observations.

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WRIGHT, O. J. "BRITISH REPRESENTATIVES AND THE SURVEILLANCE OF ITALIAN AFFAIRS, 1860–70*." Historical Journal 51, no. 3 (September 2008): 669–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x08006961.

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ABSTRACTDuring the nineteenth century the British consular service was often dismissed as an organization with purely commercial responsibilities. A succession of governments and diplomats insisted upon this notion, despite the fact that at certain times both relied very much on consular officials for information on foreign affairs. This dependence was especially evident in Italy during the decade after 1860, when British leaders had lent their moral and diplomatic support to the creation of the modern Italian state against considerable international opposition. During this period their desire not to see the achievement undone led them to maintain a close watch on Italian affairs. The contribution made in this area by the consular service, and the manner in which it was reorganized in response to Italian unification, show how such a role could take priority over its other functions. Although this state of affairs was no doubt exceptional on account of the remarkable level of British interest in the Unification of Italy, it nonetheless provides a clear demonstration of how the organization could be used under certain circumstances. The extent to which British consuls were used to monitor affairs in post-unification Italy also encourages reflection upon the widespread view that British foreign policy rejected interventionism in favour of isolation from European affairs during the 1860s.

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Riall, Lucy. "Hero, saint or revolutionary? Nineteenth-century politics and the cult of Garibaldi." Modern Italy 3, no. 02 (November 1998): 191–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532949808454803.

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SummaryGiuseppe Garibaldi was the most enduring political hero of nineteenth-century Italy. His political image was inspired by both the romantic movement and religion and, in turn, inspired a new kind of charismatic popular politics. The first part of this article explores the sources and assesses the impact of the cult of Garibaldi during the Risorgimento. The second part examines the use made of Garibaldi's image after Italian unification and, especially, after his death. It finds that government attempts to glorify Garibaldi were relatively unsuccessful while the parallel, republican cult of Garibaldi had a considerable impact. Thus, Garibaldi's extraordinary popularity highlighted the failed official ‘nationalization’ of Italians. At the same time, support for Garibaldi points to the emergence of an alternative sense of Italian national identity

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Lazzaro-Weis, Carol. "Bodies and gendered spaces in post-unification Italian studies." Journal of Romance Studies 10, no. 2 (June 2010): 97–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/jrs.10.2.97.

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15

Berman, R. A. "Piedmont as Prussia: The Italian Model and German Unification." Telos 1992, no. 92 (July 1, 1992): 7–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.3817/0692092007.

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Zamagni, Vera. "The Oxford Handbook of the Italian Economy Since Unification." Journal of Modern Italian Studies 20, no. 2 (February 13, 2015): 266–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1354571x.2015.997498.

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Natili, Daniele. "Il colonialismo nell'Italia liberale: fronte interno e gruppi di pressione tra storiografia e ricerca." MEMORIA E RICERCA, no. 29 (March 2009): 123–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/mer2008-029008.

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Which were the social, economical and political groups which promoted the Italian colonialism? Which the characteristics of their action in political and public sphere? These questions delimit the research about the Italian colonial "party" as the subjects and the personalities which promoted the Italian colonial expansion after the Italian unification. From the reasons of the delay of this studies, examining the scientific production of the Seventies, analysing the new tendencies of research, the issue of this article is to give a picture of the actual state of the historiography about this argument.

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Polenghi, Simonetta. "Italian academic pedagogical magazines in the history of education in the XX century." Pedagógiatörténeti Szemle 1, no. 4 (April 11, 2017): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.22309/ptszemle.2015.4.1.

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Keywords: Italian academic pedagogical magazines, extensive historical works, educational publishing housesThis paper aims to reconstruct the main strands of Italian educational thought using academic pedagogical magazines as a mirror for scientific and political developments through the years. I shall follow a chronological order, indicating the main changes which have occurred in Italy since its unification, concentrating on cultural turns and academic shifts. Pedagogical and school magazines have been the object of quite a number of extensive historical works, followed by other studies on school and educational publishing houses. Giorgio Chiosso has been the leading figure in this research for many years, having directed national projects in pedagogical journals and publishing houses, which have provided important historical tools, such as the catalogues of Italian school and educational magazines 1820-1945 (Chiosso, 1989, 1992, 1993, 1997) and the catalogues of Italian pedagogical publishing houses in the XIX and XX centuries (Chiosso, 2003a, 2008). Whilst the pedagogical magazines before and after unification have been carefully catalogued, the educational journals of Republican Italy have yet to be researched. An updated short biography and bibliography of the quoted educationalists can be found in the recent biographical dictionary directed by Chiosso and Sani (2013).

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Salsini, Laura A. "RE-ENVISIONING THE RISORGIMENTO: ISABELLA BOSSI FEDRIGOTTI'S AMORE MIO UCCIDI GARIBALDI." Forum Italicum: A Journal of Italian Studies 42, no. 1 (March 2008): 83–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001458580804200105.

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Isabella Bossi Fedrigotti's 1980 novel Amore mio uccidi Garibaldi destabilizes historical narration by re-imagining the accepted masculinist chronicles of Italian unification and by making central the female figure within that history. By framing this revision within the structure of an epistolary narrative, the author brings to the public stage the private lives that were once excluded from it. Bossi Fedrigotti's novel exemplifies a larger project of rewriting both the Risorgimento and the gender roles and experiences of this particular historical period. But perhaps its more significant innovation is to evoke the legacy of the unification in the tumultuous events of the 1960s and 1970s in Italy. The text acts as a mirror of Bossi Fedrigotti's own era, which like the Risorgimento, saw critical transformations in Italian culture and society.

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Mandel, Michael. "A Brief History of the New Constitutionalism, or “How We Changed Everything So That Everything Would Remain the Same”." Israel Law Review 32, no. 2 (1998): 250–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021223700015661.

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The Italians have a word for what I want to say about modern constitutionalism: “gattopardesco,” that is “leopardesque”, not as in the animal but as in the novelThe Leopardby Tomasi di Lampedusa. The novel is about a noble Sicilian family at the time of the unification of Italy in the mid-nineteenth century. Italian unification was mainly a matter of the northern Savoy monarchy of Piemonte conquering the peninsula and vanquishing the various other monarchs, princes, etc., including the Bourbon rulers of Sicily and Naples. But there were other elements about and stirring up trouble, anti-monarchist and even socialist elements. In a scene early in the novel, the Sicilian Prince of Salina, the main character, is shocked to learn that his favourite nephew, Tancredi Falconeri, is off to join the invading northerners. He remonstrates with the boy:You're crazy, my son. To go and put yourself with those people … a Falconeri must be with us, for the King.

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Salter, Sarah H. "A Hero and His Newspaper: Unsettling Myths of Italian America." MELUS 45, no. 2 (2020): 108–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/melus/mlaa019.

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Abstract Italian American ethnic identity has long been constituted by struggles and inequalities endured by Italians in post-unification rural Italy and their subsequent racialized oppression in urban centers of the US North in the era of mass migration. Until now, the presumed stability of mass migration identity has created the general terms for understanding Italian America. In this essay, a New Orleans microhistory illuminated through the 1849 newspaper Il Monitore del Sud, the first Italian-language newspaper published in the United States, reshapes foundational understandings of Italian American identity. The newspaper's antebellum account of New Orleans Italian America includes nationalist aesthetic expressions and political affiliations that American political discourse has not yet found an adequate language to describe and that Italian American studies has not yet confronted. In bringing this prehistory to light, my work with antebellum Italian Americans complicates understandings of multi-ethnic collectivity by examining how intercultural myth-making underwrites communal historiography. Together, the ethnic perceptions memorialized in Il Monitore del Sud and the power operations revealed in concurrent civic records expose how collective conditions of white supremacy come to be naturalized and forgotten, becoming history's flotsam. The creation of Italian America's communal historiography, I argue, shows us something larger about the operations of US white supremacy: how its emotional logic depends simultaneously on the exploitation of vulnerable others and the enactment of vulnerability from within the exploiting group.

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Körner, Axel. "From Hindustan to Brabant: Meyerbeer’s L’africana and Municipal Cosmopolitanism in Post-Unification Italy." Cambridge Opera Journal 29, no. 1 (March 2017): 74–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0954586717000052.

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AbstractThis article examines the political and cultural circumstances leading to the Italian premiere of Giacomo Meyerbeer’s posthumous opera L’Africaine at Bologna’s Teatro Comunale in November 1865. Meyerbeer’s death in May 1864 and the French premiere of his last opera the following year combined to produce a striking moment of transnational cosmopolitan sentiment that built on the composer’s reputation for writing music that had the capacity to communicate across national and political boundaries. Shortly after the Unification of Italy, Bologna was keen to capitalise on these emotions and used the Italian premiere strategically in order to position itself as one of the cultural capitals of the new Italian nation state.

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Fiume, Giovanna. "Women's History and Gender History: The Italian Experience." Modern Italy 10, no. 2 (November 2005): 207–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940500284291.

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SummarySince the early nineteenth century political opposition became a central concept of political representation in constitutional monarchies. While this concept marked the political language of unified Italy on the national level, in local administration the legitimacy of political opposition remained an issue of dispute, as illustrated in this analysis of the political language in Bologna's city council. Local perceptions of national events, like Garibaldi's unsuccessful Mentana-campaign, assumed a significant symbolic meaning and challenged traditional understandings of local administration by introducing notions of political opposition. In Bologna, the second city of the former Papal State, the Moderates were able to form a political hegemony after the Unification of Italy and remained the predominant political force also after the parliamentary revolution of 1876 and the electoral reforms of the 1880s. Due to its limited influence on the local administration, Bologna's Left defined its ideological profile earlier and more clearly than the Left in other parts of Italy and integrated issues of national importance into local political discourse. Illustrating the relationship between central administration and the periphery, the article analyses the development of political language and changing meanings of political representation on the local level between Unification and World War One.

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Owen Quinn, Samantha. "Continuing National History: the 1961 Italian Centennial of Unification Commemoration." Australian Journal of Politics & History 56, no. 3 (August 24, 2010): 393–409. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.2010.01561.x.

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Cassese, Sabino. "The Italian constitutional architecture: from unification to the present day." Journal of Modern Italian Studies 17, no. 1 (January 2012): 2–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1354571x.2012.628093.

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Felice, Emanuele. "The Socio-Institutional Divide: Explaining Italy’s Long-Term Regional Differences." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 49, no. 1 (June 2018): 43–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jinh_a_01231.

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The recent availability of more accurate estimates of regional gdp, of social indicators (human capital, life expectancy, the human development index [hdi], heights, inequality, and social capital), and of other indices (such as market potential) has helped to advance the study of the growth patterns within Italian regions from (approximately) unification to the present day. This up-to-date information provides the basis for a new explanation of Italy’s industrial expansion and economic growth: The North–South socio-institutional divide that existed in Italy before unification in some respects grew stronger after unification, never to be bridged. This geographical division ultimately carried differences in human and social capital, governmental policies, and various institutions that exerted considerable influence on the regional structure of Italy’s economic growth.

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Smart, Mary Ann. "Parlor Games: Italian Music and Italian Politics in the Parisian Salon." 19th-Century Music 34, no. 1 (2010): 39–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ncm.2010.34.1.039.

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Abstract Among a community of Italian political leaders and artists who settled in Paris after the failed Italian revolutions of 1831 was Count Carlo Pepoli, author of the libretto for Bellini's I puritani. During his years in Paris, Pepoli also wrote the poetry for two song collections: Rossini's Soiréées musicales and Mercadante's Soiréées italiennes. Both collections are conceived as a series of picturesque images of Italian locales interspersed with pastoral scenes; they are also linked by allusions to a character named Elvira, perhaps a projection of the heroine of I puritani. This article explores the connections between the Rossini and Mercadante songs and their possible link to Bellini's opera, in relation to two distinct audiences: the Parisian salons of the 1830s, with their strong Italian expatriate presence, and the market of amateurs who purchased sheet music. In both contexts, the poetic content and musical style of the songs may have fostered favorable attitudes to Italy and to Unification, showing that even music composed for private and domestic uses could be politically influential.

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O'Connor, Anne. "That dangerous serpent: Garibaldi and Ireland 1860–1870." Modern Italy 15, no. 4 (November 2010): 401–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532944.2010.506292.

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This article analyses the reaction to Garibaldi in Ireland during the Risorgimento, a reaction which, in its negativity, generally contrasted with the Italian's heroic depiction elsewhere. Attitudes towards Garibaldi reflected existing religious divisions in Ireland, with Protestants supporting him and Catholics condemning his actions in Italy. The study examines ballads, pamphlets and newspapers to illustrate the pro-papal fervour felt in Ireland and the strength of anti-Garibaldi feelings. The decision of Irishmen to form a battalion to fight in defence of the Papal States in 1860 reveals that, ultimately, denigration of Garibaldi became a badge of Irish nationalism. The study highlights the position of Britain in understanding the relationship between Ireland and Italy in these years, pointing out Irish nationalists’ bafflement over Britain's support for Italian unification while it denied similar rights to Irish subjects. The article demonstrates how, in this context, domestic and tactical considerations coloured responses to Garibaldi in Ireland, with Irish issues projected onto the Italian situation, thus leading to entrenched and extreme attitudes towards the Italian soldier.

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Armillei, Riccardo. "Recasting the Italian post-unification period: racial and colonial discourses shaping the ‘making’ of modern Italians." Postcolonial Studies 22, no. 2 (April 2, 2017): 261–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13688790.2017.1307087.

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King, R. L. "Regional Government: The Italian Experience." Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy 5, no. 3 (September 1987): 327–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c050327.

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This paper is a review of Italy's stuttering progress towards regional autonomy. At the unification of Italy in 1860, a centralised administrative structure was adopted, as prescribed by the Piedmontese Constitution of 1848. Centralisation of political power reached its apogee during the Fascist period. Regionalist sentiment resurfaced strongly after the last war and gained formal expression in the 1948 Republican Constitution, which provided for the creation of five ‘special’ and fourteen (later fifteen) ‘ordinary’ regions. The special regions—regions of special linguistic or political sensitivity (Valle d'Aosta, Trentino-Alto Adige, Friuli-Venezia Giulia, Sicily and Sardinia)—were established between 1948 and 1963, but delays orchestrated by the Christian Democrat-dominated central government, reluctant to relinquish its power, postponed the establishment of the ordinary regions until the 1970s, when pressure from the Socialist Party prevailed. The legislative powers of the regions are of three forms: Exclusive (available only to the special regions), complementary, and integrative, the order representing progressively diminishing elements of decisionmaking autonomy. Several regions in central Italy have elected Communist regional governments. However, hopes that the regional governments would be instrumental in ending corrupt and inept government and eradicating regional disequilibria, have mostly been misplaced, although some progress has been made, especially in the northern regions, in the fields of administrative reform, social service organisation, and regional economic planning. The principal reason for lack of progress is the continuing central government control over regional government funds. In many regions considerable amounts of unspent funds have accumulated owing to a combination of political stalemate at the regional level and central government veto. Special attention is given in this paper to the relationship between regional autonomy and (1) local government, and (2) regional planning. To conclude, the present state of play represents an uneasy compromise between the two contradictory historical forces of centralism and regionalism, present since unification. Although there has been a significant departure from the rigid centralisation of the past, the retention of most of the important powers by the central government frustrates the ambitions of the regions to really organise their own affairs.

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Cioni, Paola. "A. N. Veselovsky: Dante and the Myth of the Italian Unification." Izvestiia Rossiiskoi akademii nauk. Seriia literatury i iazyka 79, no. 5 (2020): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s241377150012293-5.

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Mariani, Umberto. "The tragic consequences of Italian unification, including fascism: Two recent views." Forum Italicum: A Journal of Italian Studies 47, no. 1 (April 30, 2013): 172–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0014585813481419.

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Coronella, Stefano, Massimo Sargiacomo, and Stephen P. Walker. "Unification and Dual Closure in the Italian Accountancy Profession, 1861–1906." European Accounting Review 24, no. 1 (October 7, 2014): 167–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09638180.2014.964279.

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Dahl, David Lebovitch. "The antisemitism of the Italian catholics and nationalism: ‘the Jew’ and ‘the honest Italy’ in the rhetoric ofLa Civiltà Cattolicaduring the Risorgimento." Modern Italy 17, no. 1 (February 2012): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532944.2012.633343.

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This article addresses the problem of the Catholics' diffusion of anti-Jewish propaganda in the second half of the nineteenth century, and the question of the role of the Roman Catholic Church in the formation of Italian national identity in the same period. The paper uncovers two layers in the discourse of the Jesuit journalLa Civiltà Cattolicaregarding Italian unification. On one level, typical of the journal's editorials, nationalism is rejected, while on a less conspicuous level the journal forcefully defines the Italian nation in Catholic terms, partly through the alienation of Jews. The investigation indicates that the approach towards Italian nation-building should be taken into account when studying the Catholics' rhetoric concerning Jews, and it supports the thesis that the contribution of the Church towards shaping Italian national identity should be taken seriously in studies of the Risorgimento.

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Kanel, I. V. "Dante Alighieri and Risorgimento: Religious Aspect of Historical Connection." Язык и текст 9, no. 4 (2022): 44–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.17759/langt.2022090405.

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Religious viewpoints occupied a special place in the revolutionary-democratic theory of Giuseppe Mazzini, a well-known political and social activist considered to be among the chief ideologues of Risorgimento. La Giovine Italia («Young Italy»), the organization established by Mazzini, had as its slogan «Dio e Libertà!» — «God and Liberty!». To demonstrate how important it is to study the religious aspect of the Italian unification concept in this article, the author made a brief excursion into the history and etymology of the word that named the era in question, with the following corollary: Risorgimento is synonymous with Rinascimento, it is a vague allusion to Jesus Christ’s Resurrection. Additionally, the historical personage of 13th-century Italian poet Dante Alighieri had a profound influence on the formation of national thought about a free and unified state: Dante’s so-called cult has been evolved. His philosophical treatises «The Convivio» and «De Monarchia» are used when analyzing Dante’s views on the idea of Italy’s unification. Such concepts — both Mazzini’s and Alighieri’s — are concluded to be seen in a utopian context.

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Snowden, Frank M. "‘Fields of Death’: Malaria in Italy, 1861–1962." Modern Italy 4, no. 1 (May 1999): 25–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532949908454816.

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SummaryFor the century following Unification, malaria was the principal Italian public health problem. This article seeks to explain this high incidence and explores its impact both on the sufferer and on society. An eradication campaign began after Unification; gathered momentum at the turn of the century; and achieved victory following the Second World War. Important themes are the growing understanding of malaria; the search for weapons to combat it; and the contrasting approaches of the Liberal and Fascist regimes. Italy was the classic country to eradicate malaria by a national campaign and it is important to relate its success to the ongoing global debate surrounding malaria control and eradication.

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Morisi, Paolo. "Republicans and Socialists and the Origins of Italian Political Parties." Modern Italy 12, no. 3 (November 2007): 309–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940701633775.

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A central debate in political science centres on the origins of political parties and specifically on the question as to whether they emerged as a result of the rise of parliamentary institutions. Regarding the Italian party system, the commonly held view is that Italian parties emerged as a consequence of national unification and the establishment of parliament. This article contributes to the debate on the origins of Italian parties by presenting empirical evidence on the timing of their initial formation, analysing data regarding the social base, membership, organisational articulation and policy-making accomplishments of the two major political movements active before and after the establishment of the national parliament. The article argues that, at least in the Italian case, parties did not originate in the legislature; rather, similar to countries such as Germany and Spain, Italian parties developed as a result of a major national crisis.

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Kępka, Emilia. "Question of national identity as a part of the cultural security of Italy." Scientific Journal of the Military University of Land Forces 199, no. 1 (March 18, 2021): 50–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0014.8109.

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The research subject discussed in the article is the main conditions of the cultural nationality of The Italian Republic. In the first part of the text, the notions of spiritual and material cultural heritage and the concept of national identity are described and explained. Next, the problem of Italian national identity is discussed. The Italian Republic is a young state with a strong regional identity and still weak national identity. Italy is inhabited by many ethnic groups, often characterized by diverse cultures and customs. The situation is complicated by the Italian Peninsula’s history, which contributed to the conflict of interest between the north and south. The author analyzes history, language, and religion, searching for common elements determining Italian nationality. Italian society, as mentioned above, has still been searching for its national identity. Unification of the nation is a process that is in progress. It is still a challenge for both the authorities and the citizens. Finally, the elements of Italian material cultural heritage are characterized, and the domains of cultural heritage and the institutions responsible for their security are described.

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Lutsenko, V. E., V. A. Zvyagin, and O. A. Eliseeva. "Anti-Religious Mood in Italy at the Turn of the 18–19th Centuries." Siberian Journal of Philosophy 17, no. 2 (2019): 145–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/2541-7517-2019-17-2-145-157.

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The article is devoted to identifying the causes of anti-religious sentiments in Italy at the turn of the 18–19th centuries. The authors point to the reasons for the apologetic writings of Italian theologians. Their views had a very beneficial effect on the mental and in particular on the religious movement in Italy. Special attention is paid to the analysis of the situation in Italy in the 18–19th centuries. Based on this analysis, the authors conclude that because of the constant confrontation with the Italian government for power and their interests, apologists for Christianity, who belonged to the clergy of the Catholic Church, caused hostility towards the Catholic Church among ordinary Italians. In the course of the study, the idea of a significant impact of this situation on the spread of anti-Christian ideas in Italy at the turn of the 18–19th centuries was substantiated. And the national liberation movement for the unification of Italy, which was gaining momentum at that time, opened up a free field for the dissemination of various anti-church and atheistic teachings.

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Bouchard, Norma. "Italia'61: The Commemorations for the Centenary of Unification in the First Capital of the Italian State." Romance Studies 23, no. 2 (July 2005): 117–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/026399005x58814.

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Ranđelović, Nebojša, and Sara Mitić. "The December 1st unification acts: Goals and deviations." Zbornik radova Pravnog fakulteta, Novi Sad 54, no. 1 (2020): 159–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/zrpfns54-22960.

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The December 1st acts for the unification of South Slavs in a common state represented the end of the realization of the great idea of unification and the beginning of the process of the dissolution of the new state. The face of the realization of this idea is the chronology of events, which points out the ascending path of the work of Serbia and the National Council on the ultimate unification. The back is represented by the confusion of the dissolution of Austria-Hungary and the work of the National Council in those circumstances. Often with some of its members having no feeling for the reality of events, the Central committee of the National Council formulated a "Naputak" (binding instructions for its delegation sent to Belgrade on 28th November 1918.). Pressed by the speed of events and real dangers (Italian pretensions, the impossibility of maintaining order without armed forces etc.), the delegation gave up on the contents of the instructions and adjusted it in the Address to regent Aleksandar, which was followed by the declaration of the unification into a common state on the 1st December 1918. The consequences of this kind of union are felt even today.

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Di Pasquale, Francesca. "On the Edge of Penal Colonies: Castiadas (Sardinia) and the “Redemption” of the Land." International Review of Social History 64, no. 3 (September 18, 2019): 427–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859019000543.

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AbstractThe article analyses the development of agricultural penal colonies in Italy, focusing on their margins and borders. The first section focuses on Italy's frontier with overseas territories that was assumed in discussion of the location of penal colonies following Italian unification. The article also highlights some of the factors behind the effective lack of deportation and transportation of Italians overseas. The second section explores Italy's largest agricultural penal colony, Castiadas, in Sardinia and, more generally, the borders between convicts and free citizens and between penal territory and free territory. My thesis is that penal colonies were partly designed to discipline populations in adjacent territories and that their economic and social organization served as a development model for rural Italy more widely.

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JACHEC, NANCY. "Anti-communism at Home, Europeanism Abroad: Italian Cultural Policy at the Venice Biennale, 1948–1958." Contemporary European History 14, no. 2 (May 2005): 193–217. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777305002316.

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Using the fine arts exhibition of the Venice Biennale as a case study, this article considers the role of the Italian national government's cultural policy in pursuing its key domestic and foreign concerns between 1948 and 1958. These were, respectively, suppressing communism at home, and promoting Western European unification and Italy's role within it. By scrutinising their involvement at the Biennale, it aims to show the importance placed not only by the Italian Christian Democrats but also by their European counterparts on constructing the idea of a culturally integrated Western Europe as a vital complement to analogous economic and political initiatives.

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Foot, John. "Gianni Toniolo (ed.), The Oxford Handbook of the Italian Economy Since Unification." Forum Italicum: A Journal of Italian Studies 49, no. 1 (December 23, 2014): 265–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0014585814564355.

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Benigno, Francesco. "The Imaginary of a Sect: Literature, Politics, and the Nineteenth-Century Origins of the Camorra." Annales (English ed.) 68, no. 03 (September 2013): 511–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2398568200000054.

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This article reconsiders the so-called “dangerous classes” by focusing on the historical origins of the Neapolitan camorra, one of the world’s major criminal organizations. In the Bourbon Kingdom of Naples, the term camorristi referred to marginalized individuals and extortionists who operated in prisons, gambling halls, and brothels. During the turbulent period of Italian unification, such figures were increasingly seen as belonging to a legendary, omnipotent, and influential sect: the camorra, an organized secret society with its own hierarchy, customs, and jargon. This image eventually permeated Italian society. This article examines the reasons behind this evolution by focusing on the (mainly literary) texts and (essentially political) dynamics behind it, which reveal a process of criminalization and folklorization. Such a discursive transformation had a major impact on the Italian collective imagination, one that persists today.

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Maggi, Andrea. "Ricettari regionali e lessico gastronomico napoletano d’età borbonica." Zeitschrift für romanische Philologie 138, no. 4 (December 1, 2022): 1137–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zrp-2022-0058.

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Abstract The paper aims to present some preliminary outcomes as part of the National Research Project Atlante della lingua e dei testi della cultura gastronomica italiana dall’età medievale all’Unità (AtLiTeG). The project’s main purpose is to reconstruct the history and geography of Italian culinary texts and their language from the medieval period to the Unification of Italy. The Unit of Naples «Federico II» created a corpus of interregional cookbooks printed between the 18th and the 19th centuries, namely before the turning point represented by Pellegrino Artusi’s Scienza in cucina (1891). After illustrating our digital database, together with other kinds of collected sources, we will deal with some historical-linguistic and lexical issues related to the Cuoco galante (1773) by Vincenzo Corrado, a very important gastronome and chef of Bourbon Naples.

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Cajani, Luigi. "L’Antirisorgimento nel dibattito pubblico dell’Italia repubblicana." Quellen und Forschungen aus italienischen Archiven und Bibliotheken 100, no. 1 (November 25, 2020): 495–512. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/qufiab-2020-0022.

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AbstractDuring the celebration of the 150th anniversary of Italian unification in 2011 three disparaging views of the Risorgimento were publicly expressed: the first by ultraconservative Catholics, the second by the neo-Bourbon movement and the third by the Lega Nord. This article analyses their cultural roots, evolution and mutual relations, with a particular focus on the neo-Bourbon movement, the most active during recent years.

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Basini, Laura. "Verdi and Sacred Revivalism in Post Unification Italy." 19th-Century Music 28, no. 2 (2004): 133–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ncm.2004.28.2.133.

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This essay sets the late sacred works of Giuseppe Verdi in the context of the late-nineteenth-century fascination for the revival, performance, and festive celebration of historical cultural figures and artworks. From the 1870s onward, certain artistic trends became prevalent in post-unification Italy: anxiety to instill a sense of nation into art and everyday life, nostalgia for a vanished golden age of Italian artistic history, and an ever more energetic revival of historical artistic forms and styles. These currents were stimulated by a nationalistic Catholic revivalism that, I argue, was the strongest influence on Verdi's late career. I outline Verdi's reception in and his personal association with the Catholic revivalist movement, developing a view of Verdi's late life and works as articulating shifting trends in the Church and conservatory. As well as revealing the impact of revivalist aesthetics on the style of works such as Verdi's Pater noster, this inquiry suggests that revivalism contributed to a "canonization" of his image that intertwined civic and religious history.

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Tedesco, Anna. "National identity, national music and popular music in the Italian Music Press during the long 19th century." Studia Musicologica 52, no. 1-4 (March 1, 2011): 259–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/smus.52.2011.1-4.20.

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Discusses the notions of national identity, national music and popular music as they emerged in Italian music periodicals during the years 1840–1890, in relation to the process of Italy’s political unification and the dissemination of foreign operas such as French grands opéras in the years 1840–1870 and Wagner’s Musikdramen from 1871 on. Essays and articles by relevant critics and musicians, such as Abramo Basevi and Francesco D’Arcais are discussed. Articles by lesser known journalists such as Pietro Cominazzi and Mattia Cipollone are also taken into account. The use of words like “national” and “popular” is analysed when referring to Italian opera, to its history and to the operas by foreign composers.

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Vilasi, Antonella Colonna. "The Italian Intelligence from the Pre-Unification Period to the First World War." Open Journal of Political Science 08, no. 01 (2018): 57–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.4236/ojps.2018.81005.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Italian unification'

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