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Relevant bibliographies by topics / Italo-Ethiopian War, 1935-1936

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Academic literature on the topic 'Italo-Ethiopian War, 1935-1936'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 30 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Italo-Ethiopian War, 1935-1936"

1

Davidson, Jason. "Italy, British resolve and the 1935-1936 Italo-Ethiopian War." Cahiers de la Méditerranée, no. 88 (June 30, 2014): 69–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/cdlm.7428.

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2

Caprotti, Federico. "The invisible war on nature: the Abyssinian war (1935–1936) in newsreels and documentaries in Fascist Italy." Modern Italy 19, no. 3 (August 2014): 305–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532944.2014.925433.

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This contribution to the special issue focuses on newsreels and documentaries that were produced concerning the Second Italo–Ethiopian War (1935–1936), commonly known as the Abyssinian War. It aims to contextualise LUCE's filmic production on the war, so as to create a framework in which the institute can be understood not only as being part of a wider politics of propaganda in Fascist Italy, but as an example of a modern socio-technical organisation that enabled the discursive construction of East African nature as ‘Other’ and therefore helped to justify colonial war as a process of sanitised creative destruction aimed at replacing a previous, negative ‘first nature’ with a positive, Fascist and Italian ‘second nature’. The article draws on archival documents from Mussolini's government cabinet, and on LUCE documentaries and newsreels; these sources are used to create a background against which LUCE's concern with the Second Italo–Ethiopian War can be understood.

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3

Sytor, Anton. "The Second Italo-Ethiopian War in the publicistics by Yevhen Onatskyi." NaUKMA Research Papers. History 6 (November 24, 2023): 53–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.18523/2617-3417.2023.6.53-63.

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The article analyzes the evolution of the publicist narrative about the Second Italo-Ethiopian War (1935–1936) of the Ukrainian nationalist intellectual, member of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists and its representative in fascist Italy Yevhen Onatskyi (1894–1979). This evolution is presented in the apology of Italian colonialism and the advocacy of the Ukrainian people’s right to national self-determination.The article discusses Onatskyi’s attempts to distribute his views on Italian aggression among OUN top members and other emigration circle representatives through private correspondence. Based on the analysis of these attempts, as well as considering sources of information about Onatskyi’s contacts with officials of the Mussolini regime, preliminary assumptions are made about the degree of Onatskyi’s involvement in the structure of the Italian governmental propaganda machine.Developing his argumentation, Onatskyi relayed to his readers the theses of Italian imperial propaganda, which this article examines as part of a larger network of rhetoric and themes common to Modern colonial powers. In this context are employed models that allow not only the detection of variations of transimperial themes in the Italian fascist propaganda broadcast by Onatskyi but also to detect peculiarities of its application to the Second Italo-Ethiopian War.During 1935–1936, Onatskyi declared the “injustice” of the distribution of colonies between the leading empires, formulated arguments in favor of justifying anti-British sentiment, defended the civilizing mission of the Mussolini regime, appealed to the “barbarism” of Ethiopians using racist rhetoric. In the period of 1936–1937 Onatskyi formulated an interpretive structure that connected pro-fascist, pro-Ukrainian, anti-Ethiopian and anti-Soviet positions into a single authoritarian-nationalist system of views.

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4

Albano, Caterina. "Forgotten Images and the Geopolitics of Memory: The Italo-Ethiopian War (1935–6)." Cultural History 9, no. 1 (April 2020): 72–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/cult.2020.0209.

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The Italo-Ethiopian war (1935–6) had a profoundly destabilising effect internationally and can be regarded as one of the events that led to the outbreak of the Second World War. Benito Mussolini's occupation of the country (then known as Abyssinia) was facilitated by the massive use of air power and chemical weapons – in ways that at the time were still unprecedented. Mussolini's chemical war, occurring in a country at the periphery of geopolitical spheres of interest, has remained marginal to established historical narratives, rendering it anachronistically topical to today's politics of memory. By examining two films based on archival film footage, respectively Lutz Becker's documentary The Lion of Judah, War in Ethiopia 1935–1936 (1975) and Yervant Gianikian and Angela Ricci Lucchi's video work Barbaric Land ( Paese barbaro, 2013), this article considers the significance of the moving image as a trace of events that have mostly remained visually undocumented and questions its relevance vis à vis today's mediated warfare and the ethics of images.

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5

Njoku, Raphael Chijioke. "The Conflation of Race and Propaganda in the Mobilization of Africans for the Second World War." Journal of Asian and African Studies 57, no. 1 (November 29, 2021): 78–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00219096211054911.

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The primary focus here is to accentuate the competing roles of race and propaganda in the enlistment of Africans and African Americans for the Second World War. Among other things, the discussion captures on the interwar years and emphasizes the subtleties of African American Pan-Africanist discourses as a counterweight to Black oppression encountered in the racialized spaces of Jim Crow America, colonized Africa, and the pugnacious infraction that was the Italo-Ethiopian war of 1935–1936. Tying up the implications of these events into the broader global politics of 1939–1945 establishes the background in which the Allied Powers sought after Black people’s support in the war against the Axis Powers. Recalling that Italy’s fascist leader Benito Mussolini attacked Ethiopia in 1935 with poisonous gas while the League of Nations refused to act, points to the barefaced conflation of race and propaganda in the Great War and the centrality of African and African Diaspora exertions in the conflict.

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6

Nesterova, T. P. "France and Attempt to Resolve the Italo-Ethiopian Conflict in Late 1935: the Hoare–Laval Plan." Nauchnyi dialog 1, no. 8 (August 31, 2020): 398–411. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2020-8-398-411.

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The article is devoted to the policy of France towards Italy and Ethiopia at the initial stage of the Italo-Ethiopian war of 1935—1936. It is shown that in the autumn of 1935, the French government took a position aimed at a peaceful settlement of the Italian-Ethiopian conflict at the expense of Ethiopia, since relations with Italy were much more important for France than relations with Ethiopia, and “real policy” required France to reach an agreement primarily with Italy. It is noted that a similar position was taken by the United Kingdom. It is indicated that this resulted in the formation of a plan for the settlement of the conflict, put forward in December 1935 by the head of the French government, Pierre Laval, and the British foreign Minister, Samuel Hoare. It is proved that the Hoare–Laval plan was an early form of the policy of “appeasement of the aggressor,” which became the leading direction of French and British foreign policy during the collapse of the Versailles system of international relations in 1938—1939. The research is based on publications of Soviet, French, Italian and Canadian diplomatic documents, League of Nations documents, memoirs of political figures of that era, as well as unpublished documents from the Archive of Publicistic Activity (Germany).

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7

Nesterova, T. P. "France, Italy and Diplomatic End of Italo-Ethiopian War in League of Nations (May—July 1936)." Nauchnyi dialog, no. 8 (August 24, 2021): 400–413. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2021-8-400-413.

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The article is devoted to the policy of France towards Italy and Ethiopia at the final stage of the Italo-Ethiopian war of 1935—1936 and the question of the elimination of anti-Italian sanctions in the League of Nations. It was revealed that the great powers were mainly interested in restoring normal relations with Italy, while the defense of Ethiopia’s independence was only a “moral duty” for them, and in the clash of moral factors and real politics, the real interests of states won undoubtedly. It is argued that, taking ad-vantage of France’s interest in restoring stable Franco-Italian relations, Italy actually destroyed the political agreements of early 1935 and moved on to political rapprochement with Germany, which significantly changed the entire international situation in Europe and actually opened the way for the outbreak of World War II. In addition, for France, a significant political loss was the drop in the authority of the League of Nations, due to the helplessness of this organization in the face of aggression against one of the members of the League. The study is based on publications of Soviet, French, Italian and German diplomatic documents, documents of the League of Nations, memoirs of political figures of that era, as well as un-published documents from the Archives of the German Information Bureau (Germany).

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8

Tafla, Bairu. "Rainer Baudendistel:Between Bombs and Good Intentions: The Red Cross and the Italo-Ethiopian War, 1935-1936." Aethiopica 11 (April 26, 2012): 281–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.15460/aethiopica.11.1.177.

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9

Baudendistel, Rainer. "Force versus law: The International Committee of the Red Cross and chemical warfare in the Italo-Ethiopian war 1935–1936." International Review of the Red Cross 38, no. 322 (March 1998): 81–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020860400090781.

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During World War I, chemical warfare agents were widely used for the first time on all major fronts with an unprecedented number of casualties, and immediately after the war attempts were made to outlaw this latest weapon. Responsibility for the drafting of specific laws fell to the League of Nations, reflecting the belief that this was a matter of concern for the whole world, not just for the victors in the war. On 17 June 1925, the Geneva Protocol for the prohibition of the use in war of asphyxiating, poisonous or other gases and of bacteriological methods of warfare was signed by 26 States.3 It contained a categorical prohibition to resort to chemical and biological warfare. The signature of the Protocol raised high hopes of an effective ban on chemical warfare, but adherence progressed slowly. A number of States, visibly not trusting the Protocol to be implemented in the forthright manner suggested by the text, made major reservations.

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10

Marinelli, Valerio. "Homo Novus in the Conquest of the Empire: The Playful Element in Fascist Propaganda and Pedagogy: A Case Study." Transylvanian Review 32, no. 4 (February 19, 2024): 57–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.33993/tr.2023.4.04.

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The Italo-Ethiopian War (1935–1936) represents, par excellence, the war of fascism for fascism. It is no coincidence that the extensive use of military resources was accompanied by an extraordinary propaganda campaign, which also had clear and evident pedagogical implications. The regime, at the peak of its consensus and in the full deployment of its totalitarian vocation, took on the objective of raising the young and very young generations “to the level of the Empire.” The pedagogical project of the homo novus experienced a qualitative leap. The combination of war and Africa, filled with heroic fascination and ancestral mystery, stroke the imagination of teachers, educators, textbook compilers, and, similarly, excited the imagination of the youth. The enthusiasm generated by propaganda, or the propaganda itself artificially returned to the public sphere, promoted the psychological dynamics of “celebration” and play. Although fascist pedagogy underestimated the relationship between learning and play, the playful element actually emerged as an important factor in political mobilization and, above all, imperialistic education. The didactic strategies of elementary school teachers, developed in preparation for and during the African conflict, are proof of this. However, even the private industry aligned itself with the pedagogical influences of the regime, introducing a wide variety of toys on the market that served to shape an imperialist, warlike, chauvinistic, and racist mentality. The province of Perugia is undoubtedly an interesting field of investigation: on the territory of the “capital of the fascist revolution,” starting from 1923, governing groups making loyalty to the Duce the driving force of their political rise took over the institutional and administrative structures. But that’s not all: unlike elsewhere, the Gentile reform enjoyed widespread consensus in Perugia from the beginning. Moreover, the majority of teachers joined Mussolini’s movement from the very beginning.

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Books on the topic "Italo-Ethiopian War, 1935-1936"

1

Longo, Luigi Emilio. La campagna italo-etiopica (1935-1936). Roma: Stato maggiore dell'esercito, Ufficio storico, 2005.

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2

Gargiullo, Idealmo. L' Italie & l'Ethiopie de 1935-1936. [Lausanne: Payot, 1986.

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3

Kali-Nyah, Imani. Italy's war crimes in Ethiopia, 1935-1941: Evidence for the war crimes commission. 2nd ed. Chicago, IL: Ethiopian Holocaust Remembrance Committee, 2000.

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4

Hilton, Andrew. The Ethiopian patriots: Forgotten voices of the Italo-Abyssinian War, 1935-41. Gloucestershire: Spellmount, 2007.

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5

Colloredo, Pierluigi Romeo Di. Passo Uarieu: Le termopili delle camicie nere in Etiopia. [Genova]: Associazione culturale Italia, 2008.

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6

Chen, Zhongyi. Yi A wen ti yu er ci shi jie da zhan. [Beijing: Beijing zhong xian tuo fang ke ji fa zhan you xian gong si, 2012.

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7

Mockler, Anthony. Haile Selassie's war. London: Grafton, 1987.

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8

Sbacchi, Alberto. Legacy of bitterness: Ethiopia and fascist Italy, 1935-1941. Lawrenceville, NJ: Red Sea Press, 1997.

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9

Smith, Wilbur A. Viene el lobo. 2nd ed. Barcelona: Plaza & Janés, 1992.

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10

Țăranu, Georgiana. Nicolae Iorga și Italia lui Mussolini: Studii. Cluj-Napoca: Academia Română, Centrul de Studii Transilvane, 2015.

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Book chapters on the topic "Italo-Ethiopian War, 1935-1936"

1

Sbacchi, Alberto. "Poison Gas and Atrocities in the Italo-Ethiopian War (1935–1936)." In Italian Colonialism, 47–56. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4039-8158-5_5.

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2

Ross, Red. "Black Americans and Italo-Ethiopian Relief 1935-1936." In Race and U.S. Foreign Policy from 1900 through World War II, 164–73. Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203822432-9.

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3

Meriwether, James H. "ETHIOPIA: The Italo-Ethiopian War and Reconceptualizing Contemporary Africa, 1935–1936." In Proudly We Can Be Africans, 27–56. University of North Carolina Press, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/9780807860410_meriwether.5.

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4

Clarke, J. Calvitt. "Soviet Appeasement, Collective Security and the Italo-Ethiopian War of 1935 and 1936." In Collision of Empires, 261–86. Routledge, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315572727-12.

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5

Hofmann, Reto. "Imperial Convergence: The Italo-Ethiopian War and Japanese World-Order Thinking, 1935–1936." In The Fascist Effect, 89–108. Cornell University Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9780801453410.003.0005.

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6

"4. Imperial Convergence: The Italo- Ethiopian War and Japa nese World- Order Thinking, 1935–1936." In The Fascist Effect, 89–108. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/9780801456367-006.

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7

Borghi, Luca. "“Man Who Won the War”: Myth and Reality of Aldo Castellani’s Role in Preserving the Health of Troops During the Italo-Ethiopian War 1935–1936." In Advances in Experimental Medicine and Biology. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/5584_2022_737.

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