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Journal articles on the topic 'Italo-Ethiopian War, 1935-1936. Ethiopia'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 8 February 2022

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1

Albano, Caterina. "Forgotten Images and the Geopolitics of Memory: The Italo-Ethiopian War (1935–6)." Cultural History 9, no. 1 (April 2020): 72–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/cult.2020.0209.

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The Italo-Ethiopian war (1935–6) had a profoundly destabilising effect internationally and can be regarded as one of the events that led to the outbreak of the Second World War. Benito Mussolini's occupation of the country (then known as Abyssinia) was facilitated by the massive use of air power and chemical weapons – in ways that at the time were still unprecedented. Mussolini's chemical war, occurring in a country at the periphery of geopolitical spheres of interest, has remained marginal to established historical narratives, rendering it anachronistically topical to today's politics of memory. By examining two films based on archival film footage, respectively Lutz Becker's documentary The Lion of Judah, War in Ethiopia 1935–1936 (1975) and Yervant Gianikian and Angela Ricci Lucchi's video work Barbaric Land ( Paese barbaro, 2013), this article considers the significance of the moving image as a trace of events that have mostly remained visually undocumented and questions its relevance vis à vis today's mediated warfare and the ethics of images.

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2

Nesterova, T. P. "France and Attempt to Resolve the Italo-Ethiopian Conflict in Late 1935: the Hoare–Laval Plan." Nauchnyi dialog 1, no. 8 (August 31, 2020): 398–411. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2020-8-398-411.

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The article is devoted to the policy of France towards Italy and Ethiopia at the initial stage of the Italo-Ethiopian war of 1935—1936. It is shown that in the autumn of 1935, the French government took a position aimed at a peaceful settlement of the Italian-Ethiopian conflict at the expense of Ethiopia, since relations with Italy were much more important for France than relations with Ethiopia, and “real policy” required France to reach an agreement primarily with Italy. It is noted that a similar position was taken by the United Kingdom. It is indicated that this resulted in the formation of a plan for the settlement of the conflict, put forward in December 1935 by the head of the French government, Pierre Laval, and the British foreign Minister, Samuel Hoare. It is proved that the Hoare–Laval plan was an early form of the policy of “appeasement of the aggressor,” which became the leading direction of French and British foreign policy during the collapse of the Versailles system of international relations in 1938—1939. The research is based on publications of Soviet, French, Italian and Canadian diplomatic documents, League of Nations documents, memoirs of political figures of that era, as well as unpublished documents from the Archive of Publicistic Activity (Germany).

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3

Davidson, Jason. "Italy, British resolve and the 1935-1936 Italo-Ethiopian War." Cahiers de la Méditerranée, no. 88 (June 30, 2014): 69–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/cdlm.7428.

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4

Caprotti, Federico. "The invisible war on nature: the Abyssinian war (1935–1936) in newsreels and documentaries in Fascist Italy." Modern Italy 19, no. 3 (August 2014): 305–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532944.2014.925433.

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This contribution to the special issue focuses on newsreels and documentaries that were produced concerning the Second Italo–Ethiopian War (1935–1936), commonly known as the Abyssinian War. It aims to contextualise LUCE's filmic production on the war, so as to create a framework in which the institute can be understood not only as being part of a wider politics of propaganda in Fascist Italy, but as an example of a modern socio-technical organisation that enabled the discursive construction of East African nature as ‘Other’ and therefore helped to justify colonial war as a process of sanitised creative destruction aimed at replacing a previous, negative ‘first nature’ with a positive, Fascist and Italian ‘second nature’. The article draws on archival documents from Mussolini's government cabinet, and on LUCE documentaries and newsreels; these sources are used to create a background against which LUCE's concern with the Second Italo–Ethiopian War can be understood.

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5

Nesterova, T. P. "France, Italy and Diplomatic End of Italo-Ethiopian War in League of Nations (May—July 1936)." Nauchnyi dialog, no. 8 (August 24, 2021): 400–413. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2021-8-400-413.

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The article is devoted to the policy of France towards Italy and Ethiopia at the final stage of the Italo-Ethiopian war of 1935—1936 and the question of the elimination of anti-Italian sanctions in the League of Nations. It was revealed that the great powers were mainly interested in restoring normal relations with Italy, while the defense of Ethiopia’s independence was only a “moral duty” for them, and in the clash of moral factors and real politics, the real interests of states won undoubtedly. It is argued that, taking ad-vantage of France’s interest in restoring stable Franco-Italian relations, Italy actually destroyed the political agreements of early 1935 and moved on to political rapprochement with Germany, which significantly changed the entire international situation in Europe and actually opened the way for the outbreak of World War II. In addition, for France, a significant political loss was the drop in the authority of the League of Nations, due to the helplessness of this organization in the face of aggression against one of the members of the League. The study is based on publications of Soviet, French, Italian and German diplomatic documents, documents of the League of Nations, memoirs of political figures of that era, as well as un-published documents from the Archives of the German Information Bureau (Germany).

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6

Kuzmin, Dmitrii. "The goals and objectives of Italy in the Second Italo-Ethiopian War: position in the League of Nations and propaganda." Исторический журнал: научные исследования, no. 3 (March 2021): 172–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0609.2021.3.35147.

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This article gives an assessment one of the most notable episodes of the interwar period in the history of international relations – the development of Italian foreign policy in the context of the Italo-Ethiopian war. In the early 1935, Italy was ruled by the fascist dictator Benito Mussolini. One of the cornerstones of his foreign policy paradigm was the creation of the “New Roman Empire”. One of the initial targets of his expansion were Ethiopia and the Mediterranean. Italy replenishes its military and economic resources; however, it was deficient to achieve the set foreign policy goals. Therefore, the war in Ethiopia became one of the key vector of Rome’s official diplomacy. The warfare also unfolded in the ideological context – propaganda, politics within the League of Nations, and interlocutory instructions to the diplomats. The scientific novelty is defined by the absence of comprehensive research on the topic. The relevance of lies the fact that the Russian historiography did not give due attention dedicated to the secret plans of Italy during the Second Italo-Ethiopian War. However, namely the plans of Cesare De Vecchi and Emilio De Bono that shed light on the crucial nuance of the Italian diplomacy of this period, and allow to properly stress topic and priorities with regards to foreign policy. This the article analyzes the ration between the objectives in Ethiopia and the Mediterranean basin –the cornerstone task within the framework of building a New Roman Empire.

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7

Tafla, Bairu. "Rainer Baudendistel:Between Bombs and Good Intentions: The Red Cross and the Italo-Ethiopian War, 1935-1936." Aethiopica 11 (April 26, 2012): 281–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.15460/aethiopica.11.1.177.

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8

Baudendistel, Rainer. "Force versus law: The International Committee of the Red Cross and chemical warfare in the Italo-Ethiopian war 1935–1936." International Review of the Red Cross 38, no. 322 (March 1998): 81–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020860400090781.

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During World War I, chemical warfare agents were widely used for the first time on all major fronts with an unprecedented number of casualties, and immediately after the war attempts were made to outlaw this latest weapon. Responsibility for the drafting of specific laws fell to the League of Nations, reflecting the belief that this was a matter of concern for the whole world, not just for the victors in the war. On 17 June 1925, the Geneva Protocol for the prohibition of the use in war of asphyxiating, poisonous or other gases and of bacteriological methods of warfare was signed by 26 States.3 It contained a categorical prohibition to resort to chemical and biological warfare. The signature of the Protocol raised high hopes of an effective ban on chemical warfare, but adherence progressed slowly. A number of States, visibly not trusting the Protocol to be implemented in the forthright manner suggested by the text, made major reservations.

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9

Orlović, David. "Celebrating Empire. Organization of "General Assemblies of the Forces of the Regime" 1935-6 in Italy's Province of Istria." Histria : the Istrian Historical Society review 4, no. 4 (2014): 115–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.32728/h2014.04.

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The author describes the preparation and implementation of mass rallies marking the beginning and the end of the Italian invasion of Ethiopia (October 1935 – May 1936) in Italy’s province of Istria. Relying on official regime representation of these events through the writing of the regime-affiliated press and confidential documents, the paper discusses the main organizational and ideological features of the mass rallies, with an emphasis on the manner in which the fascist authorities prepared them and the way they were presented in the press. Throughout the war, mass rallies and events of public ritual contributed to the homogenization of the Italian people, culminating in May 1936 with oceanic assemblies celebrating the victory, and achieving the closest state of unity of the people with the Fascist regime. The country-wide preparations for the “General Assembly of the Forces of the Regime” (Adunata generale delle forze del regime) that marked the beginning of the Italian invasion of Ethiopia were strictly implemented in the Province of Istria in line with the regime’s expectations, and the general population was urged to participate in the mass demonstrations that were believed to have been marking the events of utmost historical significance. The preparations for the Assembly went to the minimal detail, ensuring the participation of every Fascist Party member in the event, while the local daily journal Corriere Istriano motivated the wide masses for this huge event. The Gathering took place in the late afternoon of October 2nd 1935, and both archival documents and the press (focusing on the provincial capital of Pula) emphasized the alleged utmost euphoria and enthusiasm that the event provoked, especially in its dimension of adoration of the Italian leader Benito Mussolini. The gatherings in the so-called “Radiant African May” (Maggio radioso africano) in Istria in 1936 formed an incessant period of mobilization and celebration from May 5th (after the announcement of the capture of the Ethiopian capital Addis Ababa) up to May 10th (after the proclamation of the Empire). In contrast to the initial grand adunata on October 2nd 1935, these gatherings were more hastily prepared but were again ideologically organized and controlled from the government’s centre in Rome. Two main gatherings (May 5th and May 9th) involved the listening to Mussolini’s speeches through speakers put in public places, one of which was the huge Roman-era Amphitheatre in Pula. Besides that, the gatherings followed an already established pattern of forming processions and playing music that captivated the people gathered until early morning hours. The events occurred in the whole Province, and local police were asked to report to the Prefecture in Pula in detail about the gatherings on each locality.

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10

Zewde, Bahru. "Rainer Baudendistel. Between Bombs and Good Intentions: The Red Cross and the Italo-Ethiopian War, 1935-1936. New York: Berghahn Books, 2006. xviii + 342 pp. Photographs. Appendixes. Bibliography. Index. $80.00. Cloth." African Studies Review 50, no. 2 (September 2007): 234–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/arw.2007.0127.

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11

Zewde, Bahru. "The Ethiopian Intelligentsia and the Italo-Ethiopian War, 1935-1941." International Journal of African Historical Studies 26, no. 2 (1993): 271. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/219547.

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12

Dedering, Tilman. "South Africa and the Italo-Ethiopian War, 1935–6." International History Review 35, no. 5 (October 2013): 1009–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07075332.2013.817469.

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13

Proglio, Gabriele. "Il cammino degli eroi: the empire as a mark of modernity. Representations of colonial power in a famous regime documentary." Modern Italy 21, no. 3 (August 2016): 289–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mit.2016.26.

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This article examines the most important documentary film about the Italian ‘victory’ in Ethiopia, Il cammino degli eroi, by Corrado D’Errico (1936), the primary aim being to shed light on its complex iconographic system of representation. The first part examines the representation of the ‘African Mussolini’. In the second part, the article analyses the ‘conqueror’s gaze’ in the visual perspective employed by D’Errico in his account of the new Italian colony. The third part is devoted to arguing the juxtaposition between ‘Italian Creation and Ethiopian apocalypse’. Finally, the last part of the article deals with the reasons for the Ethiopian war.

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14

Morewood, Steven. "The Ethiopian Patriots: Forgotten Voices of the Italo-Abyssinian War, 1935-41." Global War Studies 9, no. 1 (June 1, 2012): 120–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.5893/19498489.09.01.23.

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15

Erhagbe, Edward O., and Ehimika A. Ifidon. "African-Americans and the Italo–Ethiopian Crisis, 1935–1936: The Practical Dimension of Pan-Africanism." Aethiopica 11 (April 26, 2012): 68–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.15460/aethiopica.11.1.187.

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In a world where the Negro groped for recognition, Ethiopia (Abyssinia), with its ancient institutions and sovereignty virtually intact, was a symbol of racial pride and achievement. This Ethiopia was however invaded by Italy in 1935. It was a racial interpretation that the Negro world gave the Italian invasion. African-American interest in Africa which hitherto had been romantic and sentimental, with the Italian invasion became practical, and in this case designed to strengthen Ethiopian resistance. In the end, African-American contribution, though symbolically significant, was paltry. This can be accounted for by the relative poverty of African-Americans, and the time and cultural distance separating them from Africa.

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16

Doğar, Mehmet. "‘Complete Neutrality’ or ‘Controlled Enmity’? The Role of the Turkish Press during the Italo-Ethiopian War of 1935–36." Turkish Historical Review 10, no. 02-03 (March 16, 2020): 213–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18775462-01002007.

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This article examines the relationship between the Turkish government and the Turkish press by taking the Italo-Ethiopian War of 1935–36 as a case study. The Turkish press attached much importance to the conflict and covered two main issues: the increasingly insecure environment in world politics and how Turkey should position itself in the face of these changing dynamics. Emphasising the divergences between the rhetoric of the government and the coverage of the press about these issues, this article argues that in the early Republican period, the press, rather than being simply dictated to by the government, had a more independent and active position than it is often given credit for in the secondary literature.

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17

Jacobs, Sylvia M., and William R. Scott. "The Sons of Sheba's Race: African-Americans and the Italo-Ethiopian War 1935-1941." American Historical Review 99, no. 5 (December 1994): 1775. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2168566.

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18

Shadle, Brett L. "Reluctant Humanitarians: British Policy Toward Refugees in Kenya During the Italo-Ethiopian War, 1935–1940." Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History 47, no. 1 (August 18, 2018): 167–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03086534.2018.1506872.

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19

Braukämper, Ulrich. "Indigenous Views on the Italian Occupation in Southern Ethiopia A Post-Colonial Approach." Aethiopica 14 (April 18, 2013): 163–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.15460/aethiopica.14.1.418.

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The present focus on “postcolonial studies” in cultural anthropology is attributing a growing interest to the Italian occupation in Ethiopia (1935–1941). Whereas a considerable amount of “mainstream” information has been collected about the war of conquest and colonial rule by Fascist Italy, the indigenous views and attitudes at the grassroots of Ethiopian people have largely remained outside consideration. Because of the harsh exploitation by the ruling elites of the empire, large parts of the inhabitants in the south readily collaborated with the foreign occupants. Resistance against the Italians could most efficiently be counteracted by a policy of “divide and rule”. Although the effects of Italian occupation are a sensitive issue of research involving highly controversial views and emotions, it seems to be due time now to approach it in an unbiased scholarly discourse.

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20

Marcus, Harold G., and Anthony Mockler. "Haile Selassie's War: The Italian-Ethiopian Campaign, 1935-1941." International Journal of African Historical Studies 20, no. 2 (1987): 366. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/219878.

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21

MALLETT, ROBERT. "FASCIST FOREIGN POLICY AND OFFICAL ITALIAN VIEWS OF ANTHONY EDEN IN THE 1930s." Historical Journal 43, no. 1 (March 2000): 157–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x99008808.

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This article examines the relationship between Anthony Eden, British minister for League of Nations' affairs (1935) and foreign secretary (1935–8), and Benito Mussolini's Fascist regime within the context of Italian foreign policy in the later 1930s. It outlines the precise aims and objectives of Mussolini's expansionist policies over the period 1935–8, assesses the accuracy of Eden's interpretation of them and, in turn, discusses official Italian diplomatic perceptions of Eden. It specifically challenges Renzo De Felice's view that for Mussolini, the Italian conquest of Ethiopia (1935–6) marked the limit of Fascist expansionism. Furthermore, it contests his theory that the dictator did not pursue an Italo–German alliance that would drive an Italian imperialist war against Britain and France in the Mediterranean and Red Sea. Anthony Eden had been fully aware of such an intention, and had been targeted by the regime as Italy's ‘public enemy number one’, precisely because he fully comprehended what lay at the heart of Mussolini's brand of Fascism.

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22

De Ninno, Fabio. "The Italian Navy and Japan, the Indian Ocean, Failed Cooperation, and Tripartite Relations (1935–1943)." War in History 27, no. 2 (September 20, 2018): 224–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0968344518777270.

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Studies of the relations between the Tripartite powers have primarily been concentrated on the relations of Nazi Germany with Imperial Japan and Fascist Italy. This article, based on original documents from the Italian archives, offers an original insight on the Italian perspective about the naval relations between Italy and Japan before and during the early years of the Second World War. It analyses the strategic motivation that led Fascist Italy to seek naval cooperation with Japan and how their relationship evolved during the period between the Ethiopian War (1935–6) to the end of the Axis campaign in North Africa in 1943.

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23

Hofmann, Reto. "Imperial Links: The Italian-Ethiopian War and Japanese New Order Thinking, 1935–6." Journal of Contemporary History 50, no. 2 (December 22, 2014): 215–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009414552147.

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24

Jenkins†, Ray. "William Ofori Atta, Nnambi Azikiwe, J.B. Danquah and the “Grilling” of W.E.F. Ward of Achimota in 1935." History in Africa 21 (1994): 171–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3171885.

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In December 1932 J. B. Danquah identified five stages or “ages” in the coastal political history, or the “national history,” of the Gold Coast. This paper may be described as a temporary departure from a preoccupation with “Ages” two, three, and four (1867-1930) and a tentative entry into the study of the fifth: Danquah's post-1930 “Age of Enlightenment.” What follows therefore is more of a shift in time than of space and focus—the area and arena of coastal politics in the colonial Gold Coast. If a new age did dawn in the 1930s, then for an influential core of today's Ghanaianist historians, it would seem that the turning point occurred in 1935. In that year the radical response of I.T.A. Wallace-Johnson and Nnambi Azikiwe (“Zik”) to the Ethiopian crisis galvanized those forces that presaged the later emergence of Kwame Nkrumah, one of history's winners. In sharp contrast, J.B. Danquah, one of history's losers, represented the continuity of past conservatism during—and after—the 1930s.A bold attempt to confirm or contradict the 1935 “discontinuity thesis” is beyond the scope of this progress report on an act of trespass into the 1930s. The modest outcome of the latter is a snapshot of Accra-based politics. It tries to bring into focus several elements: the texture, style, and ‘reach’ of urban-based politics and politicians; the place of the study and teaching of history in anticolonial nationalist thought; and the extent to which rhetoric served as a mask for the pursuit of group or personal grievance and ambition. In short, this paper re-examines an old theme—the relationship between past history and present politics, albeit within the confines of a British colonial state.

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25

Vestal, Theodore M. "Haile Selassie's War by Anthony Mockler Oxford University Press, 1984. Pp. xxiv+454. £17.50. Also published in 1984 by Random House, New York, as Haile Selassie's War: the Italian-Ethiopian campaign, 1935–1941. Pp. xlii+454. Illustrated. $24.95. - Ethiopia: dawn of the red star by Madan M. Sauldie Bombay, Asia Publishing House, 1982. Pp. vii+241. Illustrated. $37.50. - Ethiopia: politics, economics and society by Peter Schwab Boulder, Lynne Rienner Publishers, 1985. Pp. xx+134. $20.00. $10.95 paperback." Journal of Modern African Studies 24, no. 4 (December 1986): 708–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00007369.

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26

"The sons of Sheba's race: African-Americans and the Italo-Ethiopian War, 1935-1941." Choice Reviews Online 30, no. 11 (July 1, 1993): 30–6385. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/choice.30-6385.

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27

Wobick-Segev, Sarah. "A Jewish Italienische Reise during the Nazi period." Journal of Contemporary History, August 30, 2020, 002200942091891. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009420918916.

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This article unravels the complexities revealed in the act of traveling to and photographing Fascist Italy in order to consider the intricacies of a particularly German-Jewish engagement with contested and highly politicized spaces and scenes. It examines four specific images in the album: namely, one photo from South Tyrol/Alto Adige along with the three images from a Fascist night-time rally in Venice. Together, they visually capture the Italian celebration of its conquest of Ethiopia in May 1936. I argue that for these German-Jewish tourists Italy served as a means to critically contemplate Fascist politics and to understand their place as German Jews in the contemporary world order. The coincidental timing of Italy’s victory over Ethiopian forces afforded the travelers with an unusual, though not entirely unique opportunity to witness, and participate in, a Fascist spectacle, even as they negotiated its meaning. The timing of their visit also allowed the individual(s) to make both a visual and a brief textual statement about colonialism in its last throes, shortly before the Second World War broke out and before the beginning of decolonization.

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28

"William R. Scott. The Sons of Sheba's Race: African-Americans and the Italo-Ethiopian War, 1935–1941. (Blacks in the Diaspora.) Bloomington: Indiana University Press. 1993. Pp. xvii, 288. $42.50." American Historical Review, December 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr/99.5.1775.

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