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Brunet-Jailly, Emmanuel. "Political culture in Italy." Thesis, This resource online, 1988. http://scholar.lib.vt.edu/theses/available/etd-04122010-083632/.
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Çetin, Elif. "Political debates, policy objectives and outcomes in British and Italian immigration politics, 1997-2010." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.708065.
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FERENTE, Serena. "Gli ultimi guelfi : passioni e identità politiche nell'Italia del secondo Quattrocento." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/10426.
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Defence date: 7 September 2007Examining Board: Prof. Anthony Molho, (EUI) ; Doctor Humfrey Butters, (University of Warwick) ; Prof. Giulia Calvi, (EUI) ; Prof. Giorgio Chittolini, (Università di Milano)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
Questa tesi presenta i risultati della ricerca di un oggetto sfuggente, un’identità politica di parte, nell’Italia del secondo Quattrocento. La ricerca si è estesa su un lasso di tempo piuttosto lungo (cinquant’anni circa), su un’area piuttosto vasta e politicamente frammentata (buona parte della penisola italiana), e su un 'mondo di carta', prodotto tanto negli anni tra il 1450 e il 1499 quanto dagli storici in tempi più recenti. Le ragioni di questa ricerca, e di alcune scelte e definizioni adottate per evitare di perdersi, occuperanno questa introduzione.
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Jauch, Linda. "Women, power and political discourse in fifteenth-century northern Italy." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/252268.
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Hogan, Marina. "The fictional Savonarola and the creation of modern Italy." University of Western Australia. European Languages and Studies Discipline Group. Italian Studies, 2009. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2010.0035.
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This thesis deals with Girolamo Savonarola and with his place in the imagination and collective memory of Italians from the early nineteenth century to the present. It examines the works of a variety of Italian fictional authors who turned to Savonarola in the belief that he could help them pursue objectives which, in their opinion, Italy and Italians should strive to achieve. At first, he was called upon by nationalist writers of the Risorgimento to inspire a people and convince it of the need for a free, united Italy. Later, as the new nation began to consolidate and Italians came to realize that unification had not delivered all that it had promised, Savonarola was employed in a negative way to show that military action and force were necessary to ensure Italy's progress to the status of great power. As Italians became more aware of the grave social issues facing their nation, he was called upon, once again, to help change social policy and to remind the people of its civic responsibility to the less fortunate members of society. The extent of Savonarola's adaptability is also explored through the analysis of his manipulation by the writers of Fascist Italy. Remarkably, he was used to highlight to Italians their duty to stand by Mussolini and the Fascist Regime during their struggle with the Catholic Church and the Pope. At the same time, however, one writer daringly used Savonarola's apostolate to condemn the Regime and the people's blind adherence to its philosophies. As Fascism fell and Italy began to rebuild after the Second World War, there was no longer a need for Savonarola to be used for political or militaristic ends. In recent times, emphasis has been placed on the human side of the Friar and he has been employed solely to guide Italians in a civic, moral and spiritual sense. From the Risorgimento to the present, the various changes in Italian history have been foreshadowed in the treatment of Savonarola by Italian fictional authors who turned to him in difficult times to help define what it is to be Italian.
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Norred, Patricia A. "Girolamo Savonarola and the Problem of Humanist Reform in Florence." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1988. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc500716/.
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Girolamo Savonarola lived at the apex of the Renaissance, but most of his biographers regard him as an anachronism or a precursor of the Reformation. Savonarola, however, was influenced by the entire milieu of Renaissance Florence, including its humanism. Savonarola's major work, Triumph of the Cross, is a synthesis of humanism, neo-Thomism and mysticism. His political reforms were routed in both the millennialist dreams of Florence and the goals of civic humanism. Hoping to translate the abstract humanist life of virtue into the concrete, he ultimately failed, not because the Renaissance was rejecting the Middle Ages, but because the former was reacting against itself. Florence, for all its claims of being the center of the Renaissance, was not willing to make humanist reform a reality.
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Jones, Scott Lee. "Servants of the Republic : patrician lawyers in Quattrocento Venice." Thesis, Swansea University, 2010. https://cronfa.swan.ac.uk/Record/cronfa42517.
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Lawyers have widely been recognized as playing a role in the transition from the medieval to the modem state. Their presence in Renaissance Venetian politics, however, remains largely unexplored. Relying primarily on a prosopographical analysis, the thesis explores the various roles played by lawyers, dividing those roles into three main categories: diplomats, territorial governors, and domestic legislators. What emerges is a clear pattern of significant involvement by legally trained patricians in the Venetian political system. Noble lawyers were most often ambassadors, serving in many of the principal courts inside and outside of Italy as Venice was extending her influence on the Italian peninsula. They also served as administrators of Venetian rule throughout the Venetian terraferma (mainland) state. Lastly, their domestic political officeholding further confirms their continuing participation, as they held many of the most important domestic offices throughout the Quattrocento. The thesis ends with short biographies of each of the nearly three-dozen lawyers who make up this study, as well as chronologies of the offices they held. These chronologies include archival references for each office.
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Cimino, Roberta. "Italian queens in the ninth and tenth centuries." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/5359.
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This thesis investigates the role of queens in ninth and tenth century Italy. During the Carolingian period the Italian kingdom saw significant involvement of royal women in political affairs. This trend continued after the Carolingian empire collapsed in 888, as Italy became the theatre of struggles for the royal and imperial title, which resulted in a quick succession of local rulers. By investigating Italian queens, my work aims at reassessing some aspects of Italian royal politics. Furthermore, it contributes to the study of medieval queenship, exploring a context which has been overlooked with regard to female authority. The work which has been done on queens over the last decades has attempted to build a coherent model of early medieval queenship; scholars have often privileged the analysis of continuities and similarities in the study of queens' prerogatives and resources. This thesis challenges this model and underlines the peculiarities of individual queens. My analysis demonstrates that, by deconstructing the coherent model established by historiography, it is possible to underline the individual experiences, resources and strengths of each royal woman, and therefore create a new way to look at the history of queens and queenship. The thesis is divided into four main thematic sections. After having introduced the subject and the relevant historiography on the topic in the introduction, in Chapter 2 I consider ideas about queenship as expressed by narrative and normative sources. Chapter 3 deals with royal diplomas, which are a valuable resource for the understanding of queens' reigns. Chapter 4 analyses queens' dowers and monastic patronage. Chapter 5 examines the experience of Italian royal widows. Finally, the conclusive chapter outlines the significance of this thesis for the broader understanding of medieval queenship.
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Finn, Sarah. "'Padre della nazione italiana' : Dante Alighieri and the construction of the Italian nation, 1800-1945." University of Western Australia. European Languages and Studies Discipline Group. Italian Studies, 2010. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2010.0085.
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Dante Alighieri is, undoubtedly, an enduring feature of the cultural memory of generations of Italians. His influence is such that the mere mention of a dark wood or lifes journey recalls the poet and his most celebrated work, the Divina Commedia. This study, however, seeks to examine the construction of the medieval Florentine poet, exemplified by the above assertion, as a potent symbol of the Italian nation. From the creation of the idea of the Italian nation during the Risorgimento, to the Liberal ruling elites efforts after 1861 to legitimise the new Italian nation state, and more importantly to make Italians, to the rise of a more imperialist conception of nationalism in the early twentieth century and its most extreme expression under the Fascist regime, Dante was made to play a significant role in defining, justifying and glorifying the Italian nation. Such an exploration of the utilisation of Dante in the construction of Italian national identity during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries aids considerably in an understanding of the conceptualisation of the Italian nation, of the issues engendered by the establishment of the Italian nation state, and the evolution of these processes throughout the period in question. The various images of Dante revealed by this investigation of his instrumentalisation in the Italian process of nation-building bear only a fleeting resemblance to what is known of the poet in his medieval reality. Dante was born in 1265 to a family of modest means and standing in Florence, at that time the economic centre of Europe, and one of the most important cities of the Italian peninsula. His writings disclosed, however, that he was little impressed by his citys prestige and wealth, being instead greatly disturbed by its political discord and instability, of which he became an unfortunate victim. The violent partisan conflict in Florence and the turbulent political condition of the Italian peninsula in the late thirteenth century had a decisive influence on Dantes life and literary endeavours.
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Chernyshev, Maxim. "EVOLUTION OF POLITICAL CLEAVAGES AND ENTRY OF THE FAR-RIGHT IN GOVERNMENT COALITIONS IN ITALY AND POLAND." Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2008. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/3118.
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This project focuses on a comparative analysis of governing coalitions between conservative and far-right parties in recent years in Italy (1994) and Poland (2005). The aim is to show how the inclusion of the radical right in government coalitions in these countries reflects recent changes in Western and Eastern European party systems through the reformulation of the old and formation of new party cleavages. The focus in the recent literature on personality clashes of party leaders over the distribution of ministry portfolios does not explain the nature of the disagreement between these leaders about key issues of national politics. I argue that the mechanism of policy formulation between prospective coalitional partners can be traced at the level of party cleavages which pre-exist the negotiation process between party leaders. The political breakthrough of the far-right parties became possible because of the development of new issues related to the process of European integration and based on the longstanding confrontation between the left and right parties since the beginning of the Cold War. The disintegration of the previous party systems as a result of the collapse of the Communist regime in Poland and the First Republic in Italy in the post-Cold War era created a vacuum partly exploited by the previous anti-system far-right parties and the new emerging ones. At the same time, a clear tendency toward the cartelization of the programmatic supply was prominent on both the left and right sides of the political spectrum. I argue that the rise to prominence of center-right coalitions in the two countries led by Silvio Berlusconi and Jaroslav Kachinskiy respectively represents not only a new dimension in the development of the right wing in Europe but also constitutes a model of political realignment where new cleavages are gradually substituting for the old cleavages described in the Lipset-Rokkan model.M.A.
Department of Political Science
Sciences
Political Science MA
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Ottina, Andrea. "Government Response to Political Activism: Conflict between the Public and the State, Genoa 2001." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/7864.
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Protests represent an extremely delicate issue for governments and authorities in terms of security and democracy. Most recently in the last decade, demonstrations have acquired a global and international characterisation, rendering these trans-national phenomena. This research is a case study which aims to contribute to the political development of Italy by analysing the policies in relation to the management of protests by using theoretical frameworks drawn from fields of social and political sciences such as Public Policy and Peace and Conflict studies. The goal of this research is to analyse events in a broader picture, investigating democratic values and state response to social movements such as protests. In other words, it seeks to answer the following questions: How was the government response conceived and what impact did this have on state values of security, democracy and justice? Considering comparable cases, what was the impact in terms of policy and practice of these strategies? How can public policy theories of social construction help to explain the government response and thus contribute to prevention of such violence in future?
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Vasileiou, Ioannis. "The EU regional policy and its impact on two Mediterranean member states (Italy and Spain)." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2011. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/1763/.
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The aim of EU Regional Policy is to intervene effectively in regions that “lag behind” in economic terms and to finance development programmes through the allocation of Structural Funds which operate in accordance with the principles of subsidiarity, additionality and partnership. This policy should allow regions to converge with EU averages in terms of income and employment. Italy and Spain provide very good examples within the EU as a whole, of significant economic disparities between regions that still appear to be present. We argue and provide substantial evidence of the fact that the persistence of such disparities is mainly due to inefficient administrative and institutional capacity at the regional level. Although some regions have brought themselves towards the average, in Italy and Spain, there is evidence that certain administrative, institutional and implementation problems have tended to appear, hampering the opportunities of regions to converge in the required way. Because of this, regional economic convergence and thereby socio-economic cohesion are still beyond reach. Two decades after the 1988 Reform of the Structural Funds, EU Regional Policy has only partially succeeded in reducing regional economic divergence within Italy and Spain, where regional economic inequalities still exist. Although we demonstrate that some regions have been able to move forward in the requisite way, it is questionable whether all of the support for these regions can actually be eliminated completely in the near future with the challenges that the EU faces, particularly in relation to the latest round of Enlargement.
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Lantschner, Patrick. "The logic of political conflict in the late Middle Ages : a comparative study of urban political conflicts in Italy and the southern Low Countries, c. 1370-1440." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:88345337-bad5-4eb6-b626-ec6ae003cfef.
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This thesis examines urban political conflict in the late Middle Ages (c. 1370-1440) in Europe’s most heavily urbanised regions, Italy and the Southern Low Countries. Conflicts have frequently been viewed in the context of an emerging state-controlled political order, and have been interpreted either as forms of disruptive disorder, or as affirmations of political processes shaped by states. This thesis suggests that urban conflict should be studied not in the context of a state-controlled political order, but within the political framework provided by the numerous semi-autonomous jurisdictional institutions inside and outside cities (such as guilds, parishes or contending outside powers). This pluralistic order of politics gave rise to a form of political order sui generis which expressed itself in two ways. According to a general logic of conflict (Part One), particular rationales for justifying conflict (Chapter One) and specific political practices ranging from concealed protest to urban warfare (Chapter Two) were embedded in this multi-faceted and shifting political framework. Action groups could be negotiated and renegotiated around the resources provided by the city’s multiple legitimating institutions (Chapter Three). At the same time, such political institutions were configured differently in different cities, and this also generated a particular logic which lay at the basis of different systems of conflict (Part Two). Levels of conflict could, in fact, vary greatly between Bologna and Liège (Chapter Four), Florence and Tournai (Chapter Five), and Lille and Verona (Chapter Six), where, on the basis of different underlying political institutions, diverse practices of conflict and forms of association prevailed. The pluralistic order of politics itself was, therefore, a form of political organisation which crystallised around conflict. It gave rise to a logic which put conflict at the centre of the political order of late medieval cities.
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BOCCHINO, MATTEO. "United we stand, divided we fall? Unpacking inter-municipal cooperation in Italy." Doctoral thesis, Gran Sasso Science Institute, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.12571/21621.
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Over the past 30 years, Inter-municipal cooperation (IMC) has increased and addressed certain regional governance vacuums, especially in areas characterised by high municipal fragmentation. Subsequently, the global financial crisis (GFC) worsened the fiscal conditions of municipalities, pushing them to adopt new cost reduction strategies. IMC policies prescribe coordinated actions that may lead to more efficient use of resources due to economies of scale and scope and thanks to coherent territorial action, particularly capable of tackling scale-related service delivery weaknesses.
This thesis will focus on IMC in Italy, more specifically on the case of Municipal Unions (MUs), which constitute the most institutionalized form of cooperation among municipalities available in the country. The thesis is structured as a collection of three self-contained but interconnected papers.
The general introduction (Chapter 1) describes the concept of IMC, the roles and influences of public policies in tackling municipal fragmentation, as well as the main reforms that have affected local governments in Italy over the past 30 years. Chapter 2 frames the topic within the multi-level governance framework and explores the phenomenon by merging different data sources, in order to provide an overall picture of the implementation of MUs in the country. The results reveal a fragmentation in regional terms and heterogeneity of MUs across the country, on the basis of which I will propose a research agenda. By adopting a financial perspective, Chapter 3 analyses the fiscal balances of the MUs, which became available for the first time in 2017, and provides a typology of MUs according to their financial activity and evidence of the importance of municipal financial health and functional integration for the financial sustainability of IMC. This chapter sheds light on the functional prerequisite that impacts the financial sustainability of supra-municipal entities that live of derived finance, which existing literature on IMC has not yet considered. Next, Chapter 4 adopts a sociological perspective based on the concept of mechanism, in order to study – through a multiple-case analysis of MUs – the IMC in a specific area of the Piedmont region (namely the Asti and Cuneo provinces). Despite the different implementation outcomes, patterns emerged from the interviews and collected data, which allowed me to extrapolate five horizontal coordinating mechanisms present in the interactions between the municipalities involved in the joint effort. The chapter concludes by saying that, although traces of all five mechanisms are present in IMC, coordination can only be enhanced if the interactions between mechanisms are accurately balanced out over time. Finally, Chapter 5 addresses the main challenges for the research presented in this thesis and the main challenges for IMC in Italy, summarizes the findings, links them together, addresses any limitations and proposes future directions of investigation.
The novelty of this thesis lies in various elements: it explores an understudied phenomenon in Italy; it is the first study to consider the financial activity of MUs in the entire national context; it contributes to the debate on IMC by addressing a key functional prerequisite, namely the sustainability of a new tier of government that lives of derived finance and offers indications to measure the financial activity of supra-municipal entities. Furthermore, it considers the viewpoint of the main actors in the daily activity of IMC (the involved mayors) in an attempt to identify the coordinating mechanisms that favour coordination among municipalities and shed light on their interactions.
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MAGGIONI, ALESSANDRO. "The regulation of urban logistics platforms. The urban governance of food wholesale markets in France and Italy : the case of Paris (Semmaris) and Milan (Sogemi)." Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano-Bicocca, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10281/222963.
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One of the elements that characterize the process of economic globalization is the development of freight logistics as a strategic sector to determine the competitive advantages of urban regions. This study analyses the link between market changes, state reorganisation and the development of urban logistics infrastructures. The entry point for this analysis is the study of the policies that have produced and governed over time two European wholesale food markets: the Marché d’Intérêt National of Rungis and the General Markets of Milan. The paired comparison of these two cases explains how market and state structural changes have influenced the constitutive elements of both infrastructural policies and why today two wholesale markets, which were initially very similar from an analytical point of view, have nowadays two very different policy outcomes. Using a theoretical and methodological approach based on the contributions of historical neo-institutionalism and urban political economy, the role of interest groups, political actors, policy rules and the market forces are linked to these divergent outcomes of present time. These factors are interrelated to explain the policy conversion observed for MIN Rungis and the policy drift in the case of Milan. Finally, the policy processes that led to policy changes that are explained in terms of causal mechanisms. The analysis highlights the central role of local policy rules and political context in determining the ability of local interest groups to influence decision-making processes, and the effect of their mobilization on the development of these urban infrastructures.
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Torre, Gemma. "Management of government archives in Italy." Thesis, IMT Alti Studi Lucca, 2018. http://e-theses.imtlucca.it/243/1/Torre_phdthesis.pdf.
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The research has affirmed the value of archives among other cultural objects because archives are a vital part of the national identity, but not just that. In fact, the good management of the res publica and an efficient administration pass through the proper documents conservation as the life source of government bodies.
Starting from an archival perspective, the research object points to archives as institutions and offices of Public Administration rather than the peculiarity of the documentation which they preserve. Therefore, the analysis is focused on the internal organisational structures where the two souls of archives - one administrative and one cultural - came to light. In this sense, archives are a point of intersection of multiple issues for their intrinsic nature.
The work is based on a literature review in order to contextualise Italian archives in the international scenario. The comparative analysis focused especially on the UK reality and the consecutive case study performed in Tuscany allowed the definition of the paths should be covered in order to improve national government archives.
The research allowed the possibility to improve the management of archival structures starting from the strength of the national system, as the presence of a legislation with a good basis on the archival theory. In this context, the archive director emerged as the figure able to synthesise the archival knowledge and the managerial skills, aware of the necessity to coordinate multiple professional background and technological resources. This figure is the one who can put in practice the optimisation of what is defined as the archive management starting from the deep knowledge of the ongoing reality and thanks to the cooperation with the Superintendencies.
In the light of above, a conclusion is the announcement of the need to design a plan of continuing professional development in archive management for administrative staff as well as for legislators, accepting the dynamicity of current scenarios and with the goal to improve national government archives.
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Allen, Grace. "Vernacular encounters with Aristotle's politics in Italy, 1260-1600." Thesis, School of Advanced Study, University of London, 2015. http://sas-space.sas.ac.uk/6137/.
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This dissertation explores the use and dissemination of Aristotelian political theory in Italian literature from the late medieval period, when the first fragments of Aristotle’s political thought appeared in the West, to the sixteenth century, when vernacular Aristotelian literature flourished. I show how late medieval and Renaissance authors employed Aristotle’s Politics in various ways, according to their political background and allegiances, their approach to the text and their intended audience. I also demonstrate how, reciprocally, the vocabulary and classifications in the Politics shaped their understanding of their own political context. The thesis is divided into six chapters. The first chapter offers an overview, for comparative purposes, of the Latin and Greek reception of the Politics in Western Europe. The remaining chapters proceed chronologically. Chapter Two explores the place of the Politics in Italian vernacular literature of the late thirteenth and the fourteenth centuries. Chapter Three does the same for the fifteenth century, as well as considering the impact of Neo-Platonism and the ‘questione della lingua’on vernacular political Aristotelianism. The three remaining chapters cover the sixteenth century. Chapter Four concerns Antonio Brucioli, who composed a series of Aristotelian political dialogues in the 1520s and in 1547 produced the first vernacular translation of the Politics. The subject of Chapter Five is Bernardo Segni, whose translation of the Politics, accompanied by the first full vernacular commentary, was published in 1549. Chapter Six deals with a representative selection of the wide-ranging vernacular material written on the Politics in the second half of the sixteenth century. The dissertation concludes with an evaluation of the changing uses of the Politics in Italy from the late thirteenth century to the end of the sixteenth, examining the different ways in which the treatise served as a key to understanding politics and political reality.
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Maxson, Brian J., and Nicholas Scott Baker. "After Civic Humanism: Learning and Politics in Renaissance Italy." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2015. https://www.amzn.com/0772721777.
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The thirteen essays in this volume demonstrate the multiplicity of connections between learning and politics in Renaissance Italy. Some engage explicitly with Hans Baron's "civic humanism" thesis illustrating its continuing viability, but also stretching its application to prove the limitations of its original expression. Others move beyond Baron's thesis to examine the actual practice of various individuals and groups engaged in both political and learned activities in a variety of diverse settings. The collective impression of all the contributions is that of a complex, ever-shifting mosaic of learned enterprises in which the well-examined civic paradigm emerges as just one of several modes that explain the interaction between learning and politics in Italy between 1300 and 1650. The model that emerges rejects any single category of explanation in favour of one that emphasizes variety and multiplicity. It suggests that learning was indispensible to all politics in Renaissance Italy and that, in fact, at its heart the Renaissance was a political event as much as a cultural movement. "In moving past the constraints imposed by the so-called Baron thesis, the essays in this volume allow for an innovative focus on Renaissance humanism as a set of 'practices' determined more by social structures and networks than by specific historical events. In so doing, a number of these studies open up new areas of scholarly exploration." - Scott Blanchard, Misericordia Universityhttps://dc.etsu.edu/etsu_books/1149/thumbnail.jpg
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Alfonsi, Adela. "The allies in Italy : a reappraisal of military government /." Title page, contents and introduction only, 1989. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09ara388.pdf.
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Felsen, David. "The politics of the Italian budgetary process." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.368869.
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Heatherington, Tracey. "Environmental politics in a highland Sardinian community." Thesis, McGill University, 1993. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=68102.
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The movement to protect wilderness resources can conflict with local intentions for land use and development, particularly in economically marginal areas. In rural Italy, on the island of Sardinia, the plan to create a Gennargentu National Park has incited active opposition on the part of the communities affected. In the town of Baunei, responses to environmental legislation are motivated by the desire to maintain communal control over common lands. Political action, both formal and informal, is organised by local understandings about the impact of certain laws and institutions on the town economy, principally by the restriction of residents' usi civici (traditional rights of usufruct). This thesis considers the role and meaning of the usi civici in Baunei, and the implications of this for environmental politics in Sardinia.
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Mattozzi, Louisa Parker. "The feminine art of politics and diplomacy : the roles of duchesses in early modern Italy /." Full text available, 2004. http://images.lib.monash.edu.au/ts/theses/mattozzi.pdf.
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Tucker, Penelope. "Government and politics : London 1461-1483." Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.297286.
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This thesis discusses the nature of London's governmental and political system and the part played by the city in the political, commercial and legal life of the nation in the late fifteenth century. The first three chapters examine the city's electoral processes, the backgrounds of its most senior governors, and the relationships between its governing bodies and other civic organisations, such as the city companies. From this, it emerges that Edwardian London's political system was hierarchical rather than oligarchic, even though its governors were able to secure election to high office without following a lengthy civic cursus honorum. However, change was already under way, as the aldermen came to rely less on the wards and more on the companies for political support and legitimisation. The more oligarchical style of government clearly visible in the sixteenth century can be shown to have had its roots in the late fifteenth century. Chapters Four and Five examine the effectiveness of the city's financial organisations and system of law courts. In raising revenue for both civic and royal purposes, the city was relatively efficient, though its methods were ponderous and their effectiveness was heavily dependent on individual financial officers. The city's law courts remained busy and responsive to the needs of litigants, contributing to the effectiveness and prestige of civic government by their activities. In the final chapter, London's place in national and international political events is considered. The governors' normal aim was, above all, to protect the city's interests. Although London played an important role in the wider political scene, it had that role largely thrust upon it by others. This stance helped to prevent the city from mirroring the national tumults of the late fifteenth century.
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Dorado, Maria-Cristina. "Local government politics in Pereira, Colombia." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.670328.
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Gallo, Zelia. "The penality of politics : penality in contemporary Italy 1970-2000." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2013. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/746/.
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The thesis is a socio-legal account of Italian penality between 1970 and 2000. It analyses the Italian experience as a critical case study with which to test David Garland, Alessandro De Giorgi and Nicola Lacey’s theories of punishment in contemporary Western polities. It argues that Italian penality is not sufficiently explained by reference to Garland or De Giorgi’s meta theories of ‘late modern’ and ‘post-Fordist’ punishment. Lacey’s institutional analysis provides a better framework, if modified to allow for the centrality of political dynamics in Italy. The thesis argues that Italian penality is a ‘volatile penal equilibrium’, whose ‘differential punitiveness’ is marked by oscillations between repression and leniency. The thesis provides an institutional analysis of Italian punishment, investigating in turn the Italian political economy, political culture and state-citizen relations, judicial contributions to penal trends, and the punishment of non-EU migrants. The thesis argues that Italian penality can be systematised by reference to political dynamics, in particular political conflict and political dualisms. Political conflict can broadly be defined as conflict between political interests, ranging from parties through to broader political groups such as families; dualisms are tensions produced by opposing institutional dynamics. The thesis analyses these conflicts and dualisms in terms of penal pressures, either in favour of penal exclusion or moderation. Italy’s institutional structure incorporates political conflict, and fosters structural tensions. The result is that Italy’s volatile political equilibrium is conveyed through its institutions to the penal realm, producing a volatile penal equilibrium. Ultimately, the Italian case study demonstrates that contemporary theories of penality should explicitly incorporate political dynamics and their institutional anchorage. Italian penality can be analysed in terms of the nature of the state and its institutions and inclusion and exclusion from political belonging. Contemporary theories would profit from incorporating this analysis.
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Sciubba, Jennifer Dabbs. "The politics of population aging in Germany, Italy, and Japan." College Park, Md.: University of Maryland, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1903/8572.
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Thesis (Ph. D.) -- University of Maryland, College Park, 2008.Thesis research directed by: Dept. of Government and Politics. Title from t.p. of PDF. Includes bibliographical references. Published by UMI Dissertation Services, Ann Arbor, Mich. Also available in paper.
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Alketbi, Hamad. "An evaluation of e-government effectiveness in Dubai smart government departments." Thesis, Southampton Solent University, 2018. http://ssudl.solent.ac.uk/3809/.
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This PhD thesis examines the E-government implementation in Dubai and examines the critical success factors and barriers to a successful E-government implementation. The study is based on primary research conducted on the subject of E-government in the United Arab Emirates. The thesis critically reviewed extant literature on E-government implementation. The methodology used for this research is a mixed-methodological design comprising of quantitative survey of 450 employees of the Dubai Smart Government Department. A survey questionnaire was designed to assess the impact of various independent and dependent variables on the effectiveness of E-government implementation. To complement the shortcomings of the high level of abstraction often associated with quantitative methodology, a qualitative methodology was used which involved in-depth interviews with 25 middle and high ranking officials in the Dubai Smart Government Department. The results of these questionnaires and interviews helped provide a theoretical framework for the postulation of standard operating procedures, which could ensure the success of E-government implementation, in Dubai. The research analyses and discusses the primary data (questionnaire and interviews) to generate insights regarding the success of E-government implementation in Dubai. The analysis also examines the various factors which limit and hinder successful E-government implementations and offers recommendations for improvement. The study finds that some of the major barriers to E-government in Dubai include: technology, security, legal, monetary and strategic. Employees surveyed also generally expressed fear of complexity, system integration, data security, and job losses. Researchers have repeatedly shown that there is need for empirical based studies to understand contextually relevant aspects of E-government implementation in non-western contexts. This PhD thesis contributes to this debate with fresh empirical data sets from Dubai on E-government implementation including the identification of critical successes factors and barriers of a successful E-government implementation. This study also contributes theoretically by challenging the popular normative stage models with a more robust theoretical framework encompassing both human centeredness and context relevance. In so doing, the study came up with a tripartite approach comprising management support, cultural change, and system design. The study concludes that dynamic interplay between internal and external forces; socio-economic and technological factors (including maturity of ICT capabilities) are all relevant for a successful implementation of E-government in Dubai. This study’s key significance lies in its contribution to improve the implementation of a successful E-government in the UAE context, thereby leading to a development of a road map for facilitating practical implementation of strategies and reversing the declining trend of E-government participation in Dubai. In addition, the study’s emphasis on the public sector, could lead to strengthening of the role of E-government for administrative and institutional reform and inclusion in the public sector. The study could provide a useful guide both for the Dubai Smart Government Department and other E-government agencies in Arab regions and for internal stakeholders in the field who wish to gain insight into the process of E-government globally.
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Lee, Ronald Arthur. "Government and politics in Scotland, 1661-1681." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.295339.
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Lorman, Thomas Anselm. "The domestic politics of the Bethlen government." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.269979.
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RIBEIRO, BERNARDO BARBOZA. "POLITICS OF GOVERNMENT ADVERTISING: EVIDENCE FROM BRAZIL." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2017. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=31792@1.
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PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIROCONSELHO NACIONAL DE DESENVOLVIMENTO CIENTÍFICO E TECNOLÓGICO
Usando uma base de dados inédita com informações sobre o gasto do governo federal brasileira com propaganda, nós lançamos luz sobre o comportamento de anunciantes do setor público a relação entre propaganda governamental e voto. Em particular, nós investigamos possíveis motivações políticas por trás da alocação do orçamento dedicado à propaganda governamental e seu impacto sobre voto. No espírito da literatura de distributive politics, primeiro nós calculamos a correlação entre gasto com anúncios por entes públicos e votos no partido do governo no nível local. Em seguida, nós exploramos a variação exógena gerada pela cobertura de sinais de rádio para testar a hipótese de que o gasto com propaganda aumenta os votos recebidos pelo partido do governo. Nossos resultados sugerem que, ainda que resultados de eleições passadas prevêem onde no território o governo anuncia, os eleitores não parecem ser persuadidos pelos anúncios a votar em favor do partido no poder.
Using a unique data set of central government expenditure on advertising in Brazil, we shed light on the behavior of public advertisers and the relation between government ads and voting. In particular, we investigate political motivations behind the allocation of the advertisement budget by the federal government and its impacts on voting. Borrowing insights from the literature of distributive politics, we first correlate ad money and votes for the government s party on the local level. Next, we exploit plausible exogenous variation on radio signal coverage to test if money spent on ads turn into votes for the government s party. Our findings show that although past presidential election outcomes predict where in the territory the government places ads, voters do not seem to be persuaded by those ads to favor the party in power.
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Hoyland, Bjorn Kare. "Government and opposition in EU legislative politics." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2005. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2902/.
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This thesis presents a model of EU legislative politics. The model sees national political parties as actors, rather than institutions, countries or trans-national party groups. The empirical focus is on the Codecision procedure after the Amsterdam reform came into effect in 1999. In essence, the thesis argues that governing parties dominate EU legislative politics. The governing parties' advantage stems from two factors. First, they are represented in the Upper House, the Council of Ministers, while opposition parties are not. Second, the shifting majority requirements in the European Parliament (EP) mean that a qualified majority in the Council can impose its preferences on the EP if the Council has the support from a blocking minority in the EP. Nevertheless, the qualified majority requirement in the Council also means that most governing parties would like to see a larger change in policy than what the Council can agree to in their common position. This has implications for the legislative strategy of both governing and opposition parties. Three hypotheses are tested. Hypothesis 1: Governing parties are more active as Codecision agenda- setters (rapporteurs) than opposition parties. Hypothesis 2: Rapporteurs from governing parties are more likely to see their initial legislative proposal being accepted by the Council of Ministers in the first reading. Hypothesis 3: The majority of governing parties and ideologically close opposition parties are more likely to support second reading amendments than other parties. The empirical evidence supports the hypotheses. Thus, there are empirical grounds for arguing that government and opposition exist in EU legislative politics. The governing coalition is the qualified majority of the governing parties and its ideologically close parties in the EP. The opposition is the losing minority in the Council and its ideologically close parties in the EP. The opposition also includes those parties that are neither ideologically close to the minority nor close to the majority of the governing parties. The evidence shows that behaviour differences are more evident between governing and opposition parties from adversarial member states. In non-adversarial states, which often have minority or oversized coalition government, the difference between governing and opposition parties is smaller.
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Leitch, Alison. "The killing mountain : work, gender and politics in an Italian marble quarrying community." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 1993. https://hdl.handle.net/2123/27317.
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The first two chapters focus on the claims quarry workers make about the
independence and unique status o f their work. The first chapter historically
contextualizes and describes the organization of the production o f marble in Carrara.
One of my main aims here is to illuminate the idiosyncratic features o f marble
quarrying within a cross cultural perspective. The first half concentrates on the
quarries, the history of the technology of marble production and the contemporary
work process. In the second section I look more closely at the organization o f the
marble industry and patterns o f ownership. The second chapter turns to a closer
examination o f the labour force where I look at the processes o f recruitment, the
division o f labour and work conditions. I conclude this chapter with a discussion o f
the hierarchy o f skill and the continuing importance of notions of craft and skill to
work identities, despite recent transformations in the work process.
The third chapter deepens this discussion by further analysing workers’
perceptions o f their work and their cultural constructions o f work identity. In
particular, I explore the ways in which quarry workers contrast practical knowledge
and skills embodied through the work experience with the more technical and
scientific knowledge o f outside experts. This leads to an examination o f quarry
language as an expression o f work and gender identity, and an argument that the
experience o f work itself is an important and often neglected arena o f social analysis
in contemporary debates about work.
The history o f occupational injury in the quarries is the focus o f chapter four.
In detailing the risks of work and the high rate o f injury, I suggest that injury is a
normal consequence o f the work process in an inherently dangerous work
environment, but through an analysis o f labour rhetoric and the close examination o f
an event known as the “ Bettogli Disaster” , I argue that the conditions o f risk are as
much socially and culturally constructed ideas as material realities. In opposition to
current sociological and psychological models o f occupational health and safety, I
argue that the risks o f injury and body mutilation constitute an important arena for
the construction o f work identities which in turn, contribute to apparently
contradictory responses to questions of safety in the quarries. The chapter concludes
with a discussion o f the experience o f death as an expression o f class and gender
identity.
This last theme is further explored in chapter five, which is broadly concerned
with the relationship between home and work. Here I coin the term “ the economy of
fear” to describe to the ways in which women emotionally manage fear, in a
community where death and body mutilation is a frequent and catastrophic event.
This chapter also analyses the roles of women within the household and the political
culture of the village and examines the processes of female exclusion and domestic
containment through constructions of femininity in a gendered work culture.
The concluding chapter uses historical and literary texts to discuss the
association of Carrara in the national imagination of Italy with a long tradition of
anarchism. In these texts a causal relationship is often drawn between work in the
marble quarries and the survival of anarchism as a political tradition. While not
wanting to negate the empirical and historical reality of anarchism in Carrara, I
conclude that some writers, Italian labour historians in particular, have
misinterpreted the connections between the organization of marble production and
anarchism.
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Hall, Kyle Matthew. "Affecting Lives: The Politics of Biography in Modern Italy, 1850-1881." Thesis, Harvard University, 2013. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:10838.
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This study examines the spread of in-life biographies (biographies written and published while their subjects were still alive) in Italy during the later years of the Risorgimento and the early years of Unification. These biographies, whose subjects ranged from the already famous to those being promoted as new political leaders, took a well-established literary form and applied it to the exigencies of the day. That this was a relatively new method of political engagement is seen through the numerous interventions by authors and editors justifying their choice of living subjects and excusing the fact that these were not traditional subjects with explanations of impartiality and necessity. As the Italian nation continued forward, such writings begin to be extended to less blatantly political subjects, such as the economic and social self-improvers touted by Michele Lessona (who followed the more famous Samuel Smiles of England) and the fictional Sicilian fishermen of Giovanni Verga's I Malavoglia. This continued push to describe in biographical terms the lives of living Italians reveals a widely neglected aspect of the biographical genre, namely that writing the life of a still-living figure is fundamentally different than writing the life of a deceased individual whose life course cannot be in any way changed by the publishing of a biography. The work that both begins and ends this study, a very early biography of Benito Mussolini, serves to illustrate the possibilities contained in this subgenre as well as the reasons for which it should continue to be studied as a form distinct from that of traditional biography.Romance Languages and Literatures
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Madge, P. "Architecture and politics in Europe : Italy and the Netherlands 1927-34." Thesis, University of Leeds, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.376365.
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Olsen, Thomas George. "Circe's court : Italy and cultural politics in english writing, 1530-1685 /." The Ohio State University, 1997. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487946776023502.
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Singh-Masuda, Neil Raj. "Exilium Romanum : exile, politics and personal experience from 58 BC to AD 68." Thesis, University of Warwick, 1996. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/36392/.
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This thesis investigates the sentence of exile in Rome from the years 58 BC to AD 68. Its central argument is that exile increased in severity from the end of the Republic until it had been turned into a despotic tool at the end of the Julio-Claudian Dynasty. The thesis also aims to convey diachronically the sense of exile through an analysis of its experiential effect on those who suffered banishment from Rome, while taking account of legal changes and explaining the various forms of exile, aquae et ignis interdictio, relegatio and deportatio. Primary sources referred to include the exilic works of Cicero, Ovid and Seneca, the historical texts of Tacitus, Suetonius and Cassius Dio, as well as a wide range of other ancient writers. Additional research methods include the use of epigraphic and material evidence. A full bibliography of secondary sources and appendices on key moments and places of exile are included.
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Durazo, Herrmann Julián. "Subnational politics and regime change in Mexico." Thesis, McGill University, 2006. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=102799.
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What happens to subnational states when the parent federation undergoes a regime change process? This is a crucial question in understanding political processes in federal countries. The visible political differentiation amongst subnational states belonging to the same federation underscores the fact that some processes are at work that are being ignored by the literature's current focus on national developments. To fill this lacuna, I develop an analytical model that seeks to explain regional differentiation during federal regime change by focusing directly on subnational politics and institutions in comparative fashion, while accounting for the inescapable influence of broader federal actors and processes. In constructing this model, I draw extensively from the theories of federalism, regime change and political parties. I argue that the decision to initiate a transition in an authoritarian setting belongs to the federation. However, regional political actors mediate federal processes in their territory and give them a profoundly subnational logic. Regionally specific institutions, interests and histories thus become intangible frontiers between subnational politics and external processes. The constant repetition of this mechanism throughout the transition creates distinct subnational polities. To test my hypothesis, I study three cases in central-northern Mexico: Guanajuato, San Luis Potosi and Zacatecas.
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Telford, Hamish. "Federalism in multinational societies : Switzerland, Canada, and India in comparative perspective." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape10/PQDD_0016/NQ46433.pdf.
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Tarrant, Neil James. "Disciplining the School of Athens : censorship, politics and philosophy, Italy 1450-1600." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2010. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/2340/.
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This thesis examines the censorship of philosophy in Italy in the period 1450-1600, seeking to establish how the scrutiny of ideas was affected by the religious crisis of the sixteenth century. One of the primary aims of this thesis is to revise older accounts of censorship, dominant in the literature of both the history of science and Italian intellectual history traditions. These historiographies suggest that the Counter- Reformation triggered the emergence of a new and repressive attitude towards the censorship of philosophy, which grievously affected Italian intellectual and scientific culture in the seventeenth century. My thesis challenges this received view by drawing upon the insights produced by historians working in other disciplines, especially institutional historians of the Inquisition and the Index of Forbidden Books, and historians of the Church who have challenged the older monolithic view of the „Counter-Reformation Church‟. It seeks to show that while there were indeed significant changes to the apparatus of censorship during the sixteenth century, notably the re-organisation of the Inquisition and creation of the Index, they did not signal an entirely new approach towards the censorship of philosophy, nor did it have the cataclysmic impact suggested by earlier historians. I argue that the attitudes towards philosophy maintained within these institutions represent a specific formulation of the relationship between philosophy and revealed faith, which was in fact consistent with ideas elaborated within the mendicant orders during the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. I argue that the implementation of these ideas as the basis for censorship can only be understood by understanding complex power struggles within the Church.
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Greig, Lorne Cameron George. "Court politics and government in England 1509-1515." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 1996. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/1733/.
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The aim of this thesis is to provide an overview of the period 1509-1515 in England, this being the first six years of the reign of Henry VIII. Within this timespan it is possible to witness the rise of Thomas Wolsey and also to examine the political situation before his ascendancy. Reaction to the new king will be examined on a number of fronts. His succession and the expectations placed on him will be looked at, expectations not only from his own people but also from those abroad. The highly visual natural of Henry VIII's court heightened this sense of expectancy and set the boundaries of the succeeding years. That group of men which attached itself to the king at work and play provides the starting point for this thesis. These were the middling courtiers, the men who sought favours and provided services. The desire for promotion at court provided a common bond for this diverse group. Young courtiers on the up, seasoned campaigners seeking rejuvenation and men of service, all sought promotion, through patronage, pedigree, personal ability or the grace of the king. Many men continued in positions of responsibility as held under Henry VII, creating a certain amount of continuity in administration. Edmund Dudley and Richard Empson felt the wrath of a monarch anxious to clear the air at the start of the reign and stamp his own brand of kingship on the court. Their associate Thomas Lovell continued and prospered under a king with no intention of embarking on a purge. William Compton rose from humble beginnings to become one of the king's closest confidants, recognised by many as the man to befriend. Opportunities were available for the ambitious courtier.
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Pratchett, Lawrence. "The politics of new technologies in local government." Thesis, De Montfort University, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/2086/4107.
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Brydon, William. "Politics, government and society in Edinburgh, 1780-1833." Thesis, Bangor University, 1988. https://research.bangor.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/politics-government-and-society-in-edinburgh-17801833(c9331ddf-c99a-4f2f-9972-74b42eba0a8c).html.
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The aim of this thesis is to analyse the development and impact of popular political consciousness in Edinburgh during the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. Particular attention is drawn to the growing political assertiveness of the middling orders in Edinburgh and to the threat which this posed both to the traditional political establishment in the city and to the established political constitution. The first section of the thesis examines some of the mechanisms by which popular political consciousness was nurtured and expressed. The structure, membership and influence of the myriad clubs and societies which flourished in Edinburgh are examined in Chapter Two. The role and influence of the press in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries are examined in Chapter Three. The second section of the thesis (Chapter Four) looks at the Town Council of Edinburgh, the lynchpin of government in the city. The third section of the thesis examines the impact which growing popular political consciousness had on the pattern of politics and government in Edinburgh. Chapter Five examines the municipal and parliamentary elections of 1780, in which disputes within the political establishment helped fuel growing politicisation out-of-doors. Chapter Six examines the radical Friends of the People reform movement of the 1790s and the reaction to it within the community. Chapter Seven discusses the origins and development of the Edinburgh Police Commission, which was set up in 1805. The role of the Commission is discussed in depth, as are the social and political themes which the controversies surrounding the Commission helped develop. Chapters Eight and Nine chart the course of reform in Edinburgh between the end of the Napoleonic Wars and the coming of the great reforms of the 1830s.
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Passetti, Francesco. "Keeping policy and politics apart: integration policies in Europe and the politics of citizenship in Spain and Italy." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/587162.
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This thesis investigates immigrant integration policies paying special attention to the Spanish and Italian citizenship regimes. It hinges upon a multi-method design and its results take the shape of a three-article structure. The first article addresses similarities and differences among European countries’ integration policies and, by means of cluster analysis on MIPEX data, it identifies policy-models characterizing the current European scenario. Two shared-configurations are captured, cutting across the East/West cleavage. The Eastern configuration is more restrictive than the Western one, especially in traditional areas of integration. The second and third articles concentrate on the domain of citizenship and try to account for the puzzling continuity of nationality laws in Spain and in Italy by relying on the explanatory power of ideas. The Spanish case is treated in the second article whereas the third article compares such case to the Italian one. In both countries ideas prove to be crucial in driving the evolution of nationality laws; however according to distinct causal logic.La presente tesis investiga las políticas de integración de los inmigrantes prestando especial atención a los regímenes de nacionalidad españolo e italiano; sigue un diseño de investigación “multhi-method” y sus resultados se estructuran en tres artículos. El primer artículo aborda similitudes y diferencias entre las políticas de integración de los países europeos y, mediante un cluster análisis con datos MIPEX, identifica los modelos de policy que marcan el escenario europeo actual. Dos macro-configuraciones son identificadas, a través de la división este/oeste. La configuración del este es más restrictiva de la del oeste, especialmente en las tradicionales áreas de integración. Los artículos segundo y tercero se centran en el área de la ciudadanía y tratan de dar cuenta de la enigmática continuidad de las leyes de nacionalidad en España y en Italia, confiando en el poder explicativo de las ideas. El segundo artículo trata el caso español, el tercero compara éste con el caso italiano. En ambos países los factores “ideacionales” se demuestran cruciales en influenciar la evolución de las leyes de nacionalidad; sin embargo, según distintas lógicas causales.
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Thomas, Frances Ellen. "Michelangelo, the Medici Principate and Fiorentinismo : the politics of culture in mid-sixteenth-century Florence." Thesis, University of Leeds, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.366229.
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Sundet, Geir. "The politics of land in Tanzania." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1997. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:1f73c896-4495-4aa7-89c5-a7cbc69a44c4.
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This is a study of the politics of public policy. It provides analysis of land policy and a study of policy making and of the Tanzanian state. Rather than deducing the state's agenda from its actions and the policies it produces, this thesis seeks to examine the interactions between the significant factions and personae of the Tanzanian political and administrative elites. This approach goes beyond identifying the divisions within the state between the Party leadership, the technocrats within the Government, and the Presidency. The thesis demonstrates how the ways in which conflicts are resolved, or deferred, and compromises are reached can lead to outcomes which do not necessarily constitute the sum of identifiable interests. In particular, a 'hidden level of government' is uncovered which consists of a technocratic elite which has, to a large extent, managed to depoliticise otherwise sensitive and controversial policy decisions and thus impose their stamp on policy outcomes. This approach to the analysis of rural land policies reveals the continuities in the state's approach to land issues. Since the colonial period, the objective of Tanzania's land policies has been to transform the countryside from the presumed inefficiencies of the 'traditional' modes of land use to fit the needs of a 'modern' and monetised economy. The modernising policies have provided the rationale for an authoritarian approach to land tenure and have been implemented by a centralised land administration. This thesis' historical analysis of the policies associated with the period of ujamaa and villagisation, and of the case studies of the 1983 Agricultural Policy and the 1995 National Land Policy, show that a modernising discourse and centralising administrative practices have remained at the centre of the policy agenda, despite dramatic changes in economic strategies and political institutions, and controversies over the future direction of land policies. The resulting land tenure regime relies on discretionary decision making by politicians and land officials and fails to provide workable procedures of checks and controls against malpractice. This study's detailed examination of the formulation of the National Land Policy reveals how a small elite of senior civil servants were able to hijack the policy making process and side-step political pressure for reform. They ignored, or appropriated selectively, the evidence and recommendations produced by comprehensive policy reviews, including the 1992 Presidential Commission of Inquiry, to maintain their direction of land policy while failing to address the evident shortcomings of the existing land policy regime.
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Ashdowne, Clare. "Maria Maddalena de' Pazzi and the politics of canonization in early modern Italy." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.539937.
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Quaglia, Lucia. "Italy and economic and monetary union : domestic politics and European union policy-making." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.390828.
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Andreotti, Libero. "Art and politics in Fascist Italy : the Exhibition of the Fascist Revolution (1932)." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/14179.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Architecture, 1989.Title as it appeared in M.I.T. Graduate List, Sept. 1989: Art and politics in Italy; the Exhibition of the Fascist Revolution.
Includes bibliographical references.
by Libero Andreotti.
Ph.D.
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McMahon, Simon Alexander. "Negotiating meanings and power : the politics of Romanian immigration in Italy and Spain." Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 2013. https://kclpure.kcl.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/negotiating-meanings-and-power(ce541450-1f43-41f5-afad-a0c11a1812f2).html.
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This thesis critically engages with the politics of citizenship, immigration and identity in Europe. It asks why different public and political responses to the presence of Romanian immigrants have arisen in Italy, where this nationality has been presented as a threat to security and public order, compared to Spain where this has not been so. In doing so, it has sought to bring an understudied immigrant population into mainstream academic view whilst contrasting the prevalent idea in academia and politics that immigrants constitute culturally homogeneous and bounded groups or communities. It argues that different responses are due not to the cultural characteristics of immigrants themselves but rather to the choices and strategies of mobilisation of structurally-situated actors who negotiate what it means to be categorised as being of one of these nationalities. It then examines the implications of the accession of Romania to the European Union in 2007, finding that the legal category of EU citizen does not directly herald an increasing presence in the public sphere for Romanian immigrants. Instead, the impact of the rights of citizenship of the EU on public references to Romanian immigrants are contingent on local contexts and dependent on the ability of specific actors to take advantage of national and local opportunities for inclusion and participation. The research project thus contributes empirically and methodologically to diverse literatures on the role of identity in contemporary politics, immigrant and ethnic minority political participation and social movements, and the implications of European Union integration on immigration, immigrant integration and social citizenship in the current phase of globalisation. It thus provides a perspective on the political dimension of immigration and ethnic relations as well as a way of unveiling and explaining the mobilisation of populist xenophobic discourses found in some European countries today.
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Pazzaglia, Nicoletta. "Madness Apparatus: Gender Politics, Art and the Asylum in Fin-de-Siècle Italy." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/18729.
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My dissertation focuses on literary and photographic representations of female madness as a means of exposing the material violence that notions of normality and of national identity produced in Italian society during the fin-de-siècle. Although many studies explore the exclusion of minorities in the project of nation-making, the mentally ill have rarely been discussed. Those studies that focus on literary representations of madness usually treat it as a metaphor or literary expedient and leave unexplored the material violence that psychiatric institutions inflicted on the mentally ill body. I aim to connect cultural realities and their representations, exploring the ways in which psychiatric and state power constructed and used the mentally ill body in the quest to create national identity. This quest was rooted in the widespread image of Italians as effeminate southerners from a backward, pre-modern part of Europe, an image that led to a crisis of masculinity.
In my study I consider the crisis of masculinity vis-à-vis practices of asexualization of the body conducted inside the asylum. Through a parallel analysis of psychiatric photography and literary representations of female madness in Giovanni Verga, Luigi Capuana, Gabriele D'Annunzio, and Futurist avant-garde writers, my study shows how these practices actively contributed to social constructions of madness. Chapter I is an introduction to the development of modern psychiatry vis-à-vis the project of national identity formation in post-unification Italy. Chapter II analyzes first literary representations of female madness and psychiatric portraits of female patients to argue that the asexualization of patients' bodies was used to offer an ontological weight to national manhood. Chapter III explores the phenomenon of hysteria to show how the body of the hysterical woman functioned as apparatus used to produce normalization. Chapter IV examines how the futurist avant-garde overturned the madness apparatus at the beginning of the twentieth century. The conclusion I draw is that the mentally ill body functioned as an abjected or excluded other whose alterity was key to the construction of Italian identity.