Journal articles: 'Itinerarium Antonini'

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Munzi, M., and M. Zennati. "Una postazione di miliari presso Abu Kammash (Tripolitania)." Libyan Studies 35 (2004): 123–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263718900003757.

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AbstractIn 1998 a mile-station was discovered along the ancient coastal road 1400 m east of Abu Kammash, a centre identified with ancient Pisida on the basis of the Roman itineraries: the Itinerarium Antonini records a distance of 54 miles from Sabratha; the Tabula Peutingeriana of only 53. The Department of Antiquity of Sabratha in collaboration with the Archaeological Mission of the University Roma Tre recovered a milestone of Caracalla (216 AD) and another of Diocletian and Maximian (290-292 AD). Both bear the number of 54 miles, a distance evidently reckoned from the city of Sabratha, in perfect accordance with the figure of the Itinerarium Antonini.

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Fodorean, Florin-Gheorghe. "Listing settlements and distances: The Emona-Singidunum road in Tabula Peutingeriana, Itinerarium Antonini and Itinerarium Burdigalense." Starinar, no. 67 (2017): 95–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/sta1767095f.

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Our contribution is focused on the analysis and interpretation of several pieces of historical data regarding the Emona-Singidunum road along the Drava River, from three important ancient documents: Itinerarium Burdigalense sive Hierosolymitanum, Tabula Peutingeriana and Itinerarium Antonini. The key question of this study is: can the Bordeaux itinerary bring more light to the question of the sources of these ancient documents? If so, which method should be used to prove this? Therefore, we decided to compare data from the Peutinger map and the Antonine itinerary with those contained in the Bordeaux itinerary, by discussing a sector of the Aquileia-Viminacium road, more precisely, the route between Emona and Siscia. The objective was to see if there are resemblances or differences between these documents. After this comparative analysis of the three ancient sources, we reached some general conclusions and observations concerning these documents. The most important observation is that the structure of the Bordeaux itinerary along the Emona-Singidunum route reveals a careful planning of the main Roman road infrastructure during the 4th century A.D. (corresponding to the reorganisation of the official state transport, cursus publicus) and before this time. Why did the pilgrim choose the Emona-Poetovio-Sirmium-Singidunum road (along the Drava River), which measures 398 miles, instead of the Emona-Siscia-Sirmium-Singidunum road, along the Sava River, which is shorter (approximately 340 miles)? We suppose the answer is based on the full understanding of the infrastructure along the Drava River. This road could provide better travelling conditions for those officials who travelled using cursus publicus. However, we think the answer is based on another important issue. Using the official transportation system, the pilgrim chose the ?official? road.

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Panaite, Adriana. "The Roman road Montana – Nicopolis ad Istrum – Marcianopolis – Odessos." CaieteARA. Arhitectură. Restaurare. Arheologie, no. 10 (2019): 47–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.47950/caieteara.2019.10.03.

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The road crossing the northern half of today’s Bulgaria from west to east runs north of the Balkan Mountains and parallel to the limes road. It is only partially represented in the Tabula Peutingeriana and Itinerarium Antonini. The segment represented in the Tabula Peutingeriana is between Melta and Marcianopolis. The only intermediate station between the two is Nicopolis ad Istrum. Th e segment Odessos - Marcianopolis appears only in Itinerarium Antonini, and is considered part of the coast road. The route segments that do not appear on the ancient cartographic sources were reconstructed based on field research that led to the identifi cation of ancient road segments, traces of settlements, stations, as well as on the basis of inscriptions on milestones. These were found in Topolite, Povlijanovo, Devnija, Odessos, and Tlačane. Except for the latter, they fall chronologically in the period between the reign of Gordian III (238-244) and the reign of Tacitus (275-276). Since the pieces are relatively late, the issue of dating the road is still an open question, as well as its role, in the scientific literature several suppositions were advanced over time.

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Navaza, Gonzalo. "Os topónimos Acea de Ama e O Xurés." Revista Galega de Filoloxía 5 (May 17, 2004): 141–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.17979/rgf.2004.5.0.5334.

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Este artigo ocúpase da historia e o significado de dous nomes de lugar galegos: Acea de Ama e O Xurés. O primeiro, denominación dunha localidade dos arredores da Coruña, é un topónimo composto do arabismo acea ‘muíño’, a preposición de e o hidrónimo prerromano AMA, que é o antigo nome da Ría do Burgo. O arabismo acea, que perdeu a consoante nasal etimolóxica, proporciona interesante información acerca dalgúns cambios fonéticos na historia do galego e a súa cronoloxía. Tanto o nome galego (O Xurés) coma o portugués (Gerês) dos coñecidos montes da raia seca proceden doutro hidrónimo prelatino que identificamos cos Originis, Oregines e Ocerensis rexistrados no Itinerarium Antonini e no mapa chamado do Ravenate, formas latinizadas ou deturpadas dun *OGERENSE ou *UGERENSE orixinario.

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Panaite, Adriana. "Written and archaeological sources for the reconstruction of Roman road network in the province of Lower Moesia." CaieteARA. Arhitectură. Restaurare. Arheologie, no. 3 (2012): 67–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.47950/caieteara.2012.3.10.

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"In Moesia inferior traces of Roman roads are rare. Most of their descriptions belong to the late nineteenth century and were carried out especially by the Shkorpil brothers. Many of the roads thus mentioned do not exist anymore. The aim of this article is to propose the reconstitution of the communication network of the province based on the analysis of literary, epigraphic and archaeological sources. Th e most important written sources are listed grouped by the type of given information on the roads: defi nition, types, stages of construction, juridical regime etc. Th e cartographic sources are the main ones: Tabula Peutingeriana, Itinerarium Antonini, Notitia Dignitatum etc. Epigraphical and archaeological sources are added to these. If the literary or juridical sources, maps, etc. contain general information, valid throughout the Roman Empire, for the reconstitution of the road system of Moesia Inferior the most important role is played by inscriptions: the milestone inscriptions, those mentioning military annexes built along the roads or second-ranking soldiers charged with guarding roads. All these data enable not only to outline the routes but also to establish their chronology. "

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Bernardini, Federico. "Rediscovering the Lost Roman Landscape in the Southern Trieste Karst (North-Eastern Italy): Road Network, Land Divisions, Rural Buildings and New Hints on the Avesica Road Station." Remote Sensing 15, no. 6 (March 8, 2023): 1506. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rs15061506.

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An interdisciplinary study of the ancient landscape of the Trieste Karst (north-eastern Italy) is presented in this paper. Airborne Laser Scanning (ALS) has been applied to obtain high-resolution topography of the 25 km2 investigated area in order to identify potential archaeological anomalies. The ALS-derived high-resolution Digital Terrain Models have been visualized and managed using QGIS and Relief Visualization Toolbox. Possible archaeological anomalies have been verified through field surveys and interpreted using a multidisciplinary approach mainly based on the collection of associated archaeological materials and geomorphological and stratigraphic evidence. From a methodological perspective, the elaboration and study of ALS-derived images, and in particular the local relief model visualization, combined with the collection of Roman shoe hobnails, have proven to be effective approaches for the certain identification and dating of Roman roads in karst environments. The obtained results have revealed an almost completely unknown Roman landscape: the investigated area was crossed by important public roads, whose layout has been accurately reconstructed for a total length of over 10 km, and occupied by large country estates, sometimes enclosed within boundary walls perfectly fitting the Roman land division grid. One of the identified buildings could correspond to a road station, perhaps the Avesica known from ancient itinerary documents—i.e., the itinerarium Antonini Augusti—due to its position and proximity to a major road junction.

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Sáez Taboada, Benito. "Aportaciones al trazado de la Vía 19 del itinerario de Antonino a su paso por Galicia." SPAL. Revista de Prehistoria y Arqueología de la Universidad de Sevilla, no. 11 (2002): 389–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.12795/spal.2002.i11.20.

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Migotti, Branka. "Je li rimska Certisija bila caput viarum? / Was Roman Certissia a caput viarum?" Journal of BATHINVS Association ACTA ILLYRICA / Godišnjak Udruženja BATHINVS ACTA ILLYRICA Online ISSN 2744-1318, no. 1 (December 1, 2017): 168–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.54524/2490-3930.2017.168.

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There was a settlement on the south-Pannonian road Siscia – Cibalae (modern-day Sisak and Vinkovci) that was in the Roman travel documents from the 2 centuries (Claudii Ptolemaei Geographia, Itinerarium Antonini, Tabul a Peutingeriana, Ravennatis anonymi Cosmographia) recorded under various names: Κέρτισσα, Cirtisa, Cirtisia, Certis, Certisia. On a fragmentary marble inscription from the 2nd – 7th nd half of the 4th - early 5 centuries, the form Certissia was inscribed. The find spot unfortunately remains unknown, but the closest candidate is the site of Štrbinci near Đakovo in NE Croatia. The inscription reads: [--- a]ccede ad Certissia[m ---]/[---] memor cupias [---]/[---] est caput v[iarum ---] ili v[iae? ---] / ----- A possible translation goes: … come to Certissia and, remembering, make a wish … here is a caput viarum or caput viae. th A mention of the administrative status of Certissia, which would support an official caput viarum there (the point from which distances were measured) is missing from the written documents. On the other hand, the Antoine Itinerary supplies an invaluable piece of information, that namely, it was exactly in Certissia that a road branched off from the main route Emona – Sirmium (modern-day Ljubljana / Slovenia and Sremska Mitrovica / Serbia) towards Dalmatia and its capital Salonae (modern-day Solin on the eastern Adriatic coast). This means that Certissia was at least a crossroads, if not exactly a caput viarum. It was exactly on the basis of this fact that I ventured the restoration caput v(iarum) or caput v(iae) in my previous discussions of the abovementioned inscription. It was extensively discussed in an early Christian context (Migotti 2012). On the contrary, in this paper the stress is put on the nature of the inscription and the arguments in favour of the restoration caput viarum. This was provoked by the fact that, while the presumption of the public inscription, as well as the reading, restoration and interpretation of the Certissia inscription, were accepted in Croatian archaeology, they were rejected in some foreign scholarly circles, who decided that the inscription was in fact en epitaph, and the restoration caput viarum incorrect. However, the idea of an epitaph should be refused on a couple of grounds. The first one is the lack of convincing parallels even among early Christian epitaphs conveying itinerary data. Secondly, the Certissia inscription starts with the praise to the town, addressed to the passer-by, with no mention of the deceased in the first part of the inscription, while such mention should figure most oddly in the reminder of the text. Accordingly, the inscription should have been public, most probably related to a building of an unknown kind. Furthermore, at least two arguments corroborate the possibility of the restitution caput viarum, the first being the administrative status of Certissia. Although capita viarum were in most cases larger towns of some importance, this was not a sine qua non, as in Late Antiquity even smaller civitates, such as Certissia must have been, could have assumed such role. Another argument is the fact that one of the roads that led from Salonae towards the inner of the province of Dalmatia ended in Servitium (modern-day Gradiška, Bosnia and Herzegovina) on the right bank of the River Sava. It has been supposed that this road, before reaching the Sava, split in two directions: westwards to Servitium and eastwards to Urbate (unidentified place in Bosnia and Herzegovina, possibly Srbac). The latter place was the point at which the road from Certissia to the River Sava ended. Therefore, while Salonae was a caput viarum for the routes within the province of Dalmatia, Certissia could have performed such role for a Pannonian extension of one of Dolabella’s Dalmatian roads.

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Abellán, Carmen Arias. "Observaciones sobre la sintaxis de la toponimia en el itinerario del Pseudo Antonino de Placentia." Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 59, no. 1-4 (September 25, 2020): 109–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/068.2019.59.1-4.12.

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SummaryOne of the basic features of the itineraries is the presence of toponyms. In the particular case of the Christian itineraries, toponyms operate in two different levels: in the places of the biblical past that is meant to be recalled in the peregrination itself and in the places “truly” visited. This fact gives toponyms a very interesting “diversity”, not only from a cultural standpoint, but also because of all kinds of linguistic facts: phonetic, morphologic, syntactic, etc. These linguistic facts reflect the situation and evolution of late Latin, an aspect of which I am going to focus on the syntactic level.

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Rodríguez Morales, Jesús, and Marcos Lumbreras Voigt. "La calzada ibérica de «Los Malos Pasicos» (Ayora, Valencia) y la red viaria antigua en torno al Castellar de Meca." Lucentum, no. 29 (December 15, 2010): 81. http://dx.doi.org/10.14198/lvcentvm2010.29.05.

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Los trabajos arqueológicos que se han efectuado en relación con el seguimiento de la ampliación de la carretera CV-437, en el término municipal de Ayora (Valencia), han sacado a la luz dos calzadas antiguas: una a la que damos cronología ibérica, que sería uno de los caminos de acceso al Castellar de Meca, y otra, que sería romana, y correspondería a la vía 31, Laminium– Caesararugusta, de la parte hispánica del Itinerario de Antonino.

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Pérex Agorreta, María J. "La mansio de Aracaeli (Uharte-Arakil, Navarra)." Cuadernos de Arqueología 18, no. 2 (March 7, 2016): 355–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.15581/012.18.4389.

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Los recientes trabajos llevados a cabo en la ermita de Santa María de Zamartze (Uharte‐Arakil, Navarra), permiten concluir que se trata del emplazamiento de la mansio de Aracaeli, mencionada por el Itinerario de Antonino. Se encontraba situada en la vía 34 que ponía en comunicación Asturica Augusta (Astorga) con Burdigala (Burdeos), es decir, el noroeste de Hispania con el suroeste de las Galias, a través del Pirineo occidental. Las diversas estancias descubiertas coinciden con las edificaciones que normalmente constituían las mansiones.

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Fatás, Guillermo. "Entre Cicerón y Tácito. Una amorosa contienda de Zurita con Antonio Agustín." Salduie, no. 11-12 (December 31, 2012): 191–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.26754/ojs_salduie/sald.201211-126637.

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No se puede comprender bien la obra, moderna y exigente, de Jerónimo Zurita (Zaragoza, 1512-1580) como historiador oficial del Reino de Aragón sin considerar su sólida formación universitaria (en Latín, Griego y Retórica), su asiduidad en el estudio de la historiografía clásica y sus trabajos sobre Boecio, la Cantabria romana, César y el corpus Caesarianum, el Itinerario de Antonino y, en fin, sus preocupaciones de estilo literario y léxico, sobre en relación con Cicerón y Tácito.

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Graham, Shawn. "Networks, Agent-Based Models and the Antonine Itineraries: Implications for Roman Archaeology." Journal of Mediterranean Archaeology 19, no. 1 (June 2006): 45–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/jmea.2006.19.1.45.

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Amore, Maria Grazia, Lorenc Bejko, Ylli Cerova, and Ilir Gjipali. "The Via Egnatia (Albania) Project and the bridge at Topçias." Journal of Roman Archaeology 14 (2001): 381–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1047759400020018.

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The Via Egnatia has attracted limited attention over the last half-century. The ancient road, crossing Albania between Durrës (Dyrrachium) and Qafe Thane, was one of the major thoroughfares of antiquity, and it remained in use until modern times. This brief report describes the work of the new Albanian Rescue Archaeology Unit, working in collaboration with the Institute of Archaeology of Albania, in an attempt to document parts of the road which may be threatened by infrastructure development.The survey was organised during April and May 2000 and involved both systematically walking the line followed by the Via Egnatia and visiting sites of different periods that developed along it. During the first season, our survey concentrated upon the area between Bradashesh (identified as themutatio Ad Quintumof the Roman itineraries), near Elbasan, and Qukës (mutatio In Tabernasof theItinerarium Burdigalense, orTrès Tabernaeof the Antonine Itinerary) (fig. 1).

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Sánchez Franco, Martín. "Hallazgo y expolio de una tumba de factura romana en Chucena: análisis y reflexiones religioso-culturales." Huelva en su Historia 16 (December 16, 2022): 5–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.33776/hh.v16.7399.

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En Chucena, junto al arroyo que también lleva su nombre, probablemente hundida por el peso de un tractor, se encontró una tumba precristiana de factura romana que acabó siendo expoliada y abandonada. La describimos. Parece parte de una necrópolis, al otro lado de un curso de agua y a una distancia prudencial de la ciudad de los vivos. Estudiamos sobre el sentido del agua para la vida de ultratumba. Chucena, en cuyo lugar Paulus Merula sitúa a la ciudad celta-conia de Conistorgis, en época tartésica estaba en uno de los caminos de comunicación entre la zona de producción minera (Aznalcóllar y Tejada la Vieja) y el yacimiento metalúrgico de San Bartolomé de Almonte. Hemos de seguir investigando sobre la posibilidad de que en el lugar de Chucena hubiera estado Conistorgis. La toponimia insinúa que hubiera sido villa romana. Pudiera haber sido vicus (aldea) de Ituci, de origen púnico, como manifiestan las primeras monedas de esta ciudad, municipio romano desde los flavios y mansión del iter XXIII del itinerario de Antonino; Talyata en época musulmana y Tejada desde el siglo XIII. Su influencia cultural, subyacente en el cristianismo desde el inicio de éste en la comarca, puede explicar las advocaciones marianas astrales de Escacena del Campo y de Chucena.

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España-Chamorro, Sergio. "Item de Esuri Pace Iulia. Los problemas de la vía XXI del Itinerario de Antonino y el límite entre la Baetica y la Lusitania." Dialogues d'histoire ancienne 45/2, no. 2 (2019): 237. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/dha.452.0237.

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Gómez, Sebastián, and Sebastián Gómez. "Una cartografía del itinerario pedagógico de Antonio Gramsci entre Italia y América Latina (1968-1991). Efectos dispares de la crisis del marxismo." Praxis Educativa 28, no. 1 (January 5, 2024): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.19137/praxiseducativa-2024-280114.

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Βλαχογιάννη, Έλενα Β. "Οι αποκρύψεις έκτακτης ανάγκης στην κυρίως Ελλάδα επί Γαλλιηνού (253-268 μ.Χ.) με αφορμή τον «θησαυρό» Χαιρώνεια 2001." EULIMENE, December 31, 2008, 107–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/eul.32786.

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Emergency hoards concealed in mainland Greece during the reign of Gallienus (A.D. 253-268) and the Chaironeia/2001 ‘hoard’. Boeotia during the first half of the third cent. A.D. and the Herulians. The Chaironeia/2001 coin hoard, exhibited today in the Numismatic Collection of the Chaironeia Archaeological Museum, was found during a rescue excavation of a Roman farmhouse (villa rustica), 500 m. outside of modern Chaironeia. This hoard consists of 10 antoniniani issued either during the joined reign of Valerianus I – Gallienus (A.D. 253-260) or the sole reign of Gallienus (A.D. 260-268).The date of the latest coin, issued from 266 to the middle of 267 or to the beginning of A.D. 268, establishes either the date of hoard’s concealment or the date of farmhouse’s abandonment. The short space between the earliest and the latest coin of the hoard, 10-11 years, the almost good condition of the coins, and their small number suggests that the house’s owner concealed the money lest he suffer some danger, so that he could regain his money safely at a later date.Prompted by this small find an overview of the emergency hoards concealed in mainland Greece during the reign of Gallienus (A.D. 253-268) has been undertaken, so that conclusions concerning their geographical distribution, the quality, and the quantity of hoards can be deduced.When looking for reasons why a farmer would feel the need to hide his money, one possible explanation comes from the literary evidence. In Historia Augusta, Vita Gallieni 13.8, the Herulians are going through Boeotia and sacking villages and farms. Their course, in combination with the findspots of the emergency hoards and the scattered information collected from the partly preserved Itinerarium Antonini 325/6, of Diocletianus era, and Tabula Peutingeriana map, of the second half of the fourth century A.D., helps strengthen the argument that Boeotians had reason to hide their money until it was safe to go back to their homes.Finally, it is likely that the Herulian going through Boeotia is more than possible, since the German intruders eventually fled northwards to Epirus and Macedonia. The Chaironeia/2001 hoard constitutes one of a lost link in a chain of emergency hiding places deposited during the reign of Gallienus. To the unproved indication of Herulian presence in Lebadeia could be added now the more secure proof of Chaironeia, which is based on the heavier numismatic evidence. The fact that the Herulian troops were persecuted by the Roman legions could be a good reason for the absence of well-founded destruction remains throughout Boeotia.

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Canales, Philippe. "Hélène Cabanes-Gracia (1919-2010), Itinerari d’una ensenhaira occitana." La revendication des « minorités régionales » en France depuis 1945, en Occitanie et ailleurs 95 (2024). http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/11yl0.

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Elena Cabanas (06/07/1919-19/11/2010) ten una plaça de las grandas a las debutas de l’ensenhament de l’occitan dins l’escòla publica d’aprèp-guerra. Tre la Liberacion se trapa dins totas las luchas : militanta sindicala, militanta Freinet e sobretot militanta occitanista. Responsable de l’Ofici de l’Ensenhament Public de la Societat d’Estudis Occitans, la SEO, monta lo Grop Antonin Perbòsc en utilitzant los metòdes Freinet que mena fins al cap en fasent capejar la lenga d’oc de la paraula de l’enfant. Farga La Garba occitana, recuèlh d’escriches d’enfants e s’endralha a la meteissa epòca dins la creacion d’una revista politicò-literària, L’Ase negre. Mas, per manca d’argent e d’ajuda, aitanben materiala coma morala, lo Grop Antonin Perbòsc e L’Ase negre s’arrestèron quora se demitèt Elena Cabanas, La Garba occitana seguiguèt pauc de temps aprèp. Dos ans pus tard, Robèrt Lafònt e Fèlis Castan fargan la Seccion Pedagogica de l’IEO e van tornar integrar Elena Cabanas dins l’activitat pedagogica de l’Institut. Farà doncas partida del Comitat de Redaccion de la revista que se va fargar, lo Butletin Pedagogic que se muda puòi en Quasèrns Pedagogics, revista que baileja de 1960 a 1964. Tanben bailejarà la revista Vida Nòstra. Se pòt tanben notar la sieuna participacion a la fondacion del MLCR (Moviment Laïc de las Culturas Regionalas) e lo trabalh de ligason qu’organitza a l’entorn de son amic Raol Bayou qu’es alara diputat d’Erau (e aderent ancian del Grop Antonin Perbòsc) dins l’amira de depausar un projècte de lei en favor de l’ensenhament de las lengas regionalas. Son combat s’arrestarà pas quora se’n anirà a la retirada. Ensenharà l’occitan al licèu d’Agde puòi farga lo Cercle occitan d’Agde. Sa darrièira lucha serà per la dubertura d’una calandreta a Agde, la calandreta dagtenca, e ne serà la capiscòla d’onor fins a sa mòrt.

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Redentor, Armando, Francisco Sande-Lemos, António Martinho-Baptista, Mafalda Alves, and Paulo Bernardes. "Miliários inéditos da Geira (via XVIII do Itinerário de Antonino, Norte de Portugal) associados às milhas XXX e XXXI a «Bracara Augusta»." Cuadernos de Arqueología, April 17, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.15581/012.31.011.

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La uia noua o vía XVIII del Itinerario de Antonino tiene origen en época flavia y establece la conexión directa entre dos capitales del extremo de la Hispania citerior: Bracara Augusta y Asturica Augusta. Uno de los aspectos más impactantes en relación con esta vía, teniendo en cuenta que no tiene raíces en época de Augusto, es el gran número de miliarios que le están asociados, lo que la coloca entre las que poseen mayor densidad de estos soportes epigráficos en todo el imperio. Se estudian dos miliarios recuperados, en la década de 1990, en las millas XXX y XXXI a Bracara Augusta, ubicadas en la sierra de Gerês (Terras de Bouro, Braga, Portugal), atribuibles a los hijos de Constantino I, haciéndose asimismo la revisión de un tercero, de Maximino y Máximo, relativo a la primera de estas millas y de descubrimiento más reciente. Una particularidad de uno de estos miliarios inéditos es el hecho de que conserva restos de pintura asociada a la inscripción. Se hace el estudio epigráfico completo, también con enfoque al significado de estos soportes en el contexto paisajístico local.

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"La vía 29 del Itinerario de Antonino entre Mirobriga y Carcuvium. Valoración preliminar del trazado mediante el cálculo de rutas óptimas." Pyrenae, no. 54.2 (2023). http://dx.doi.org/10.1344/pyrenae2023.vol54num2.3.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Itinerarium Antonini'

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